Audience publique tenue le mercredi 31 mai 2000, à 10 heures, au Palais de la Paix, sous la présidence de M. Guillaume, président

Document Number
087-20000531-ORA-01-00-BI
Document Type
Number (Press Release, Order, etc)
2000/7
Date of the Document
Bilingual Document File
Bilingual Content

Uncorrected

CR 2000/7

InternationalCourt Courinternationale
of Justice deJustice

THEHAGUE LAHAYE

YEAR2000

PublicSitting

heldon Wednesday31May 2000, at10am., atthePeace Palace,

PresidentGuillaumepresiding

in thecaseconcerningMaritime Delimitationand TerritorialQuestionsbetween
QatarandBahrain(Qatarv.Bahrain)

VERBATIMRECORD

ANNEE2000

Audiencepublique

tenuele mercredi31mai2000,a 10heures,auPalais delaPaix,

sous laprésidencedeM. Guillaume,président

en l'affairedelaDélimitationmaritimeet desquestionsterritorialesentre QataretBahreïn
(Qatarc.Bahreïn)

COMPTERENDUPresent: President Guillaume
Vice-President Shi
Judges Oda
Bedjaoui

Ranjeva
Herczegh
Fleischhauer
Koroma
Vereshchetin
Higgins
Parra-Aranguren

Kooijmans
Rezek
Al-Khasawneh
Buergenthal
Judgesad hoc TorresBemhrdez
Fortier

Registrar CouvreurPrésent: M. Guillaume,président
M. Shi,vice-président
MM. Oda

Bedjaoui
Ranjeva
Herczegh
Fleischhauer
Koroma
Vereshchetin
Mme Higgins

MM. Pana-Aranguren
Kooijmans
Rezek
Al-Khasawneh
Buergenthal,juges
MM. TorresBernirdez
Fortier,juges ad hoc

M. Couvreur,greffierTheState of Qataris representedby:

H.E. Dr. Abdullah binAbdulatif Al-MuslemaniS, ecretary-Generalof theCabinet,

asAgentand Counsel;

Mr.Adel Sherbini,LegalAdviser,
Mr. SamiAbushaikha,LegalExpert,

as Counsel;

Mr. EricDavid,ProfessorofInternationalLaw,Université librde Bruxelles,
Dr. AlibinFetaisA1-Meri,DirectorofLegal Department,DiwanAmiri,

Mr.Jean-Pierre Quéneudec, Professorof International Law at the University of Paris1
(Panthéon-Sorbonne),
Mr. Jean Salmon, Professor emeritus of InternatiLlaw, Universitélibre de Bruxelles, Member
of theInstitut de droit international,
Mr. R. K.P. Shankardass, Senior Advocate, Supreme Court of India, Former President ofthe
InternationalBar Association,
Sir Ian Sinclair,K.C.M.G.,Q.C.,Bamster at Law, Memberofthe InstituteofInternationalLaw,
SirFrancisVallat, G.B.E.,K.C.M.G.,Q.C., Professor emeritus of International Law, Univertfo

London,Memberemeritusofthe Institutde droit international,
Mr. Rodman R. Bundy,Avocatà la Courd'appelde Paris,Member of the New York Bar, Frere
Cholmeley/Eversheds,Paris,
MsNanette E.Pilkington,Avocatà la Courd'appeldeParis,Frere CholmeleyEversheds,Paris,

as CounselandAdvocates;

Ms CherylDunn,Memberofthe StateBarof California,FrereCholmeleyEversheds,Paris,
Ms Ines SabineWilk, Lawyerbefore the German Court of Appeal, Member of the Chamber of
LawyersofGermany,

as Counsel;

Mr. ScottB. Edrnonds,Directorof CartographieOperations, MapQuest.com,Columbia,Maryland

(United StatesofAmerica),
MI. Robert C.Rizzutti, ProjectManager, MapQuest.com, Columbia, Maryland (UniteS dtates of
America),
Ms StephanieK. Clark, Senior Cartographer,MapQuest.com,Columbia,Maryland (UnitedStates
of America),

asExperts;

H.E. SheikhHamadbin JassimbinJaborAl-Thani,Minister forForeignAffairs,
H.E. Mr.Ahmedbin AbdullahAl-Mahmoud,Ministerof State for Foreign Affairs,

as Obsewers.

TheState ofBahrain is representedby:

H.E. Mr.JawadSalimAl-Arayed,Ministerof State ofthe Stateof Bahrain,

asAgent;L'Etatde Qatar est represéntéepar:

S.Exc.M.AbdullahbinAbdulatif Al-Muslemanis ,ecrétaigénérad lugouvernement,

commeagentetconseil;

M.AdelSherbini,conseillerjuridique,
M. SamiAbushaikha,expertjuridique,

commeconseils;

M.EricDavid,professeurde droitinternationalàl'universitélibrede Bruxelles,

M.AlibinFetaisAl-Meri,directeurdes affairesjuridiquesduconseilde l'émir,
M.Jean-Pierre Quéneudec, professeurde droit international à l'université de Paris1
(Panthéon-Sorbonne),
M.JeanSalmon,professeuréméritd ee droit international'universitélibrede Bruxelles,membre
de 1Institutde droitinternational,
M.R.K. P. Shankardass, avocat principal à la Cour suprêmede l'Inde, ancien présidentde

l'Association internationeuBarreau,
SirIanSinclair,K.C.M.G., Q.C.,avocat,membredel'Institutde droit international,
SirFrancisVallat, G.B.E., K.C.M.G.,Q.C.,professeur éméritdee droit internatioàal'université
deLondres,membrehonorairedel'Institutde droit international,
M. Rodman R. Bundy, avocatà la Courd'appelde Paris,membredubarreaude New York,cabinet
FrereCholmeley/Eversheds,Paris,
Mlle Nanette Pilkington,avocat à la Cour d'appelde Paris, cabinet FrereCholmeley/Eversheds,

Paris,

commeconseilsetavocats;

Mme Cheryl Dunn, membre du barreau de lYEtat de Californie, cabinet Frere
Cholmeley/EvershedsP , aris,

MmeInèsSabine Wilk,avocat près d'unecour d'appeld'Allemagne, membrede la chambre des
avocatsd'Allemagne,

commeconseils;

M. Scott B. Edmonds, directeur du service des levés cartographiques, sociétéapQuest.com,

Columbia,Maryland(Etats-Unisd'Amérique),
M.Robert C.Rizmtti, administrateur de projet, société MapQuest.com C,olumbia, Maryland
(Etats-Unisd'Amérique),
Mme Stephanie K. Clark,cartographe hors classe, sociéMapQuest.com,Columbia, Maryland
(Etats-Unisd'Amérique),

commeexperts,

S.Exc.le cheikhHamad binJassimbinJaborAl-Thani,ministredes affairesétrangères,
S. Exc.M.Ahmedbin AbdullahAl-Mahmoud,ministredYEtaa tux affairesétrangères,

commeobservateurs.

L'EtatdeBahreïn est representépar :

S.Exc.M.Jawad SalimAl-Arayed,ministredYEtad t e17Etat e Bahreïn,

commeagent;Dr.FathiKemicha,Memberof theBar ofParis, Kemicha & Associés (Tunis),
ProfessorSir Elihu Lauterpacht,Q.C.,C.B.E.,onoraryProfessorof the Universityof Cambridge,
MemberoftheInstitutde droit international,
Mr. Jan Paulsson,Freshfields,Paris, MemberoftheBarsofParisandthe Districtof Columbia,
Professor Michael Reisman, Myres S. McDougalProfessor of International Lawof Yale Law
School,Memberof theBarofConnecticut, Associate oftheInstitut de droit international,

Mr.RobertVolterra, Freshfields,London,Memberof the Bar ofUpper Canada,
ProfessorProsper Weil, EmeritusProfessorat theUniversityof Paris II(Panthéon-Assa, ember
of the Académiedes sciencesmorales et politiques(Institutde France),Memberof the Institut
de droit international,

as Counseland Advocates;

SheikhKhalidbin AhmedAl-Khalifa,First Secretary,Ministryof ForeignAffairs of the Stateof

Bahrain,
CommanderChristopherCarleton,M.B.E., Headof the Law of the Sea Division of the United
KingdomHydrographicOffice,
Dr.HongwuChen,Freshfields,Pans, Memberofthe Barsof Paris and Beijing,
Mr.GrahamCoop,Freshfields,Pans, Banister andSolicitorofthe HighCourt ofNewZealand and
Solicitorofthe SupremeCourtof EnglandandWales,
Mr. AndrewNewcombe, FreshfieldsP , aris,Member ofthe BarofBritishColumbia,

Dr.BethOlsen,Advisor,Ministry ofStateoftheStateof Bahrain,
Dr. John Wilkinson, Former Reader at the University of Oxford,Emeritus Fellow, St.Hugh's
College,Oxford,

asAdvisors;

H.E. SheikhMohammedbin MubarakAlKhalifa,Minister forForeignAffairs,StateofBahrain,

H.E. Sheikh Abdul-Aziz bin Mubarak Al Khalifa, Ambassador of theState of Bahrain to the
Netherlands,
H.E.Dr. MohammedJaberAl-Ansari,Advisorto His Highness,theAmir of Bahrain,
Mr.GhaziAl-Gosaibi,Under-Secretaryof ForeignAffairs, StateofBahrain,
Her Excellency SheikhaHaya Al Khalifa, Arnbassadorof the State of Bahrainto the French
Republic,
Mr. Yousef Mahrnood,Directorofthe OfflceoftheForeignMinister,Stateof Bahrain,

as Observers;

Mr. Jon Addison,MinistryofState ofthe StateofBahrain,
MsMaisoon Al-Arayed, Ministry of StateoftheStateof Bahrain,
Mr.Nabeel Al-Rumaihi,Ministryof Stateofthe Stateof Bahrain,
Mr. HafedhAl-Qassab, Ministryof Stateof theStateof Bahrain,
MsAneesaHanna,Embassyof BahraininLondon,

MsJeanetteHarding, MinistryofStateofthe Stateof Bahrain,
Ms VanessaHarris,Freshfields,
MsIva Kratchanova,MinistryofStateofthe State ofBahrain,
MsSonjaKnijnsberg,Freshfields,
Mr. KevinMottram,Freshfields,
Mr.Yasser Shaheen,SecondSecretary, Ministry of ForeignAffairsof theStateofBahrain,

asAdministrativeStaffM.Fathi Kemicha,membredubarreaude Paris, cabinet Kemicha & Associés, Tunis,
Sir ElihuLauterpacht,Q.C.,C.B.E.,professeur honorairàl'Universitéde Cambridge, membrede
l'Institutde droitinternational,
M.Jan Paulsson, cabinetFreshfïelds, Paris, membre des barreaux de Pariset du district de
Columbia,
M. Michael Reisman,professeurde droit internationall'universitéde Yale, titulairede la chaire

Myres S.McDougal, membre du barreau du Connecticut, associéde l'Institut de droit
international,
M.Robert Volterra, cabinet Freshfield,ondres,membredubarreauduHautCanada,
M.Prosper Weil, professeurémérite à l'université deParisII (Panthéon-Assas),membre de
l'Académie dessciences moraleset politiques(Institutde France), membre del'Institutde droit
international,

commeconseilset avocats;

Le cheikhKhalid bin AhrnedAl-Khalifa,premiersecrétaire,ministèredes affairesétrangèresde
lYEtadeBahreïn,
Le capitainede frégateChristopher Carleton,M.B.E.,directeur dela divisiondu droit maritimedu
bureau hydrographiqueduRoyaume-Uni,

M.HongwuChen,cabinetFre~~elds, Paris,membredesbarreaux de Pariset deBeijing,
M.Graham Coop, cabinet Freshfields, Paris, avocat et conseil de la High Court de
Nouvelle-Zélandeetconseillerde la Coursuprêmed'AngleterreetduPaysde Galles,
M.AndrewNewcombe, cabineF t reshfields,Paris,membre du barreau de la Colombiebritannique,
MmeBethOlsen, conseiller, ministèred'Etatde1'Etatde Bahreïn,
M.John Wilkinson, ancien maître de conférence à l'universitéd'Oxford, membre émérite du

CollègeSaintHugh,Oxford,

commeconseillers;

S. Exc.le cheikhMohammedbinMubarakAlKhalifa,ministredes affairesétrangèred seBahreïn,
S.Exc.le cheikh Abdul-Azizbin Mubarak Al Khalifa, ambassadeur de1'Etatde Bahrein aux

Pays-Bas,
S.Exc. M.MohammedJaber Al-Ansari, conseilled re SonAltessel'émirdeBahreïn,
M.GhaziAl-Gosaibi,sous-secrétaire dYEtaatuxaffairesétrangèreselYEtatdeBahre'ïn,
S.Exc.la cheikha Haya Al Khalifa, ambassadeur delYEtatde Bahre'ïnauprès dela République
fiançaise,
M.Yousef Mahrnood,directeud ru bureau du ministredes affairesétrangèse Bahreïn,

commeobservateurs;

M.Jon Addison, ministèredYEtadte 1'Etatde Bahrein,
MmeMaisoon Al-Arayed, ministère d'Etatde1'Etatde Bahreïn,
M.NabeelAl-Rumaihi, ministère dYEtatdelYEtad teBahreïn,
M.Hafedh Al-Qassab, ministèredYEtatde1'EtatdeBahreïn,

Mme Aneesa Hanna,ambassadede Bahreïn, Londres,
MmeJeanetteHarding, ministère dYEtatde lYEtateBahreïn,
MmeVanessaHarris,cabinetFreshfields,
MmeIva Kratchanova, ministère dYEtatde lYEtate Bahrein,
MmeSonjaKnijnsberg,cabinetFreshfields,
M.KevinMottram,cabinetFreshfields,
M.Yasser Shaheen, second secrétaire, ministère affairesétrangères dlYEtat e Bahreïn,

commepersonnel administratif: Le PRESIDENT :Veuillezvous asseoir. La séance estouverte et je donne la parole à

M.Rodman R.Bundyau nomde 1'Etatde Qatar.

t
Mr. BUNDY: Merci,Monsieurle Président. Mr. President,distinguishedMembersof the

Court. It is indeedan honourto appear onceagainbeforeyouand to representthe StateofQatarin

thisimportantcase.

THE CARTOGRAPHICEVIDENCE INTHECASE

1.Introduction

1. Having heard Sir Ian Sinclair yesterday set out the legal, geographical and historical

underpinningsto Qatar'stitleof sovereignty overthe Hawar Islands,1wouldlike to turn to a very

importantsource of evidencein these proceedings which confirmsthat title: and this is the map

evidence.

2. The Court will appreciatethat, given the increasing sîrategic importance of the Gulf

region in the late nineteenth andearly twentiethcentury,that the cartographyof the area is very

rich. Moreover,the Courtwillnothave failedto have notedthatboth Partiesattach legalrelevance

to the maps.

3. While Bahrain has produced relativelyfew historical mapsof the area, those that it has

introducedare relied uponby ourdistinguished opponents to supporitts claimto the HawarIslands

and Zubarah,as well as itscontentionthatuntil 1935,the authorityof the Al-ThanirulersofQatar

did notextendmuchbeyond thecityof Dohaanditsimmediatesurroundings.

4. Qatar,on the otherhand,has produceda very comprehensive selectionof maps,spanning

the periodfromjust after 1868,bywhichtimethe separateentitiesof Qatarand Bahrainhadbeen

recognized, until 1936when Bahrain'sclaimto the HawarIslands first surfaced: andwe would

suggestthat thesemaps aresignificantin threebroad respects. .

5. First of all, theyemanate from awidearrayof sources. Indeed,Qatarhas furnishedmaps

fromFrance, Great Britain,Germany,Russia,theUnitedStates,Italy,Turkey,Poland,Austria,Iran

and even Australia. Thesemaps funiish important evidence of generalrepute as to the tenitonal

attributionsandthe situationonthegroundduringthe relevantpenod. 6. Secondly,the maps in question arederivedfiom both officia1and non-officia1sources. In

speaking of officia1 maps, 1 am refemng to maps that were prepared by officia1 govemment

agencies andwhich thus can be relied upon asrepresenting the consideredviews of the Statesthat

producedthem as to the political characteristics of theasthat they depict. 1would suggestthat

these mapshave a special relevanceas a resultof their officia1provenance. However,thereis also

an impressivenumber of non-officia1maps thathave been preparedby cartographic institutesand

professional map-makers throughout the world. To the extent that these have been drafted by

highly reputable cartographic houses, expert in making maps, they too are deserving of

considerableprobativevalueas evidenceofinformedopinion.

7. Thirdly, the maps in evidence in this case paint a remarkably consistent picture with

respecttotheterritorialattributionsthatthey depictthat arerelevantto the case. Whether reference

is made to the officia1 or the non-officia1cartography, the maps al1 tend to show the same

thing-namely, that from roughly 1870 to the end of the 1930s-a period of some

70years-the political entity of Qatar was recognized as extending over the entire Qatari

peninsula includingthe HawarIslands andZubarah.

8.Mr. President, in the firstpart of mypresentatio1shallundertake a chronologicalreview

of a selection ofthe relevant maps that Qatar has introduced to these proceedings. But 1must

hasten to reassure the Court that it is not my intention, obviously,to canvas al1 of the maps.

Fortunately,the maps are of such consistency that a reviewof certain representative sampleswill

sufficeto demonstratethe thrust of their importancefor purposesof assessingthe temtorial issues

in the case.

9. In the second part of mypresentation1will then turnto the maps that have been offered

into evidenceby Bahrain, includingthosethatwere introducedwith its recently filed Supplemental

Documents,in March. Lastly, 1shall addressthelegalrelevanceofthe maps in the specificcontext

of this case andin theight of whatthe map evidence,takenas a whole, shows. 2.The map evidenceconfirmstheterritorialintegrityofQatarandQatar'stitle over
the Hawar Islands andZubarah

(a) Mapsfollowingthe 1868Agreements

10. It is appropriate to begin a review of the map evidence with the period immediately

following the 1868 Agreements. It was by virtue of these agreements, as Ms Pilkington

demonstratedonMonday,that Qatarand Bahrainwererecognizedas separatepoliticalentitieswith

Mohammedbin Thani being describedas the "Chiefof Guttur".

11.Bahrain's positionas to the political situationatthis timeis illustrated by a series of very

colourful graphics that Bahrain presented at the begiming of its Reply (followingp. 9) and to

which certainofmy colleagueshavealreadyreferred.

12.1haveplaced onthe screen two illustrations from Bahrain'sReply which depictBahrain's

version of eventsas of 1868and again in 1872. It can immediatelybe seen that neitherof these

graphicsis an historicalmap in the proper sense of the word. Theyare purely illustrativeand thus

have no evidentiary valueperse. These graphics are usefül,however, when comparedwith the

genuine maps of the time, because they expose - and 1 would suggest after reviewing the true

maps in the case, the histoncal maps, that these graphics expose- the fundamental fallacies in

Bahrain'scase.

13. Let me start with the 1868 illustration producëd by Bahrain. This purports to show

spheres of influence atthe time. TheCourt will note that the entire Qatar peninsula- including

the Hawar Islandsand Zubarah - is colouredbright red; inother words,as being part of Bahrain

under Al-Khalifahcontrol. There are some green arrowsin the south, which apparentlyrelate to

the influx of tribes into southem Qatar, but there is absolutely no suggestion that any separate

entityknownas Qatar underAl-Thanirule exists,accordingto thisillustration.

14.Now, how this illustration can be reconciledwith the 1868Agreements, which treated

the Chiefs of Qatar and Bahrain separately and equally,and which thus confinned that an entity
?.

known as Qatarunder Al-Thanirule existed, is impossibleto see. Had the situation reallybeen as

portrayed on Bahrain's graphic,there would havebeen no need for the 1868Agreementsbecause

there wouldhave been no area under Al-Thani control. Yet we knowfrom the histoncal evidence

that this sirnply was not the case. The entities of Qatar and Bahrain were recognized by the

1868Agreementsas being separatedby the sea. 15.If we tm to the secondillustration- purportingto show the situation as of 1872after

the Ottomans had already established themselves in Qatar, as Dr. FetaisAI-Meri spoke about

yesterday - we will see that littlehas changedunder Bahrain's graphicsexcept for that Bahrain

now concedesa small enclavearoundDoha whichis attributedto Qatar andto the Ottomans. The

rest of the Qatarpeninsula,accordingto Bahrain,remainedpart and parce1of Bahrain.

16.Now let us comparethese two graphicsthat were supplied in Bahrain'sReply with the

contemporary cartographicevidenceto seewhetherthese illustrations standup to the facts.

17. By 1875,this was four years after the Ottomanshad establishedthemselvesin Qatar and

one year beforeShaikh Jassimbin Thani was appointedas the kaimakam - or govemor- of the

kaza, or district,of Katar, Qatar'sparatepoliticalidentityextendingoverthe entirepeninsula and

encompassingthe Hawar Islands andZubarah was being recognized in the expert cartographyof

thetime.

18.Appearingon the screennow is a rnapprepared in 1875 underthe auspices of the Justus

Perthes Institute. Justus Pertheshad foundedan independent publishinghouse which laterbecame

known as the Geographic-CartographicInstitute bearing his name and, it is no overstatement,

Mr. President, to Say that Justus Perthes possessed a worldwide reputation secondto none for

excellencein preparing detailedandaccuratemaps. The drafierof thisparticularrnapappearingon

the screen was Augustus Petermann,who was affiliated with the Institute in Gotha and who was

widelyacknowledgedas beingoneof the foremostcartographersofthe latenineteenthcentury.

19. From the enlargementof the relevant portion ofthe rnap that appears on the screen -

and which, forconvenience,mayalsobe foundin your foldersas No. 33- this rnapclearlyshows

Qatarand Bahrainas distinctentities. Qataris separately labelledandis shownby colour codingto

encompass the entire peninsula,not simply the area around Doha which, on this map, is called

El Bedaa. TheHawar Islandsarealsolabelledandshownas part ofQatar. Zubarah appearsonthe

rnapas well,and it too fallsunquestionably withinQatari temtory. Bahrain,in contrast,is limited

to the main islandof Bahrainandthe smallerislandslying imrnediatelyadjacentthereto.

20. It is significant that the Justus PerthesInstituteused to update itsmaps of the region on

virtually a yearly basis. Thus, one can pick maps fiom almost any yearstarting in 1875 and the

story will be exactly the same. A number of these maps were reproduced in Qatar'sMap Atlas,filedwith itsReply,and 17othersal1fiomdifferent yearswere depositedwiththe Courtat the time

ofthe filing oftheReply.

21. Soas not to taxthe Court'spatience,1will referto just onefurtherexamplepreparedby

Augustus Petermann in 1884. Once again, the Court can see fiom this map that the actual

situation- the actual situation as reflectedin the expert cartographyof the time - was very

differentfrom that suggestedby Bahrain'scolourful graphics. Qatar covers the entire peninsula

and includestheHawar Islandsand Zubarah.

22. In its Reply,Bahrainboldly assertsthat thereis not a singlecomrnentatorof reputethat

provides any support for Qatar's interpretationof the situation on the ground followingthe

1868Agreements (Replyof Bahrain, p. 71). Apart fiom the historical evidence reviewed by

Ms Pilkingtonon Monday,which discredits thisthesis,Qatar would submitthat the map evidence

provideseloquent testimonyof generalreputealso disproving Bahrain's thesis. Qatar and Bahrain

were consistentlyrecognized as separate entities following the 1868Agreements, and Qatar's

controlwas invariablyseento extendto andencompassthe HawarIslandsas well as Zubarah,as a

matterof informed opinioninthe expertcartographyof thetime.

(b) Mapsof thelate nineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies

23.If weturnto thecartographyofthelatenineteenthcentury,it is againinstructivetorecall

how Bahrain views the political situationof the period. On the screen now appear Bahrain's

"graphics",once more taken from its Reply,showing Bahrain's version oe fvents as of 1872and

24. The Courtwill observethat theonlydifference betweenthe 1872and 1915illustrations

is that thearea around Doha,which is concededto be under Al-Thanior Qatari rule, is slightly

largeras of 1915,andthata fourtharrow,thesignificanceof which isnot apparent,has beenadded
\
in the south purportingto show the incursionof tribes from eastern Arabia. But the rest of the

Qatarpeninsula,includingthe Hawar Islandsand Zubarah,is still clairnedto be Bahrainitemtory

asof 1915,accordingto thesegraphics. 25. Qatar has alreadyshown that thisremarkablepicture does not evenbegin to squarewith

the historical facts. And, as 1 hope to demonstrate, the thesis advanced by Bahrain cannot be

reconciledwith the contemporarycartographicevidenceeither.

26.Let us examinehowQatar was portrayedby expertcartographersand on officia1mapsof

the time.

27. The map that presentlyappears on the screen was included in the 1890 edition of the

Atlas de géographiemodernepublished by the Librairie Hachette of Paris - a highly reputable

institution. As with earlier maps,the political entity ofQatarcan be seento encompassthe entire

peninsula. Similarly,the HawarIslands appear inthe sarnegreen colour as Qatar in contrastto the

grey colouring of Bahrain. By no stretch of the imaginationcan Bahrain be said to extend across

the seato the Hawar Islandsor Zubarah or indeedto otherparts ofthe Qatar peninsulaaccordingto

this map.

28. The next map, albeitof a slightly lesserquality,but produced in 1894,is an enlargement

of an officia1Russian map prepared by the military authorities affiliated with Russian General

Headquarters. It, too, depictsthe entire Qataripeninsula, including the Islands and Zubarah, in a

brown colour whichis distinct fromthe orangecolouringof Bahrain. 1would suggestthat Russian

officialsat this time, recognizedthat Qatar andBahrain were distinct politicalentities and that the

temtorial extentof Qatarmatchedthat as describedin Qatar'spleadings.

29. If we turn to the twentieth century, we find maps from still Mer sources-both

officia1and non-official- attesting to the temtorial integrity of Qatar and the attribution of the

HawarIslands and Zubarah,alsoto Qatar. 30. The rnap thatnow appearson thescreenis takenfioma Polish atlaspublishedin Warsaw

in 1904. Bahrain, which is coloured in a distinct orange, appearsas a compact group of islands.

Qatar, on the other hand, is coloured in white as are the Hawar Islands and, of course, Zubarah, 1

bothofwhich were clearlyidentifiedas formingpart ofQatariterritory.

31. The expert cartography produced in Great Britain atthe time took the same position.

This can be seen fiom a 1910rnap produced bythe widely respected cartographichouseof George

Philip& Son in London. Once again,the Courtwill observefromthe rnapthat the HawarIslands,

or theWarden Islandsasthey were sometimesreferredto, areshadedin the samecolouras the rest

of the Qatar peninsula in contrast to the depiction of Bahrain. Qatar has furnishedother maps

preparedby George Philip - and this is a 1910 rnap- but Qatarhas furnishedmaps from 1914,

1917and 1922 which show the exact same situation, and those may be found in the Qatar Map

AtlasasNos. 48,57 and 70.

32. If we return to the German maps,they continued to depictthe situation in the same

manner as the maps that have been earlier producedby the Justus Perthes Institute in the second

half of the nineteenth century. To takejust one more example,the rnap that presentlyappears on

the screen was published in the 1914 edition of Andree'sAllgemeinerHandatlas. It presents a

particularlyclear picture of the contemporary territorialsituationwith both the HawarIslands and

Zubarahbeing identifiedas Qatari. For convenience, acopyofthis rnaphas been placedas No. 34

in yourfolders.

33. As 1previously mentioned, it was not simplymaps produced by eminentcartographic

houses which showed, as a matter of generalrepute, that the HawarIslands were Qatari. Official

mapspreparedby govemmentagenciesportrayedthe sarnesituation. .CI

34. The rnap on the screen now, Mr. Presidentand Membersof the Court, is an enlargement

of the relevant area taken from a rnap of Arabia and the Gulf prepared by the Service

Géographiquedu Ministèredes AffairesEtrangères - the French Foreign Ministry- in 1905.This map can thus be said to representthe official position of the French Govemment as to the

political situationin theegion at the time.

35. A copy of this map also appearsas No. 35 in your folders,and on it, Bahrain showsup

very clearly in an orange colour. Qatar, in contrast, is depicted in blue, as are the Hawar Islands

and Zubarah. Obviously, France didnot share the views that Bahrain has put forward in its

pleadings as to the exaggerated extent of Bahraini temtory. France'sposition entirely accorded

withthat which hasbeen presentedby Qatarin its pleadings.

36. It was not simply just French andBritish maps that depictedthis situation, but official

Italian maps wereconsistentwith their French, British,German andRussiancounterparts. Thiscan

be seen fiom the map that is now comingup on the screen - a map of the Arabian Peninsulathat

was prepared by the General Directorate of Political Affairsin Rome for the Italian Ministryof

Colonies in 1918. As with the other maps of the time, this publication provides compelling

evidenceas to howthe Italian Govemmentviewed the territorial situationjust afterthe FirstWorld

War. Qatar was recognized as coveringthe entirepeninsula,and the Hawar Islands were depicted

so as to leave no doubt as to their inclusion within Qatari territory. The Bahrain islands,in

contrast,appearina distinctreddish colour.

37. Now the significance of the 1913 Anglo-Ottoman Convention, and the 1914

Anglo-Turkish Convention and the 1916 Treaty between Bahrain and Qatar in reafirming the

territorialextentofQatarhas been discussed on Monday by Ms Pilkington. Withthe withdrawal of

the Ottomans fromthe area at the outbreakof the FirstWorldWar, Britain embarkedon a careful

studyof the temtorial situation onthe Arabianpeninsulain preparation forpeacetalksand a Treaty

of Peace,eventually,with Turkey.

38. In 1920, the British Foreign Office prepared an intemal memorandum setting out

Britain's proposals withrespect to temtorial issues affecting the Arabian peninsula, including the

attribution of islands to various chiefdoms on the mainland of the Arabian peninsula. Qatarfurnisheda copy ofthis memorandumas Annex111-38to its Reply. The memorandumin question

included a map, which had been preparedby the Bntish Admiralty, to illustrate the British

proposal. An enlarged copy of that mapis No. 36in your foldersand the map itself wasproduced

as No. 58 in Qatar's Map Atlas. TheCourt will recall that Mr.Shankardass, yesterday, briefly

referred to thisap. With the Court's indulgence1 , would liketo discuss its background andwhat

it showsin somewhatmore detail.

39. The Court will observe that the map includes a red line encompassing the Arabian

peninsula running al1the way from the Gulf ofAqaba in the northern Red Sea to the northem

reaches of theArabianPersian Gulf. Now thepurpose of thisred linewas describedin Article2 of

the Bntish proposa1in the followingterms:

"For the purpose of this Treaty [that is, the proposed treaty of peace with
Turkey]-the Arabian peninsulaincludes (1) al1tenitories other than those of the
Kingdom of Hedjaz and the British protectorate over Aden and its surrounding
tenitorial zone; and (2) the islands, whether previouslyTurkish or not, which lie
within the line whichis definedhereafter."

40. The rest ofArticle2 went onto definethe course ofthatred line. It is point No. 2 which

is the key. The Arabian peninsula includesthe islands, whetherpreviously Turkish or not, which

lie within the line which is defined hereafter. In Britain's view, the islands which were

encompassedwithin the red line were deemedto appertain to the Arabian peninsula - and more

specifically- to the independent chiefs of the adjacent mainland. Ifwe enlarge the area of the

Gulf releiant to the present proceedings,it canbe seen that theHawar Islands, which are pointed

out with the arrow there, were locatedinsideof this line and thus were consideredto appertain to

the adjacentmainland - in otherwords, toQatar. Bahrain, as is clear fiom the map, was carefully

and specificallyexcludedfiom this definitionby virtue of thefactthat it was carefullyenclavedby

a separate red line which did not include the Hawar Islands, and this was emphasized by

underlining,although itis difficult to read,the word"Bahrain"inred,there on the map. \

41. There can thus be no doubt that Britain considered the Hawar Islandsand Zubarah to

form part of Qatar'stemtory at the time: and this position was entirely consistent with the

histoncal and legalconsiderationswhich SirIanexposed to the Courtyesterday,as well as withthe

contemporary cartographie evidencewhichwasindependentlyproduced atthetime. 42. There is a further important pointwith respect to this rnap which, 1 would suggest,

underlines its significancein this case. For exactlythe same rnap was furnished to the Arbitral

Tribunal during the course of theEritrea-Yemenproceedings. Because the red line on this rnap

also reflected Britain's position with respect to the atîribution of certain islands lying in the

southem Red Sea. As the Courtwill see fiom the enlargementthat now appearson the screen,the

red line passedthrough afeatureknownas South West Rocksin the southernRed Sea leaving the

Hanish Islands, whichwere over here, atthe heart ofthe disputein the Eritrea-Yemencase, thered

line left those islands on the Arabianside of the line. At paragraph 151 of its Award in the first

phase of the Eritrea-Yemenproceedings, the Arbitral Tribunalalluded to the British position as

reflectedonthe map, stating:

"The initial positionof Great Britain at the peace talks at Sèvreswas that the
islandslyingeast of the SouthWestRocks off Greater Hanish island shouldbe placed
underthe sovereigntyof the independentChiefsof the Arabian mainland."

43. It is significant, 1 would suggest, Mr. President and Members ofthe Court, that the

decisionof the Tribunalin the Eritrea-Yemencase on the issue of sovereigntyover the islandsthat

were in disputethere, while basedon a number of factors, attributedal1of the islands lying to the

east- in other words, inside of the red line- to Yemen which was, atthat time, the local

Chiefdomon theArabian peninsula. Qatar would suggestthat exactly the same situation pertains

here with respectto the HawarIslands. Theyclearlylie insideof the red lineandthus wereviewed

by the Britishasfallingunder the sovereigntyofthe local ruler of the mainlandwhich, in thiscase,

was the Al-Thanirégimein Qatar. Bahrainwas very carefully excludedfiom this definition and

the territorialxtent of Bahrain as reflected on the rnap clearly excluded the Hawar Islands, and,

needlessto Say,Zubarah.

44. Between 1917 and 1933, the official British view of the temtonal situation did not

change. Thisis reflectedin the 1933annotatedrnap - which is now appearingon the screen and

which Mr. Shankardass discussed in some detail yesterday-this was the rnap prepared by

Mr. G. Rende1of the Foreign Office showing politicaldivisionsin the area - it is No. 17in your

folders. Itisentirelyconsistentwiththe previousrnap showingthe red linethat 1just discussed,as

well as the othercartographicevidenceproduced from bothofficia1and non-officialsources. 45. ContemporaryBritish cartography, thereforep, rovidesa clear expression of theBritish

viewas to theterritorialsituation atthetime. Obviously,thereality ofthe situationasportrayedon

these maps bears no relation to the picture which Bahrain has attempted to portray withits

graphics.

46. Notwithstanding theovenvhelmingweightof the cartographicevidence up tothe 1930s,

Bahrain,ofcourse,seesmattersverydifferently. Letmejust remindthe CourtofBahrain's version

of eventsasof 1934 - anotherofthesecoloufil graphics.

47. Thispicture isreallyquite extraordinary. Evenin 1934,Bahrain is saidto continueto

control mostof the Qatar peninsula, including Zubarah and the Hawar Islands. Yet whenthis

sketchis comparedwith the genuine cartographyofthe periodthat 1have reviewed,it simplydoes

not standup toscrutiny.

48. The final map that 1would like to displayfrom those which Qatar has introducedinto

evidenceis a 1936mapofthe Arabianpeninsulaproduced byGeorgePhilip & Sonsof London. 1

end this part of my presentation with this map because it seems to me to surnrnarisein a

particularlycompellingfashionwhatthe cartographic evidencetaken fiom the entireperiod fiom

1870to 1936demonstratesasa whole. First of all, Qataris clearlyrepresentedby a distinctrown

colouringas encompassingtheentireQatari peninsula. Second,boththe HawarIslands, whichare

againlabelledthe Warden Islandson themap andZubarahare recognizedto constitutean integral

part of Qatar. Andthird, Bahrainis highlightedin its own reddishcolour as a compactgroup of

islands separatedby the seafiomQatar.

49. None of the mapsthat 1have reviewedlendsthe slightest credence toBahrain'stheory

that pnor to 1935Qatar was limited to asmall outpostaroundthe city of Doha. Had the Hawar

Islands or Zubarah genuinelybeen under Bahraini control or subject to Bahrainiadministration

throughoutthis period, surely this would have been reflected in the contemporary cartographic

materials. 50.1s it reallycredibleMr. Presidentand Membersof the Court, that the expertmap-makers

could have gotten it so wrong for so many years? 1sit credible that officia1govemment maps

produced by France,GreatBritain, Russiaand Italy- that al1of these officia1maps- were in

error when theydepicted the territorialextent of Qatar as encompassing the entire peninsula or

when they showedthe Hawar Islandsand Zubarah invariablyas part of Qatar? Or is it Bahrain's

case which is fundamentallymisconceived? 1would suggest that the facts speak for themselves,

and that the map evidence fully confirms the legal considerations underlying Qatar'stitle to the

HawarIslandsandZubarah.

3. Mapsintroducedby Bahrain

51.Mr.President,havingcanvassedthe maps which, inour view, so clearlysupport Qatar's

position onthe territorial issues in this case,w proposeto tum to the maps that Bahrainhas

introduced,to see whether they in any way contradictthe extensive cartographie evidence that

Qatar has produced.

52. In Bahrain's words, evidence of its authority over the HawarIslands and Zubarah

following the 1868Agreementsis said to be "well documented"and "ovenvhelming" - theseare

the words of our colleagues (Bahrain'sMemorial, paras. 412 and 438). One would expect such

ambitious assertionsto be backedupby the mapevidence. Butthe fact of thematter is that priorto

Bahrain's submissionof its Supplemental Documents inMarch of this year, Bahrain was ableto

produceonly a singlemap, followingthe events of 1868which was claimedto supportits position

withrespectto the Hawar Islands. This was the very roughsurveymap, you may recall,prepared

by an Ottomanmilitary official,CaptainIzzet, in 1878whichwas producedin Bahrain's Memorial

andto which ourdistinguishedopponentsattachconsiderableimportance.

53. 1 have placed on the screen theversion of the map which Bahrain introduced in its

Memorial. Although Bahrainitself acknowledges that this map is "primitive" (Memorial of

Bahrain,para. 21),it claimsthatbecauseboth themainislandof Bahrain and the Hawar Islandsare

shaded in the sarneblue, CaptainIzzet must have considered that theHawar Islands belongedto

Bahrain. 54. It must be said, Mr. President, with al1respect, that the logic of this argument is not

readily apparent. The entirecoastalarea along thenorthem Gulf is shadedin blue and, becauseof

the small sizeof the Hawar Islands,it is not surprisingthatthisblue shadingcoversthe islands.

55.The Court willalso note that there are other blue-shadedareasas well, and these include

an area alongthe present-day Saudicoast and a large area around Al-Hufuf,which was the district

capital, as Dr. Fetais Al-Men described it, of the Sanjak of Nejd. Nowhere does CaptainIzzet

explain whatthis blue tinting or shadingis meant to mean. However,under Bahrain'slogic,these

two areasmustalsobe deemedto appertain to Bahrain- a conclusionwhichis manifestlyabsurd.

56. Regrettably,however, there is a much more seriousproblem withthe rnap that Bahrain

has introducedwhich needs to be addressed. Following the receipt of Bahrain's Memonal, Qatar

went back to the Ottoman archives to see if we could find any further information regarding this

rnap and its contextto shedlighton what it purported to depict.

57. In canying out this research, Qatar was astonished to discover that Bahrain had not

submittedthe fullrnap in question,but only a portion ofthe rnapcarefully croppedso as to exclude

substantialareaslying furtherto thenorth.

58. Here is the full map, Mr. President and Members of the Court, and what adifferent

picture it presents than the edited version submittedby Bahrain. That edited version is the bit

outlined in red. Indeed, we now see in the portion of the rnap that was omittedby Bahrainin its

Memorial, a whole series of areas shaded in the sarne blue colour as Bahrain and the Hawar

Islands- lots of areas. There is still no indication what these areas are meantto represent,but

they certainlydo not supportthe thesis advancedby Bahrain that it possessedsovereigntyoveral1

suchblue-tintedareas.

59.1 think the Court will now seewhy Bahrainwas reluctantto includethis northem halfof

the rnap inits pleadings: and quite apart fromthe inappropnatenessof filing anedited versionof

the map, the rnapas such lendsno supportto Bahrain's claimsthat the HawarIslands were deemed

to belong to Bahrain. Indeed, to the contrary, Qatar has alreadyplaced in evidence official

Ottomanmaps, discussedby Dr.FetaisAl-Men, which limitthe temtonal extentof Bahrainto the

principal island ofBahrainand its immediately surroundingislets. 60. Somuch forthe 1878Ottomansurveymap. What aboutthe othermapsrecently filedby

Bahrain with its Supplemental Documents? Despite having nine months to conter the rnap

evidence produced with Qatar'sReply, Bahrainhas only been able to produce a mere four maps

covenng therelevantpenod inits SupplementalDocuments.

61. The first such rnap is a rnap taken fiom a hand atlas published inLeipzig in 1905,an

enlargementof which is now appearingonthe screen. The Court will observethat Qatar is shaded

in two different colourson this rnap- orange in the north and green in the south. The basis on

which this colouring was added is not known. But what can be said is that the rnap bearsno

relation to realitysince it includes Al-Bida- or Doha - in the area which, under Bahrain's

reasoning, would appertainto it - to Bahrain- by virtue of its orange colouring. Yet even

Bahrain - in its pleadingsand in the sketchmaps that 1showed you earlier - admitsthat Al-Bida

was under the control of the Al-Thani,an Ottoman régime, eversince 1872. Sothe rnap doesnot

even square with Bahrain'sversion of events. Moreover, if one looks at the largerversion which

Bahrain has included with its SupplementalDocuments, it will be seen that the colour coding

suggeststhat Bahrainandthe northem part of Qatar, colouredin orange,were partof Persia, again

a conclusion which does not square with the facts, since it is well known that Persia's-or

Iran's- claimto Bahrainincluded onlythe main island and specificallydidnot includethe Hawar

Islands or certainlyany area onthe Qataripeninsula.

62. The secondrnapproduced by Bahrain in its SupplementalDocumentsfares no better. It

is anothernon-officia11905rnap,this timeproducedin St.Petersburg.

63. If the Courttakesthe time to examinethis rnapwith the previousrnap1just discussed, it

will see thatthis rnap is anact reproductionof the previousmap, the onlythingthat has changed

is that the titles are now in Russian, unlike the previous map: but the rnap itself is identical.

Consequently,thisrnapcannotbe relied onas an independentor accurateportrayalof the areaoras

supportingBahrain'scase. In contrast,Qatarhas placed severalofficialRussianmaps - andthese

are Nos. 20, 83 and 88 in the Qatar Map Atlas - which directly contradictthis rnap in showing

the genuinesituationasperceived andunderstoodby the RussianGovernment.

64. The third rnap submitted by Bahrain is an undated rnap taken, apparently, from a

twentieth centmy atlas. This rnap at least has the benefit of correctly depicting the temtorialintegrityof Qatarby virtueofthe factthattheentireQatarpeninsula,includingZubarah,is shaded

in the sarnecolour. 1would suggestthat,becauseof the scaleofthernapand thecoloursused,it is

really quite impossible toSayto whomthe HawarIslandsare attributed. So howthis rnap canbe

saidto supportBahrain'stheoryof thecaseisdifficultto discem.

65. In thefinalrnap whichBahrainintroducedin its Supplemental Documentsis yet another

1905map, publishedin an unofficial Britishatlas. It shows thesame thing as the previousmap.

To the extent that Bahrain arguesthat this rnap depicts the HawarIslands in the same colour as

Bahrain,Qatar can Saythe samething. Theislandsare in the samecolour as Qatar. The map, as

such,no more supports Bahrain's positionthanitdoesthat ofQatar.

66. That is the surntotal of the maps, the historicalmaps,introducedby Bahrainduringthe

relevant period fiom 1868to 1936: five maps. One is the 1878Ottoman survey rnap which

Bahrain has rnisrepresentedand which is, I would suggest, uselessto its case. Three of the

remaining four appear to be aberrations,non-officiallyproduced,al1printed in one year, 1905,

which are either demonstrably inaccurate,as 1have shown, or which simply do not support the

appurtenanceofthe Hawar Islands - muchlessZubarah - to Bahrain. And the fourthmap, the

undatedone, isequally supportiveofQatar'scaseas thatof Bahrain.

67. In contrast,1wouldrespectfullyrecallthat Qatarhas produced89mapsin its Map Atlas,

and another 19 which it depositedwith the Court, spanningthe entire period fiom the 1860sto

1936and taken fiom a wide spectrurnof officialand non-officialsources. And al1these maps

confirm both the extent of the political entityof Qatar during the period and the fact that the

HawarIslands and Zubarah were deemedto be Qatari. It is the overwhelrningweight of this

evidence emanating,as it does, fiom highly reputable sources, which,Qatar submits,is legally

relevant.

4. Thelegalrelevanceofthemaps

68. And tbis leads me, Mr. President,to the final portion of my presentation and the
,
shortest- the issue of what legal weight shouldbe accorded to thernap evidence introducedby

the Parties. Andinthis respect,there aretwopreliminary pointsthatshouldbe reiterated. 69. First, as 1 mentioned earlier, it is significant that both Partieshave relied on the map

evidenceto supporttheir cases. It followsthat,in principle,the Parties areagreedthat the maps do

have a legal relevancein this case. And second, Qatar wishesto make it very clear thatit does not

rely on the cartographic evidenceas creative ofits titleto the Hawar Islandsor Zubarah. That title

results from the operation of legal and factual considerations whichSir Ian and others have

discussed. Nonetheless, themaps have an important role to play in this case in so far as they

constitute confmatory evidence of an historical nature pointingto a widespread recognition, or

general repute, that the political entity of Qatar covered the entire peninsula including the

Hawar Islands and Zubarah. As 1trust 1have shown,there is no crediblemap evidencefrom the

relevant period producedby Bahrain indicating that either the Hawar Islands or Zubarah were

considered tobe Bahraini. The ovenvhelmingweightof the evidenceis al1in the otherdirection.

70.Now, it is no doubttrue, as the Courthas had occasionto note in the past, that maps do

have to be approached with a degree of caution. As the Chamber of the Court observed in the

FrontierDisputecase:

"maps areonly extrinsicevidence of varying reliabilityor unreliabilitywhich may be
used, along with other evidence of acircumstantialkind, to establish or reconstitute
thereal facts" (FrontierDispute,Judgment,I.C.J.Reports 1986,p. 582,para. 54).

71. In assessing the legal relevance of the map evidence, Qatar submits that three criteria

should be borne in mind. First, the mapsin questionmust be technically accurate in order to be

accorded evidentiary value. Second,mapsproducedby officialgovemmentagenciesareentitledto

particular weight due to their official provenance. And third, maps produced by reputable

cartographicinstitutes which depict with consistency anestablished state of affairs are entitled to

considerableprobative valueas evidenceof generalrecognitionor repute.

72.Now,withrespect to the first criterion- thetechnical accuracy ofthe maps - the Court

need not have any worries. Al1of the maps introducedby Qatar have either been produced by

official govemment agencies or by highly reputable and impartial cartographic institutes well

known for the quality of their work. Moreover, by the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries,

significanttechnical advanceshadbeenmade permittingthe production ofaccuratemaps.

73. As for the second criterion- the provenance of the maps- Qatar has submitted

officialmaps preparedby the Govenimentsof France, Great Britain,Russia,Italy and Turkey. Al1of thesemaps support Qatar's position regardinthe attributionof the HawarIslands andZubarah

to Qatarorthe overalltemtorial integrityof the Qatar peninsula.Bahrain,on the other hand,has

beenunableto producea singleofficialrnapfroman officialsourcewhichsupportsitsposition.

74. Turningto thethird criterion-the issueof generalrecognition orrepute- oneof the

remarkablefeaturesof the rnap evidencein thiscase, as 1havesuggested, is thefactthatvirtually

al1of the maps, despitehaving been drawn from so many sources and over 70 years of time, al1

show the same thing. Even in cases where there has been conflicting rnap evidence as, for

example,the Eritrea-Yemenarbitration, the Arbitral Tribunal in those proceedingswas able to

concludethatthe Yemeni rnapevidencewassuperiorin scope and volume tothat of Eritreaand as

such,it provided "importantevidence of general opinioonrrepute"(Awardinthe FirstStageof the

Eritrea-Yemen Arbitration,paras.381 and 388).

75.Here, the evidencecannotbe characterizedas conflicting. Qatar has submittedliterally

dozens,over 100by my count, of maps from adozen differentcountriesconfinning its position.

Bahrain hassubmitted five maps, none of which support itscase. In these circurnstances,the

remarksofthe arbitral tribunalin theBeagleChannelarbitration seem particularlyapposite. And

therethe Courtwillrecallthat theTribunal stated:

"Wherethere is a defuiitepreponderanceon one side - particularlyif it is a
verymarkedpreponderance - andwhileof courseeveryrnapmustbe assessedonits
own merits-the cumulativeimpact of a large number of maps,relevant for the
particular case,that tell theame story- especiallywhere some of them emanate

fromthe opposite Party,or fiom third counb5es- cannotbut be considerable,either
as indicationsofgeneraloratleast widespreadreputeorbelief,or elseas confirmatory
of conclusions reached, as in the present case, independently ofthe maps."
(U.N.R.I.A.A. , XI,p. 53, atp. 166.)

76. Finally, Qatar would notethat in situations where the temtory in question lacks a

permanent population,as was the casewiththe Hawar Islands,it is to be expected thattheParties

will be able to show little, if any, credibleevidence of actual administration and controlon the

ground. And in such cases, a consistent pattern ofrnap evidence,such as we have here, can be

especiallyuseful in demonstrating how thetemtorial situationwas viewed by third parties as a

matterofinformed opinion. 5. Conclusion

77. It is in the light of these authorities, that Qatarsubmitsthat the maps, lookedat in their

totality,rovide an important sourceof evidence confirming Qatar'stitle over the Hawar Islands

and Zubarah.

78. Mr. President,that concludesmy presentationon the map evidence.1wouldlike to thank

Members of the Court for the attention they have accorded me, and 1 would ask that

Mr. Shankardassbe called onto continue Qatar'spresentation.

The PRESIDENT: Thank you very much, Mr. Bundy. Je donne la parole maintenant à

M. Shankardass.

Mr. SHANKARDASS:Mr.President,distinguishedMembersofthe Court.

OIL CONCESSION - HISTORYANDTHE 1936-1939 DECISIONS

1.Inmy presentationtothe Courtyesterday,1drewattentionto anurnberof documentsfrom

1933expressingtheclear viewof Britishofficialsthat the HawarIslands werepart ofQatar. 1was

also able to show the Court a few maps including one prepared bygeologists who conducted a

survey of Qatar and attached the map to their report of July 1933; the map which had been

attached to Qatar's Oil Concession Agreement of May 1935; and two officia1maps which

Mr.Bundyhas just referred to, oneof them annotatedby Rende11of the ForeignOfficein 1933,al1

demonstratingthatright up to the timeof the Qatar Oil Concessionof 1935and therelated British

guaranteeofprotectionof Qatar, theHawarIslands were regardedby theBritishas appertainingto

Qatar.

2. Let me now turn to the circumstancesin which this view was reversed in 1936. Qatar

pointed out in itsmorialthat Bahrainhad madea claim to the Hawar Islandsin 1936, andsoon

after thatseveral British officials, both in the Gulf and in London, quite openly argued for or

stressed the political and strategic advantages totain of a decision on Hawar in Bahrain's

favour'. Bahrain'sresponseto thisin itsCounter-Memorial beganwiththe assertion:

'~emonal ofQatar, para. 6.134. "Thefactsplainly show,to the contrary,that if Britainhad alloweditself to be
guided by such impulses rather than by legal principle, it would have favoured the
grantof theHawarIslands [ownership]to~atar."~

3. But, having said this, Bahrain then adopts a somewhat contradictory positionby

proceedingto statethatafter BAPCO,the Americancompany, securedan oilconcessionunderthe

Agreementof 1925, "Britain wasto do itsutmostto promotethe interestsof Britishoil companies

over thoseof Americanoil companies"; and thatwhen APOC,regardedas a British company,and

later its group subsidiary, Petroleum ConcessionLs td. (PCL), decided to jointhe competitionfor

the Bahrain unallottedarea, it became Britain'smajor concem to ensure that any additional

concessionrights awardedto BAPCO wereconfined toas smallan area as possible3. Bahrainhas

drawn attention to the evidence on this issue in its Counter-Memorialand Qatar's response

thereforeis mostlycontainedin itsReply andwill bediscussedby me,briefly, today.

4. 1proposeto demonstrateto the Court that Britishoficials from 1936onwardsweremost

anxiousto ensurethatthenew concessionfor Bahrain's "unallottedarea w"asgrantedto PCL rather

thanto BAPCO; andfurthemore, that their actionsin pursuitof this aimledthem precipitatelyto

reverse, in 1936,the British view held, even as recentlyas 1935that the HawarIslands were an

integralpartof Qatar; and that theseactions, manifesting themselvesin a consciousbias in favour

of Bahrain on the sovereigntyissue, vitiatedthe British decision of 1939on the ownershipof

HawarIslands.

5. Negotiations fora concession covering Bahrain's unallotted area wereresurnedin 1936.

PCL, the "British" company,submitted aproposa1for a concessionon 16April 1936, and afew

days later-as the Court is now aware-Bahrain decidedfor the frst time to make a forma1

written claim to the Hawar Islands by its letter of 28April 1936 fkomBelgrave to the Political

Agent. Sir Ian Sinclairhas alreadyreferredto thisletterand willbe analysing itscontentsinsome

detailin a laterpresentation; formypurposeit isonly relevantto draw attention tothe factthat the

claim was expressly made in thecontext of negotiationsfor a concession overthe "unallotted

2~ounter-~emorialfBahrain,para.197.

3~ounter-~emonaol fBahrain,paras.205and217.
4~ernorialof Bahra, ol. 5, Ann.246,p.1.07 6. WhenPCL becarneaware of Bahrain'sclaimto the HawarIslands,it protestedon the very

next day by a letterof 29Apnl 1936to Walton inthe India Office. Inthis letter,which is in your

folderat No. 37,PCL drew attention tothe factthat, as they were now negotiatingwith the Shaikh

of Bahrain for a concession overhis unallotted area, he had commenced by claiming "that the

Island of Hawaris part of his dominion^" PC L pointed out, in this letter, that the island was

situatedjust off the west coast of Qatar and went on to assert firmly and entirely accuratelyin

words,whicharenowonthe screen:

"The island is shown on the officia1map of Qatar which was signedby the
Shaikh of Qatar and by Mr. Mylles and whichforms part of the Qatar Concession.
This map,1believe, wasseenandapprovedby the Political Residentand,perhaps,the

India Office. Al1this pointsto its forming partof Qatar andnot of ~ahrain."~

Apretty concisesumrnaryof someof the submissions1made yesterday.

7. However, as Bahrain had in fact made a claim to Hawar the day before, the letter

concluded with arequestfor a clarificationas to whom, in the opinion of the British Govermnent,

did the islandbelong. This request,in the context, was ineffect for a confirmation ofCL'sview

ratherthan a requestforwhat Bahraincalls "an advisoryopinion"'.

8. In the meantime, dealingwithBahrain'sforma1claim of 28 Apnl 1936,Loch,the Political

Agent, proceeded to acceptthe bare assertionsin Belgrave'sletter and recornmendto Fowle, the

Political Resident, in his letter of 6May 1936, Ljudges'folder, No. 381, that there was real

substancein Bahrain'sclaim. He mentionedthat Hawar Island was alow, desolatelooking place

near the mainland of Qatar, but, said he, that it might have considerable value "now that oilhas

been found in Bahrain and is hoped for in Qatar", andthen, in what appearsto evidencethe first

indicationof the reason for the change in the British position on the ownership of Hawar,wrote

that "it might in certain circumstances suit us politically to have as large an area as possible

included under Bahrain". Similarly, Fowle, the Political Resident, without considering any

evidencein supportof Bahrain's claim, simply proceededto expressthe viewthatHawarshouldbe

regardedas belonging tothe Shaikhof Bahrainand that the burden of disproving this wouldlie on

'~ernonal of Qatar,AnIII104Vol. 7,p. 19.
Vbid.
'1bid.the Shaikhof Qatar, who knew nothingaboutthis. SirIanSinclairwillreview thistumof events

more fullyin his presentation. For now, 1onlywishto drawthe Court'sparticular attentionto the

contrast between the various objective opinions expressedand accepted since 1933'and these

subjectiveviews clearlydictatedbypoliticalpolicy.

9.InJune 1936,theAmericancompany, BAPCO,also notifieditsintentionto negotiatefora

concessionover the entire unallotted area of Bahrain andits temtorial waters. Itwill be seen

therefore that while Bahrain'sforma1claim of 28 April 1936to the Hawar Islands was being

consideredin London,the questionof whichcompany couldsecureBahrain's newconcessionfor

itsunallottedarea was simultaneouslyreceiving attention9.

10.Another issue thatwas exercisingBritishofficialsin London atthe sametimewasto try

to restrict control of oil resources in the Gulf area by American companies. In this context,

Starling, asenior officia1in the PetroleurnDepartmentin London,writingto the India Officeon

3 July 1936,expressed his concern for "securinga measure of Britishcontrol" over oil supplies

from the Gulf area, and proposed that theBritish Governrnentmight suggest to the Sheikh of

Bahrainto give theremainder ofBahrainto PCL". Hethereforesuggestedthat thewholeissuebe

discussedatan interdepartmentalmeeting.

11.Asregards Bahrain's new formalclaim to theHawarIslands,Walton of theIndiaOffice,

in a memorandurnof 8July 1936forthe SecretaryofStatefor India,expressedhis agreementwith

Fowle'sview that Hawarshouldbe regardedas belonging tothe Sheikhof Bahrain. Althoughhe

pointed outthat this would be a provisionaldecision, as a final decision could not be reached

withouthearinga Qatar claim,if any,he wenton to concludethat "Qatarmay make a claimin any

case,but ithardly seemsnecessaryto putitinto hishead byaskingwhetherhe has one"''.

12.On the next day, 9July 1936, therewas helda crucialinterdepartmentalmeeting,where

Starling,Walton anda number of senior officialswere present. The firstitem of the Minutesof

thismeetingis particularly important fortheseproceedings, foritrecords:

paras.4.251eseq.,andMemorialof Qatar,Ann.111.10, ol. 7,pp.31,35.l.7, pp.27, 30; see also,Replyof Qatar,

'l2eplyof Qatar,para.4.212.

'O~ounter-~emoriolfBahrain,Vol.2Ann.76,p.240.
'~emorialof Qatar,Ann.III.109,Vol.7,p.41. "The meeting first examined the question of the ownership of the Hawar
Islands. It wasagreedthat ontheevidenceat presentavailablethese Islandsappearto
belong to the Sheikh of Bahrein,and that the burden of disproving this claimlay on
any other potential claimants. It was agreed that the Sheikh of Bahrein shouldbe
informedac~ordingl~."'~

13. In other words, the question of ownership of the Hawar Islands was quickly and

swnmarily decided in favour of Bahrain, notwithstanding the lack of anyeffort to examine

previousofficiairecords,notably thosecovering theyears fiom 1933to 1935,or indeed any other

evidence,and without any thought of obtaining theviews of the Ruler of Qatar. As 1will shortly

show, though this decisionwas statedto be "provisional",it was in actual fact treated as final and

immediately actedupon as such, by al1concerned. 1would drawthe Court's particular attention to

the remarkable forma1direction in the decisionthat "the Sheikh of Bahrein shouldbe informed".

The Ruler of Qatarwas not even mentioned. This statementwas clearly to enable the Shaikhof

Bahrain,and as the Courtwill see, didenablehim fromthen onwards,to offerthe Hawar Islandsas

part of histemtory forthe proposednewconcessionfortheunallottedarea13.

14. At the same interdepartmentalmeeting, Starlingpiessed his favourite policy to further

Britishoil interestsinthe Gulf. As Bahrainalsopointsout14,the Minutesof the meetingrecord:

"Mr. Starling [of the PetroleumDepartment]then suggestedthat His Majesty's
Government should exert a sub rosa influence to induce the Sheikh to give the

concessionfortheunallottedareato [PCL] ..."

The Minutes further record that Starlingexpressed the hope "that United States concems would

gradually disappe.arfiom the Gulf and thatthe whole area wouldfa11under British control". The

record also shows that this crudely chauvinisticpassage was later replaced by a more emollient

sentencecontaining an expression of a hope that if PCL could securethe remainder of Bahrain,it

would give the Companya better chance to acquire the Amencan interests in the Gulf, thus

strengtheningthe Britishposition in thearea15.

15. The change in the views of British officials in the Gulf on the ownership of the

HawarIslandsbetween 1933and 1936inthe face of al1of the evidence1mentioned yesterday,this

change to which 1havejust referred, combined withthe anxiety at the interdepartmental meeting

''Replyof Qatar, paras.4.213-4.214; Counter-MernorialofBahrain,Vol. 2,Ann.77,p. 243.

"Reply of Qatar, para.4.214.
14~ounter-~emonalofBahrain,para.252.

'S~eplyof Qatar, para.4.215.on 9July 1936 to advance -Britishoil interestsby securing the new Bahrain concession for PCL,

clearly suggest that, by that date, at least some British officials were inclined to believe that

atûibuting the HawarIslands to theRuler of Bahrainwould helpto persuadehim or inducehim, as

Mr. Starling said, to grant the new concession overthe "remainder of Bahrain" to PCL. In any

event, the so-called "provisional" decision of 9 July 1936 was immediately communicated to

Belgravethe very nextday and hepromptly announcedthat theShaikh of Bahrain would enterthe

island in the list of his possessions to be given to PCL'~. As Bahrain itself confirms in its

Counter-Mernorial,it was clearto al1parties that the oil concessionnegotiationswith the Ruler of

Bahrain were to proceed on the understanding that the Hawar Islands were included within the

temtories of ~ahrain".

16.In responseto the PCLletterof 29 April 1936that1have referredto andwhich contained

the strongand firmsummary ofthebasis of Qatar'stitle to the HawarIsland, PCL was informed of

the "provisional" Britishdecisionin favourof Bahrainby the India Office on 14July 1936. At this

point, PCL rapidly changed tack. Instead of persisting with the argumentthat the Hawar Islands

already fell within the 1935 Qataroil concessionheld by them18,PCL continued its negotiations

with the Ruler of Bahrain for a concessioncovenng the wholeof what was claimedto be Bahrain's

"unallotted area", this expression beingnow understood by al1 involved in the negotiations to

include the Hawar Islands. Now, why did PCL pursue this strategy? PCL wanted to have a

foothold in the Bahrain islands, where BAPCO hadalready commencedoil production. Once it

was made known to PCL in mid-July 1936,that the British Governmenthad made a provisional

decision in favour of the Bahrainiclaim to Hawar,PCL obviously decidedthat their commercial

interests outweighedwhatever loyalty they may have felt towards the Ruler of Qatar who had

grantedthem only one year previously an exclusive oil concession covering thewhole of Qatar. It

is alsoquite on the cardsthat Britishofficialsin Londonor in the GulfactivelyencouragedPCLto

persistwith theirbid tothe RulerofBahrain fora concession covering theunallotted area.

'6~emorialof Qatar, Ann.111,Vol. 7p. 51.

"counter-Mernorial of Bahrain,para.255;Counter-Memonalof Bahrain, Vol.2,Ann. 78,p. 246;Memonal of
Qatar,Ann.111.11,Vol.7p. 55; Counter-MemorialofBahrain, Vol.2,AM. 80,p.249.
"Memorial of QataAnn.111.10 Vol.7,p. 19. 17. As Longrigg of PCL explained at ameeting held in the India Office in London on

12Apnl 1938, ifenquiries showedthat the HawarIslands belongedto the Sheikhof Qatar, they

wouldbe includedin the concession whichPCL hadalreadyobtainedfrom thatRuler;and thatby

enteringinto negotiations with the Sheikhof Bahrainfor them, theCompanywere merelyrunning

therisk of payingtwicefor thesamethingIg.

18.This, then, was the cynical response which Longrigg gave at the meetingon behalf of

PCL in response to a suggestionby Fowle that the resumption ofnegotiations be postponed in

orderto determineclearly,as betweenBahrainandQatar,the ownershipof the HawarIslandsand

Fasht Dibal. But PCL strongly opposed any suggestion ofpostponing the negotiations; and

indeed, Longrigg proceededto assert he personally thoughtit would be a pity to put ideas of

ownership intothe mind of the Sheikhof ~ata?'. Al1this as part of PCL'seffort to secure a

concession over theunallotted area.

19.Here is proof of Qatar's contentionin its written pleadings21that PCL wereextremely

careful,in the periodbetween 1936 and1939,towithholdfromthe Ruler of Qataranyknowledge

of the Company's involvemenitn negotiationswiththe Ruler ofBahrainaboutthe unallotted area.

PCL wereplaying adeviousgame. Theywantedto securea newconcessioncoveringthat part of

the Bahrain islandsnot yet covered bythe BAPCOmining lease,or as 1will shortlyshow, atleast

the HawarIslandsand other islands andisletsclose tothe Bahrainmain island. But, inseekingto

achievetheir aims,PCL couldnotputtheir Qataroilconcession atrisk. So, therewaseveryreason

for PCLto concealtheir ambitions and activities from the Rulerof Qatar, who wasthus, it would

appear, kept in total ignorance ofthe developing oil concessionnegotiations concemingthe

so-called "unallottedarea" of Bahrain, includingthe Hawar Islands,during the years from 1936

to 1939.

20. As 1 have indicated earlier, fromJuly 1936 onwardsthe British authorities not only

permitted,but evenparticipated in, concession negotiations on the basis that the Hawar Islands

werepartof "theunallottedarea"of Bahrain. It wasBelgravewhoreported to theIndiaOfficeon

'g~emorialofQatarAnn. 111.4, ol.7,pp.241,245.

20~emoriaol fQataAnn. 11112,Vol.7,p. 245.
2'~ounter-~emorialf Qatar,paras.3.64to3.66.17July of that yearthe progressof the concessionnegotiationsand the details of the termsoffered

by both PCL and BAPCO, pointing out that both companies attached great value to the oil

prospects of the Hawar Islandsand soughtthe BritishGovemment'sviews onthe terms ~ffered~~.

The Ruler of Bahrain'sown first response to the offers from the two companies was that the

additional or unallotted area might be dividedbetween them: with the area that includedHawar

Islands to be given to PCL, and the rest of Bahrain "proper" toPCO~~.Both the companies

foundthe idea ofdividingthe additionalareaunacceptable. BAPCOdesiredto obtain a concession

overthe whole additional area, and clearly theal attractionfor PCL was to secure a concession

notjust over the Hawar Islands butoverreasin BahrainitselP4.

21. The presuppositionthat the HawarIslands were part of BahraiLsunallotted area, andit

would be the Ruler of Bahrain who would be granting a concession of that area, was rapidly

hardeninginto anunchallenged assurnption.At a meetingin the IndiaOfficeon 1October1936,it

was again Belgravewho was assigned the task of ascertainingfrom PCLwhether it wouldaccept

anoil concessionlirnitedonly tothe Hawar Islands,or to the HawarIslandsand a fewsmallislands

adjoiningthe twomain Bahrainisland~~~.

22. 1 must point out, however, that not every British officia1concemed regarded the

"allotment"of HawarIslandsto Bahrainwithequanimity. SirIan Sinclairalludedyesterdayto the

view expressed by Rende1 of the Foreign Offlce, recorded well over a year after the 1936

"provisional"decision,in wordsthat arenowon the screen:

"Asregards the Hawar Islands. ..1cannot helpregrettingthat the India Office
went so far as they seemto have donein allottingtheseislands to Bahrein. Theyare
obviously,fromthe geographicalpointof view, apart ofQatar, andsincethe Qatar oil
concession is held by a British company [PCL],whilethe Bahreinconcessionis held

by a purely Amencan company, 1 should have thought that interest, as well as
geography,oughtto haveledus to allocatethem toQatar."

TheCourt will no doubtnoticethat even Rendel,though anopponentof the so-called "provisional"

decision, appeared tobeassumingin December1937,before theinquiry into the ownership ofthe

22~emorialofQatar,An111 .1,Vol. 7,55.

23~eplyofQatar:AM.111.5Vol3,p.311.
24~emonalofQatar,AnnIII114V,ol7,p.63andReplyof QataAM. 111 .5Vol3,p.317.

25~emonalofQatar,Ann1111.1Vol.7,p.59.islandshad even begun,that the "allotting"or "allocation" ofthe Hawar Islands to Bahrainwas

irre~ersible*~.

Mr.President,wouldthisbe a convenientmomentformeto stopfora break?

ThePRESIDENT: Thankyouverymuch. TheCourtwillsuspendfor aquarterof anhour.

TheCourtadjoumedfrom 11.25a.m.to 11.50a.m.

LePRESIDENT :Veuillezvousasseoir. La séance esrteprise. MonsieurShankardass,vous

avezlaparole.

Mr.SHANKARDASS:Merci, Monsieurle Président.If1mayresume.

23. On 1May 1937,the Ruler ofBahrain hadagainsuspended negotiationsfor oneyearon

the ground that the questionof Zubarah was exclusively occupyinghis attention2'. When the

negotiations wereresurned in 1938, in view of the BahrainRuler'sknowndesireto dividethe area,

PCL had decided to restrict the area fiom whichit sought aconcession,to a lirnitedarea on the

BahrainIslandsand anotherwhichincluded theHawar1slands2'.

24. Sir Ian Sinclair willbe addressingyou on the developments following Fowle'p sroposal,

in 1938,to initiate an "enquiry" intothe contestedissue of sovereigntyover the Hawar Islands.

However,given that the Political Residentwas simultaneouslyexpressingthe viewthat "fiomthe

politicalpoint of viewit will suitquitewell if wegive Hawarto Bahrain, asthis will balanceour

previous decision of giving Zubara to ~atar"~',in view of this, obviously any prospect ofan

impartialand objective consideration of the issue wap sut in doubtat the outset. What Fowlewas

proposingwas ineffectonlyto gothroughthemotionsofanenquiry.

25. As the Court will recall,two monthsearlier,Le.,in February 1938,the Ruler of Qatar

had himselfalreadycomplainedorally to thePoliticalAgent(Weightman) aboutBahrain'sillegal

activitieson ~awd'. But some indicationof even Weightman'sfiame of mind isavailable fiom

26~eplyof Qatar,Ann.111.5, ol.3,p. 349.

27~eplyof Qatar,Ann.111.5, ol.3,p. 321.
28~eplyof Qatar,Ann.111.5, ol.3,p.353.

29~emonalof Qatar,Ann.111.146, ol.7,p. 233.
3%emorialofQatar,Ann.111.152V, ol.7,p. 261.the fact that, despite this complaint in February of that year, he recorded in his "Intelligence

Summary" of 28 April 1938 - three months later - that he had visited Hawar on 15April,

"inspectedthe newBahrainPolice Postthere" but thatthere had beenno complaint aboutthis, says

he, from the Shaikh of Qatar, thus "indicating his acceptance of Bahrain'srights in ~awar"~'.

Weightman seems to haveconveniently forgoîtenthe serious complaintwhich the Ruler of Qatar

had made to him personallyin February. He must therefore havebeenhighly embarrassedby the

Ruler of Qatar's fonnal written protest of 10May 1938complainingof Bahrain's"aggression"in

Hawarand invokingBritishaction underhis Treatyforhelp to endtheaggression32.

26. However, followingthe Ruler of Qatar'sprotest,the processof dealing with the issue of

the ownership of the Hawar Islands had begun and has been described in detail in the written

pleadings. For present purposes,whatis importantis to keep in mindthatfrom aboutthemiddle of

1938,developmentsin negotiationsfor a concessionoverthe unallottedarea proceededin parallel

with what Bahrain persists intenning the "arbitration"or "adjudication"over the Hawar Islands,

leadingto decisions onthe two issuesat almostthe sarnetime, by July 1939. Let me nowdescribe

the sequence of events in both these matters to demonstratethe true nature of the enquiry or the

so-called"arbitration",onthe ownershipofthe HawarIslands.

27. On 22 May 1938,Weightman forwarded tothe Political Resident and the Secretary of

State for India a description of the areas to be offered by the Rulerof Bahrain to thetwo

~orn~anies~~ T.he area forPCL clearly included theHawarIslands; andyet only two days earlier,

Le.,on 20 May 1938,Weightman hadwrittento the Rulerof Qatar invitinghirn to statehiscase on

the HawarIslands andto provide evidenceof itasrapidlyas possible34.This, of course,was being

done upon the direction by Fowle in a telegram in which he also stated that "meantirne ...

His Majesty's Govemment and Govemment of India might proceed on the assumption that

HAWARbelongs to ~ahrain"~'. Significantly,Weightmanalso sent Belgrave a copy of his letter

of 20May 1938to the Ruler of Qatar which, in tum, prompted Belgraveto submit the unsolicited

of Qatar, Ann.111., ol. 3,pp.371,374.
32~emorial of Qatar,Ann.III.150,Vol. 7,p. 253.
33~eplyof Qatar, Ann.111.62and 11, ol. 3,pp.381and385.

34~emonal of Qatar,Ann.111.5, ol. 7,p.279.
35~emorial of Qatar,Ann.III.153,Vol. 7,p. 267."preliminarystatement"to theBritisha~thorities~~T .his document(whichwasnevershownto the

Ruler of Qatar) is described morehlly in Qatar's~emorial~'. On 30 May 1938,Weightman also

visited the Ruler of Qatar and whenthe latter asked that hebe permitted to see Bahrain's

"counter-claim"to enable him to rebut it, Weightmanrejected the requestout of hand38 . In

retrospecttherefore,Weightman's letter to the Rulerof Qatar markingthe commencement ofthe

so-called"arbitration"and his attitudeat his meetingwith theRuler a few dayslater,canhardlybe

said to havebegun with an open mindon the part ofthe Britishofficialsprimarilyconcemed,as

Bahrain'sownershipofHawarwasalreadybeingtakenforgrantedby them.

28. Boththe Political Resident andal1theconcemed departments oftheBritish Govemment,

approved the Ruler's division of the unallotteareacommunicatedby Weightman with hisletterof

22 May 1938.PCL seems to have been generallysatisfied with the Shaikh of Bahrain'slatest

proposed division. But at this stage, BAPCO, which already held a mining lease from

December 1934over the first 100,000acres on the main Bahrainisland, and was producingoil

from it, delivered amostsignificantthreat. It wamedthat, if any partof the new concessionwas

offeredto another Company,BAPCOwould abandonplans for substantial capital investmentfor

the furtherdevelopmentandrefining of oilproduction inBahrain,as wellas slowdownproduction

on its existingBahrainconcession. This,of course,wouldmeanreducedroyaltiesforthe Rulerof

~ahrain~'.The Rulerandhis farnilywere gx-eatly alarmedby thisthreat40.Having madeits threat,

BAPCO then made a new offer for a concession coveringthe whole area under the supposed

dominionof the Rulerof Bahrain, including theHawarIslands. In June 1938,the Ruler therefore

found himself in an extremelydificult situation andwas looking for a way out that wouldnot

offendeitherBAPCO orhis Britishfiiends; he [theRulerof Bahrain]now proposed,in a letterof

9 June 1938,to give the "entireunallotted areaexcept HawarIslands and the three miles of sea

aroundthem" to BAPCOand to negotiatewith PCL for the exceptedarea, includingthe Hawar

Islands. He stated quite candidly thathis reason for the decisionwas that he did not wish to

36emoriaolf Qatar,Ann.III.158,Vol. 7, p.291.

"~emonal of Qatar, para6..76etseq.
3s~emonalof Qatar,Ann.111.159, ol.7, p. 299.

39~eplyof Qatar,AM. 111.6, ol. 3,pp.391,393.
40~eplyof QatarAnn.111.79, ol. 3,pp.469,472.endanger his oil revenues from BAPCOwhich would follow ifPCL were introducedinto the

territory"exceptat~awar"~',ashe said.

29. The PoliticalAgent (Weightman)recognizedthe implications of BAPCO's threaa tnd

reported to thePolitical Resident(Fowle) inhis letterof 10June 1938,thatthe Al Khalifa believed

it was out of questionto resistthe threatmadeby BAPCO andthat the BritishGovernment,they

hoped, would appreciate this position. Weightmap nointed out that, in offering PCL even a

concessionrestrictedto Hawar,the Rulerwouldbe ignoring BAPCO's threats;he also indicated

that theRulerandhis familyseemedto thinkthe allocationof Hawarto BAPCO mightevenresult

inthe lossofhissupposed"sovereignty"over~awar~'.

30. In anothermore detailedletterto the Political Residenton the same day (extracts fiom

which are inthejudges'folderat itemNo.39),Weightman pointedout that ifBAPCO's threatwas

carried out it would have devastating economic consequences for Bahrain, which hadrisen in a

matter of two years fiom grinding poverty to undreamed of wealth, and that the British

Governmentcouldnot advisethe Ruler to disregard it.Hepointedout that the Shaikhsfeared the

possibilityof a retum to povertyand the loss of prestigethat wealth had brought to Bahrain, the

end of al1their schemes of development, HisHighness unable to indulge his twin passions of

buildingand forextravagantgenerosity,and his familydeprived oftheir almostunlimitedpocket

money. Weightmanwent onto Saythatnoonecould doubttheRuler'soriginalwish todischarge a

debt of gratitudeto the British Government andto give proof of his loyaltyby offeringa British

company a substantial partof his temtories, while at the same time "pleasing" the American

companywhichhadsucceeded,wherean English companyhad failed,in providinghim withgreat

wealth. Weightmanfelt howeverthat these admirablesentiments: "mustnowyield to the knife

which theRulerandhisfamily saw at their throat~"~~T . he Court will also wish to note the

additionalelementof pre-judgrnentinvolvedin Weightman'sblandassurnptionin this letterthatthe

Hawar Islandsconstitutedat this time (June 1938) a substantial part otfhe Ruler of Bahrain's

territones.

41~eplyofQatar,m. 111.72, o3,p. 437.
42~eplyofQatar,m. 111.73, o3,pp.441,445.

43~eplyofQatar,nn. 111.74, o3,p.447. 31.DespiteBAPCO'sthreat,however, Weightman had not yet given up on Hawarand stated

in his letter inwordswhich arenowonthe screen:

"Hawar is a different matter. It seems impossible for the Al Khalifah to
consider Hawar without at the same time wondering how much they can annoy or
perhapsdamagethe Al Thaniof Qatar. His Highness hasthis absurd convictionthat,
whatever'theengineers'may Say,there is oil inHawar, andif the Company operating
in Qatarcanproduce oil fromHawarfor Bahrain itwill givehim immense,if childish,
pleasure. He does not want to offer Hawar in any case to the Arnericans
1144
[Bapco], ...

The Court will notmiss the additionalmotivationof the Rulerof Bahrain'sextreme hostilityto the

Al Thani of Qatar.

32.Weightmanwent onto statethatBAPCO hadindicated Hawarwas of no interestto them

from the point of producing oil and concluded: "Onthe whole, 1 imagine His Highness wouldbe

quite safein givingHawar to [PCL],ifthey can arrangeterms." A clearand an expressassumption

by Weightman, only three weeks after inviting the Ruler of Qatar to provide evidence of his

ownershipof Hawar,and a weekafterforwardingthe Ruler's response to Fowlefor c~nsideration~~

that it is the RulerofBahrainwhowillbe "giving"Hawar to PCL.

33. The Political Residentagreed with Weightman and,on 19June 1938, recomrnendedto

the India that the British should approve the Ruler of Bahrain's decision to open

negotiationswith PCLfor the HawarIslands, andwith BAPCO for the rest of the unallottedarea.

Fowle, who now becarne actively engagedin the process of securing the Hawar Islands forPCL

from the Ruler of Bahrain, was at the sarne time, conductingthe so-called "arbitration" on the

ownershipof Hawar,for on theverynext day,20June 1938,he forwardedwhathe characterizedas

the Ruler of Qatar's"detailed claim"to the Secretary of State for India. He proposed that this

shouldbe givento Bahrain, and whathe called Bahrain's "counter-claim" obtained4'. HowFowle

was ableto reconcilein his ownmind,his two conflicting roles of:(a) advisingthe IndiaOffice on

how to persuade theRuler of Bahrainto conductthe oil negotiations for aconcession over Hawar

and (b) supervisingthe enquiry intothe ownershipof Hawaras betweenBahrain and Qatar,defies

44ibi pp.,55-456.
45~emorialofQatar,Ann.111.15, ol. 7,p. 299.

46~eplyof Qatar,Ann.111., ol. 3, p.459.
47~emorialofQatar,Ann.III.161,Vol.7,pp.311-314.comprehension. Indeed, the only wayhe coulddo sowastotreatthe enquiryasa charadedesigned

simplyto "rubber-stamp"theprovisionaldecisionof 1936.

34. Next, at a meeting atthe India Office on 7 July 1938~'~ it was decidedin the light of

BAPCO'sthreat, to recornrnendthat the Ruler of Bahrain postponethe concessionnegotiations.
'
Belgrave,who waspresent for a part of the meeting, reportet dhat the Ruler and his familywere

nowin favourofclosinga dealwithBAPCOandwerepreparedto "give"Hawarto PCL.

35. The Ruler of Bahrain was not only firmly opposed to any postponement butin

October1938, informedWeightman that heno longerwishedto offer even the Hawar Islandsto

36. On 18October 1938,Weightmanwroteagainto Fowle,to Sayhis opinion hadgradually

beenhardeningthat theunallottedareaoughtto go to BAPCO,thatthe Rulerandhis adviserswere

now quite defmite about this and that he feared the gravestrepercussionsif the British were to

obstnictthem. Weightman thereforeposed whathe consideredto be themain andmost important

question,that of British relations with Bahraiand asked: "1sit Sound,Saveforthe reason of the

mostextraordinaryurgency, to imperilourfiiendshipwiththeoneloyalSheikhdominthe ~ulf?"~'

37. But now Fowle tookthe view, in a letter of 3 November1938(whichis in thejudges'

folderat itemNo.40) to the Secretary of State forIndia - forwhat appearsto be the f~sttime -

that the British Govermnentshouldinsist that a concession over Hawarbe grantedto PCL. He

pointsout in thisletterthat: "Itwillbe seenthatthe Shaikhnowdoesnot even wishto giveHawar

to [PCL]. 1amnotof theopinion thatwe should acceptthis. ..""

38. Mr. President and Members of theCourt,1wouldliketo drawyourparticularattentionto

thereason hethengivesfor his views. HeStates,in wordswhichare now onthe screen: "Hawar

geographicallyis outside the Bahrain area and adjoining Qatar, where PetroleumConcessions

Limitedalreadyhave a concession andin faimessthereforeit shouldgo tothem."52

48~eplyofQatar,Am. 111.7, ol. 3,p.469.
49~eplyofQatar,Am. IïI.78,Vol.3,pp.479,482.
'%eplyofQatar,Am. 111.79, ol.3, p. 487

''~e~l~ofQatar,Am. 111.8, ol.3,p.493,pp.496-497.
521bid. 39. So Fowle wasnow giving reasonsfor his opinion whichwere similarto those given by

Britishofficials in 1933,as well as by Rende1of the Foreign Officein 1937,in support of Qatar's

title to the Hawar Islands. He was doing so, however, to support PCL's claim to a Bahraini

concession coveringthe Hawar Islands and not Qatar's ownershipof the Hawar Islands! He

advised, accordingly,that the British Governent should inform the Ruler that it agreed to his

proposal, provided Hawar was allotted to PCL but nototherwise. It may be asked: what was

happeningin the so-called "arbitration"when Fowle was making this recornmendationon the fim

assurnption thatHawarwas withinthe gift of the Ruler of Bahrain to "give" toPCL? Bahrain was

stillto submit its so-called "counter-claim",which it actually submitton 3 January 1939~~(two

monthslater). Yet,ironically, Fowle,in his letter of 3 November to theSecretaryof State which 1

havejust referred to, also mentions, as if in passing, that in connection with the ownership of

Hawar he would enquire fromthe Political Agent whetherany reply had been received fiom the

Shaikh of Qatar. He appeared to be unaware that what was then awaited was Bahrain's

"counter-claim",had forgotten that, as 1have shown, he had already seen and sent the Ruler of

Qatar's"detailedclaim"to the IndiaOfficeon 20 Junethat yearand seemedhardlyto regard events

concemedwiththe "arbitration"as of any ~i~nificance~~.

40. It will be seentherefore that although at this timethe so-called "arbitration"in respectof

sovereignty over Hawar was,in theory at least, proceedingapace, the attention of al1concemed

wason how to get, fromthe Ruler of Bahrain,the grant of a concession over theHawarIslandsfor

PCL. No one was waiting in London or Bahrain in breathless suspense for the result of the

arbitration before continuingthe concessionnegotiations.

41. On 9January 1939,Fowlesent atelegrarnto the Secretaryof State for Indiapressing his

earlier recommendation andstating that the British "declaration" to the Shaikh of Bahrain that

Hawarshould be alloied to PCL shouldbe conveyedto him immediatelJ5. This again was on the

basis that Hawar was to be "given" by the Ruler of Bahrain. And this was at the stage when

53~emorialof Qatar,Ann.I174V,ol. 7p.371

54~bid.
55Replyof Qatar,Ann.111.81ol.3p.499.Bahrain's"counter-claim"had beenforwardedtothe Rulerof Qatar, whosecommentsthereonwere

42. The Secretaryof Statefor India neverthelessalso actedon Fowle'sadvice. Whenthe

Ruleraskedspecificallywhetherthe British Govemmenthadany political objectionto his granting

a concessionto BAPCO overthe wholeof histemtory, theSecretary ofStatestated,in a telegram

of 13January(whichis alsoin thejudges' folders at item No .1),that the Rulermight be assured

whatever conclusionshe arrivedat as a result of negotiations, would not affect the goodwil olf

HisMajesty'sGovemment; but that he should be informedof the British Govemment'sview

regardingtheHawarIslandsthat, to quotehis words(nowonthe screen)

"owingto the contiguityof these Islandsto Qatar where an oil concessionis being
operatedby PCL the grant of concessionalrights to [BAPCO]in Hawar wouldbe

open to objectionand His Majesty'sGovemmentconsiderit wouldbe appropriateat
least toallowPCL theopportunityto acquire concessionalrights therein".

Here then, Mr.President andMembersof the Court, was yet anotherview being expressed,this

time by the highestBritish authontyinvolved, thatbecauseof their contiguityto Qatar,the Hawar

Island concession shouldgo to PCL.No one seemedto wantto say thatbecauseof the very same

contiguity,theIslandswereactuallypart of Qatar.In anyevent,thetelegramwentonto state:

"HisHighnessshouldhoweverbe assured thatin informinghim of theirviews
in regardto grant ofa concessionin Hawar,His Majesty's Governmena trenot in any

wayprejudicing the questionof sovereignty overHawarIslands. The choice ofPCL
rather than [BAPCO]as concessionaires couldnot adverselyaffect his claim to the
~slands."~'

43. No one botheredto remindthe Secretary of State,who wouldno doubt havehad many

other matters of State to deal with, that the questionof ownership ofHawar was pendingwith

His Majesty'sGovernment. It had clearly become a fm assumptionby then that the so-called

"arbitration"would formally deliver the Hawar Islands to the Ruler of Bahrain. The Political

Agent duly informed theRulerof the British Govemment's views on 15January 193gS8 although

Qatar'sresponseto Bahrain'sso-called"counter-claim"was stillawaited.

56~emoriaolf Qatar,Ann.111.1,p.393-396.

"~e~l~ofQatar,Ann.111.84, ol.3,p. 515.
'8~eplyofQatarAnn. 111.8, ol.3,pp.525,528. 44. The Rulerof Bahrainmust havefeltquite intimidated,for he now changed hisrnind yet

again and invited fiom PCL an offer coveringthe Hawar Islandsalone. But at this sarnetime, he

also enquired of BAPCO whether its offer for the whole unallotted area would be affected if the

HawarIslandswereto be exc1udeds9.At this point,BAPCO,whohad recently submitted a revised

bid with improved financial terms, delivered its second all-important thre,tatingin effect that it

must also have Hawar. At a meetingon 17January1939,BAPCOwamed that its offer would be

withdrawn if the area were to be divided. BAPCO'srepresentative, oneMr. F. A. Davies, statedat

the meeting that he was astoundedatthe enquiry because "al1through the present negotiations, the

whole of the area has been under discussion and there had been no mention of excluding

Hawar .. ." The Ruler attempted to explain that he had merely excluded Hawar in order "to

prevent complications and difficultiesin the future which might arise owing to theproximiiy of

Hawar to the PCL concession"[in Qatar]. He tried to argue that "Hawarwas a very small island

and very far away and that its loss to the companywould not cause them any material loss". But

Davieswould havenone of it. HeexplainedthatBAPCOdidnot want another company tohold an

oil concession anywhere withinthe Ruler'stenitones because if two companiesheld a concession

in so small a countryit wouldcause difficultiesandmis~nderstandin~s~~.

45. On 6 February 1939,in a letterto thePoliticalAgent signedby al1the Bahrain Sheikhs,

as well as by Belgrave,they began by expressingtheir relief "toknow that their decision aboutthe

oil concession will not affect their known nghts over the Hawar Islands", then reaffumed their

reliance "on thejustice and wisdomof the BritishGovernrnent"and statedthat they were surethat

the validity of their claim would be recognized. The letter then went on to draw attention to

BAPCO's threat and to state that BAPCO'soffer for "the whole area, including Hawar" was

financiallymore advantageousto Bahrain than the alternativeof dividingthe concession area into

two; but that before making a final decision, the Sheikhs sought the advice of the British

~overnment~'.

"1bid.
60~eplyof Qatar,Ann.111., ol.3, p. 519.

61~eplyof Qatar,Ann.111., ol.3,p. 529. 46. As BahrainStatesin its Counter-Memorial,this was thestage atwhich "Bntainrealised

that its handswere tie~~~.

47. Reportingto the Political Residenton 12February1939~~ (a copy is in thejudges'folder

as item No.42), the PoliticalAgent (Weightman),in a very long letter,expressedthe viewthat it
1
was no longer possible forthe BritishGovernmentto press theRuler ofBahrainto grantHawarto

PCL. Weightmanwas thus continuingto assumeBahrain'sownership of Hawar. In his letter,

Weightman set out the probable consequencesif the British Govemment were toinsist that the

Ruler of Bahrain shouldgrant Hawarto PCL. He felt that sincedetailsof the negotiationswould

inevitablybecomepublic property, thegrant of a concessionfor Hawarto PCL onBritish advice

wouldbe disastrousto the British positionin Bahrain andin the Gulf,as well as to the Shaikhand

his administrationandindeedto British prestige moregenerally. He wenton to Saythatit required

little imagination thereforeto realize the devastating effectof the almost inevitablecriticism,if

His Majesty's Govemment wert eo insiston Hawar goingto PCL,that the Britishhad served their

own interestsat thecost of over £1 million tothe ShaikhofBahrain. He fearedthat theeffectof

hostilepropaganda which mightbe basedon sucha statementwould beincalculable. Hetherefore

concluded that it was no longer possible, withoutincumng the gravest nsk to the prosperityof

Bahrain and, in direct consequence, tothe future good relationsbetweenthe British Govemment

andthe BahrainShaikhs,to exertpressureto obtainHawarfor PCLfromthe RulerofBahrain.

Weightman ended his letterwithan expressionof profound distress, saying:

"It isdistastehl to be compelledto recomrnendthe withdrawalof the support

hithertoaforded to a partiallyBritish Company in itsattemptsto obtainafooting in
Bahrain. Neverthelessit seems inevitableto me that commercial advantagesmust
yield to the over-riding interestsof His Majesty's Govemmentand of the Bahrain
State."

48. And whatabout the so-called arbitration on the ownership of Hawar? Weightman

certainlywas not givingit the slightest thoughtfor he wasexpressinghis view, which1havejust

mentioned,whiletheRuler ofQatar'sresponseto Bahrain's"counter-claim"was still awaited.
1

62~ounter-~emonaolf Bahrain,para.281.
63~ounter-~emonaolf Qatar,Ann.111.4, ol.3,p. 265,pp.272-274. 49. Nowherein this importantletter is there even a hint, far less a suggestionthat the oil

companiesberemindedthatthe decisionon Bahrain'sownershipof the HawarIslands wasnot yet

final.

50. If further evidence was needed to show that on the question of ownership of the

HawarIslands, by now "Britain'shands were tied", it came in a response to Weightman'sfinal

proposa1 inthe sarne letter. He suggested an alternative to an unconditionalapproval of the

concessionto BAPCO; and thatwas, that whileBAPCO mightbe allowedto obtaina concession

for the wholeunallottedarea,an expressconditioncould be imposedthat no operationswouldbe

conducted inHawaruntil suchtime as the Ruler,acting on theadviceof the BritishGovernrnent,

might pronounce them unobjectionable.

51. ThePoliticalResident(Fowle),in a letterof 14February1939to the Secretaryof State,

which is also in the judges'folderat itemNo. 43, while generally approving Weightman'v siews,

and statingthat the onlycourseopen to His Majesty's Governent was to permit the Shaikhof

Bahrainto includeHawarin BAPCO'sconcession,rejectedWeightman's suggestion that BAPCO

shouldnot work Hawar. This, hesaid, was because,in words on the screennow: "it wouldbe

difficultto give adequate reasonsto the Shaikhor [BAPCO] why, having obtained Hawarintheir

concession, theyshouldnotworkit"64.Accordingly,BAPCO waslater dulygranteda concession

coveringBahrain's unallotted areain whichHawarwasalsoincluded.

52. Mr. President,Membersof the Court,1respectfullysubmitit is impossibleto escape the

conclusionthat by February 1939, while supposedly conductingan "arbitration"in respect of the

ownership of Hawar Islandsand two monthsbefore they were to assess the evidence and make

their recommendationson whichthe Britishdecisionof 11July 1939was based,both Fowle and

Weightman were unreservedly and unequivocally already acting on the basis that the

HawarIslandsbelonged toBahrain. The Court willhave noticedthat duringthe entire period of

the negotiationsfor a concessioncoveringBahrain'sunallotted area from 1936onwards, the fact

that the BritishGovernmenthad arrogatedto themselvesthe highlyresponsibleduty of makingan

64~eplyof Qatar,An111.8V,ol. 3, pp. 542.objectivedecision in respect of the ownership of theHawar Islands, was never regarded as a

fundamentalelementinthe equation.

53.Accordingly,on 22 April 1939,whenWeightman satdownto rite^^his analysisof the I

evidenceon whetherthe Hawar Islands belongedto Bahrainor Qatar, he appearsin retrospect to
*
havebeenengaginginnothingshort of a hypocriticalfarce. To borrow Bahrain's terminologyonce

again,by then, Britain'shands were alreadytied. There was accordinglynever any questionof

Weightman, Fowleor the British officiais in London rendering any objectivedecision in what

Bahrainpersistsin callingan "arbitration". There was thereforeno legalbasisforthe "decision"of

11July 1939 nor, in the absence of examination ofany evidence,for the provisional decisionof

9 July 1936 in reversing the earlier British views and holding in favour of Bahrain's claimof

sovereigntyovertheHawarIslands.

54. Any objective authority on conditions in the Gulf, when confronted with the

circumstances surroundingthe British Government's decision of 11July 1939, in favour of

Bahrain'sclaim to the Hawar Islands,wouldhave concluded,as indeed did Prior,who had spent

manyyears in Bahrainand soon becamethe PoliticalResident himself, when hesaid only a few

weeks after the decisionhad been taken, that it involved amajor miscaniage of justice. Itis to

Prior'scredit thathe made asincereattempttohave itrectified; but his efforts, andthoseof Alban,

cameto nothing,notbecausetheirsuperiorswereconvincedthat PriorandAlbanwerein error,but

ratherbecausetheir superiorswere,notunnaturally,veryreluctantto reopen ahighly questionable

decisionand risk seriousembarrassment. The Courtis nowin a position toput the recordstraight

andtorestoreto Qatar whatwaswrongfullytakenfiomher in1939.

Mr President, that concludesmy presentation. 1would be gratefulif you would give the

floorto Sir Ian Sinclairforhispresentation.Thankyou very muchforthe patiencewithwhichyou

haveheardme.

The PRESIDENT:ThankyouverymuchMr. Shankardass.Je donne maintenant la parole à

SirIanSinclair.

65Mernorialof QatAnn. II195,Vol.7,p.497. Sir Ian SINCLAIR: Merci,MonsieurlePrésident.Mr. President,Membersof the Court.

1936 AND 1939BRITISH DECISIONSON HAWAR

1. At this point in our debates, 1 would like to complete the presentation which

Mr.Shankardass has just made on the oil concession history, by analysing the 1936 and 1939

Britishdecisionson Hawar inthe lightof whatthe true recorddiscloses.

2. Bahrain'sclaim of sovereignty over the Hawar islands rests first and foremost on the

British Government's decision of 11July 1939,conveyed to the Rulers of Bahrain and Qatarin

parallelletters fromthe Political Residentdated 11July 1939. The substance ofthe letterfromthe

PoliticalResident to the Ruler of Qataris as follows:

"1am directed by His Majesty'sGoveniment to inform you that, after careful

consideration of the evidence adduced by you and His Highness the Shaikh of
Bahrain,they havedecidedthat theseIslandsbelong to the State of Bahrain and notto
the Stateof ~atar"'.

TheCourt will note thatno reason is given for the decision, thereby promptingthe then Ruler of

Qatar, in his dignified protest to the Political Resident of 4 August 193g2 to express his

astonishment atthenews,indicatingthathe had:

"tried to find the cause for what His Majesty'sGovernment have made the basis of
their opinion on this question while 1had provided themwith proofs, evidences, and
contexts which 1thought were adequate to clariQ the correct positionand conditions

of theseIslands."

3. Mr. President, 1 have started at the end of the first phase of this sordid and indeed

shamefulstory because 1would wishthe Courtto pay closeattentionto the "careful consideration"

whichthe British Government supposedlygaveto this contentious issue between1936and 1939. 1

Saythat the story is "sordid and indeed shameful"because- and this is what is shameful-it

showssome British administratorsin the Gulf, and, to a lesser extent, in London, behavingin a

dubiousand indeedreprehensible manner.

Theprincipleof consent

4. Before 1begin to analyse the eventsof 1936, however,1should Saysomethingaboutthe

relevance of the principle of consent by the Rulers of the Sheikhdoms in the Gulf to the

'~emorialof QataAnn.III.209,Vol. 8,p.41.
'Mernorialof Qatar,A111.1,Vol.8p.49. 6. In the present case, itis equallyclearthat no treaty authorizedthe British Governmentto

determine unilaterally the dispute between Bahrain andQatar as to their respective claims of

sovereigntyover the Hawar Islandsand that noBritish administrationever asserted that it had the

right to do so. Bahrain has ofcourse soughtto argue that the impliedconsent of both Rulerswas

given through their participationin the processesproposedby the Britishauthoritiesin the Gulfin

1938forthe "enquiry"into the conflicting claims ofQatarand Bahrain; and that this operatedas a

type offorum prorogatum. But, you may ask, implied consent to what? Certainly not to the

designationof the British Govemmentas arbitratorin an agreed process of arbitration, as was the

positionin the ArbitralAward Madeby theKingof Spaincase, whichis cited at paragraph393of

the Counter-Mernorialof Bahrain. At most,it couldbe argued that theRuler of Qatar was content

tohavethe Political Agentin Bahrain investigate his seriouscomplaintaboutthe unlawfulBahraini

activitiesin 1937in andin relationto Hawar. This complainthad of coursebeen conveyed directly

to Weightman by the Ruler of Qatar in February1938,but had been treated so disdainfullythat it

was not even reported in writing to the Political Resident (Fowle) until 15May1938~. But of

course this complaint was never treated seriously, since the British Government had already,

without informing the Ruler of Qatar, made a provisional decision in July 1936 in favour of the

Bahrainiclaim to sovereignty overHawar,andWeightman, togetherwith other British officialsin

the Gulf and in London had, by early 1938, as you will have already have gathered from

Mr. Shankardass,completelyprejudgedthe final decisionin favourof Bahrain.

7. These facts in themselvesare sufficientto refutethe altemativeBahrain argumentthat the

Ruler of Qatar was somehow obliged by the Agreement of 12September 1868 to refer to the

PoliticalResident any "differenceof opinion" with Bahrainarising as to any question. The fact

remains that the Ruler did refer his complaint,that Bahrain had unlawfully occupied the Hawar

Islands, to the Political Agent,Weightman, inFebruary 1938. And what happens? Weightman

doesnot even deign to reportthis in writingto his superior (Fowle) until15May 1938,morethan

threemonths later. This demonstratesnot onlyhowlightly Weightman,as PoliticalAgent,tookhis

responsibilitiesin relation toQatar,but alsohow contrivedis this Bahrainiargumentwhen looked

4~eeReplyof Qatar, aras.4.283 and4.288-4.290.at in the light of the eventsthat actually occurred. The Ruler ofQatar nevergave his consent to

any process of "arbitration"by the British Government of the conflicting claims of Qatar and

Bahrainto the Hawar Islands. This indeed is now openlyadrnittedby British officialsthemselves. ,

For example,Mr. ChristopherLongof the Foreign Office,in his minute of 13May 1964,which
3
accurately summarizes some of the more important events between 1936and 1939 conceming

sovereigntyover the HawarIslands,statesthe following:

"Neither of the two Rulers was asked beforehand topromise his consent to the
award, nor afienvards to give it. H.M.G. simply 'made'the award. Although it
followedthe formof an arbitrationto some extent, itwas imposed from above,andno

questionof its validity orothenvise was raised. It was quite simply a decisionwhich
wastaken for practicalpurposesin orderto clearthe groundfor oil concession^."^

8. So the Foreign Office acceptedin 1964 that this was an "imposed" decision which the

Ruler of Qatarhad not promised in advance to accept; the clear implication is that, however it

mightbe characterized,it couldcertainlynot be regardedasbinding.

Theevidencerelied onby theBritishauthorities tojustify
the 1936 "provisionaldecision"

9. If 1 may return to the events of 1936, one can see why PCL, pursuing their purely

commercialinterests, and anxious not to anger the Ruler of Qatar, may have wished to withhold

fiom the Ruler of Qatar any knowledge of their oil concessionnegotiations with the Ruler of

Bahrain whichwere predicated,of course,upon the assumptionthat the HawarIslandsbelonged to

the latter. Its less easy to understandwhy British officialsin the Gulf deliberatelyfailed tokeep

the Rulerof Qatar informed ofthe reopening ofthe oil concessionnegotiations in 1936and of the

forma1claimby the Ruler of Bahrainin April 1936to sovereigntyover the Hawar Islands. Loch,

stillthe Political Agentin Bahrainin early 1936,had at least flownover the Hawar Islandsin 1934

and must havebeen aware fromhis own observationthat the majority of the islands lay within a

three-mile limit fiom the mainland Coastof Qatar. Yet he spinelessly fails to draw this to the

attention of the Political Resident in his letter to him of 6 May 1936, contenting himself with

9
saying that "Hawar island. .. is a low, desolate looking place near to the mainland of ~atar"~.

5~eplyofBahrain, Ann.2, Vol.2,4..
6~emorialof Qatar,Ann.111.10, ol. 7,p. 27.Lochalsomakesthe following admissioninthe sameletterto Fowle: "1do not knowwhat Shaikh

Abdullahbin JasimofQatar'sviewsabout theIsland are." (Ibid.)

10.The Courtwillof course recall that,in 1936,Loch,as BritishPoliticalAgentin Bahrain,

alsohad responsibilityfor reportingon conditionsin Qatar. Why then did he not sound out the

Rulerof Qatar about hispositionwithrespectto the HawarIslands? Presurnably Lochfearedthat,

ifhewereto do so, thiswouldencouragetheRulerof Qatarto mounta competingclairnto Hawar,

thereby delaying yet again the resumption of the negotiations for new concession covering

Bahrain'sunallotted area, which wouldnow include the Hawar Islands. Better then not evento

pose the question. But both Loch andFowle mustinevitablyhave been awarein 1936 that the

Rulerof Qatar regardedthe HawarIslandsas appertaining to him. After all, in the context of the

1935 offer of protection to the Ruler of Qatar agaitnned incursions intohis temtory by, for

exarnple,Ibn Saud,the 1934reconnaissanceof Qatar hadoverflownHawar as part of the Ruler's

temtory, and, asboth Mr.Shankardassand 1have indicatedin previous presentations,Loch had

takenpartin thatreconnaissance. Loch also draws attentii, his letterof 6 May 1936,to the lack

of anyprotest fiom the Rulerof Qataraboutthe activities of Bahrainsubjectsin Hawar. But this

surelyisto assumethat therewere activities ofBahrainsubjectsin Hawarpriorto 1936. The Court

has yet tohear a presentationbyMr. Shankardasson Bahrain's alleged pre-1936efectivit Ths.

fact is thatthe only so-called "evidence"forch activitiesis to be found in Belgrave'sletter to

Lochof28April 1936,advancingthe Rulerof Bahrain's claim to the HawarIslands; and we know

howsuspectBelgrave's assertionsin thatletterwere atthetimeand still, indeed,are. Lochhirnself

hadnoteven sought totest whatBelgravewassayingagainstother evidenceundoubtedlyavailable

to him. He mut, for example,have beenaware that members ofthe Dowasirtribe whohad gone

into exilein Damman(SaudiArabia)in 1923,someof themwere stilltricklingbackto Budeya in

Bahrainas late as 1933'; and yet he seemsto have accepted withoutquestion the propositionin

Belgrave'sletter of 28April 1936that "at leastfour of the larger islands[in the HawarGroup]are

permanentlyoccupiedby [theRuler of Bahrain's]subjects"(laterto be identifiedas membersof the

Dowasirtribe), a proposition whichBahrainhas now in effecthad to withdrawin the light of the

'~eeReplyof QatAnn. 111.4, ol. 3,p.2ap.270.clear evidenceto the contrary. What sustainsthe charges of bias in favour of Bahrainand against

Qatar over Hawaronthe part of British officialsin the Gulf,evenas earlyas 1936,is the deliberate

failure of Loch and Fowle even to investigate the so-called "evidence" in favour of Bahraini i

sovereigntyover the Hawar Islandsadduced in Belgrave'sletterto Loch of 28 April 1936; anda

1
real question mark must surely be raised in the mind of any objective investigator intothe facts

when he seesthat Belgrave,in hisdiaryentryfor23 April 1936,States:

"Discussedoil andthenew agreementand especiallythe questionof ourrightto
the Hawar Groupof islandswhich the Sheikhs fear theAgencywill not allow. 1think

myself it is quiteincontestable."

That the Bahrain Sheikhs should fearthe BritishPoliticalAgencywould turn downa claimby the

Ruler of Bahrain to the Hawar Islands is understandable. But why is Belgrave so confident that

such a claim (to be made only fivedays later)will be backedby the Agency? Couldit be that he

had advance knowledgeor at least a hint of whatthe reactionof the Agency to such a claim was

likelyto be? Whatother explanationis there, given,as Belgravemusthave known,the very shaky

grounds for a Bahrainiclaim to the Hawar Islandsif those grounds wereto be subjected toserious

scrutiny?

11. That no real effort wasmade at thetime to test the veracityof the assertionsmade by

Belgrave in his letterto Loch of 28April 1936,is clear from therecord. Loch himselfmade no

attemptto do so. Without givingany reasons, heis inclined to thinkthat there is real substancein

the Ruler of Bahrain'sclaim to the Hawar Islands while seeking to protect himself against any

charge of partialityby making thisview "subjectto any past correspondencewhichis not available

to me". Healso protestshis lackof knowledge ofthe Ruler of Qatar'sviews about Hawar. Al1this

is very defensive and unconvincing. Nor does the Political Resident'sletter to the Secretary of

State for India of 25May 1936carryany greaterconviction. No referenceis made inthat letterto

the views expressedas recently as 1933and 1934by senior officialsin London andthe Gulf as to

the territorialextent of the Bahrain Islands. Mr. Shankardasshas already addressedyou on the

limitedextentof Bahrainand, morepreciselyto the point, onthe documentaryevidencefiom 1933 1

and 1934 which demonstrates that, in the context of the early history of the oil concession

negotiations,Britishofficials in theGulf andindeedin London entertainedno doubtthat the Hawar

Islandsappertained,notto Bahrain,but to Qatar. 12. The Court will notethat Laithwaite'sletter to Starling of 3 May 1933*,in whichhe

describestheBahrainarchipelagoas consisting ofthe island of Bahrain andthe adjoiningislandsof

Muharraq,Umm Na'assan, Sitrah andNabi Salih, was copied to Bahrainon 19May 1933, asis

apparent from a statementto this effectat the foot of the first page of thetter.So it must have

been onthe AgencyfileswhichLochfailed to consult (or indeeddeliberatelyoverlooked)in 1936.

Laithwaite'sletterto Starlingof 3May 1933also seemsto have been thesource of the thirdpoint

in the Acting Political Resident'stelegram of 23July 1933 to the Secretary of State for the

Colonies. And it willbe remembered thatLochwasthe Acting PoliticalResident at this time,and

inthistelegramLoch argues,interalia:

"It would howeverbe prudentto nameislandsi.e.BahrainIsland,Muharraqand
Sitrah (Umm Na'asan and other isletsnearmain island mightbe includedif questionis
raised), otherwise controversy may arise over Hawar island and Bahrain claim to
certain placeson west CoastofQatarpeninsula."g

A copy ofthis telegrammust alsohave been onthe Political Resident'sfiles in Bushirein 1936.

But Fowle makesnoreference to it,orindeed toanyother evidence whetherderivingfromLorimer

or otherearly travellerssuchas Bent in 1889and Belgravehimselfin 1928. The Courtwill recall

thatMr.Shankardass,in his earlierpresentationonthe limitedextentof Bahrain,has alreadydrawn

attentionto the fact that Belgravehimself, in an article publishedin the Journal of the Central

AsianSocietyin 1928,givesa descriptionof Bahrainwhichmost clearlydoes not includeHawar.

13. Members of the Court may care to compare Belgrave's1928 description of the

geographical extent of the principality of Bahrainwith the content of his letter to Loch of

28 April 1936,writtenon behalf of the Ruler of Bahrain andputting forwardthe Ruler's claim to

the Hawar Islands. It is as if Belgravehad suddenly remembered thatthe Hawar Islands also

belongedto the Ruler, notwithstandingthat hehad totally forgotten tomention them as part of the

principality of Bahrainin an article published by him only eight years previously. The

1936Bahraini claim to sovereignty over the Hawar Islands is even more implausiblewhen no

mention whatsoever ofthe Hawar Islands can be found in any of the Annual Reports of the

Govenunent of Bahrain prior to that for 1937-1938 orin any of the monthly Bahrain Political

S~ernorialof Qatar,Ann.III.84,Vol.6,1.43
9~emorialof Qatar,Ann.111., ol.6,p. 437.Diaries prior to an entry in the Political Diary covering the period from 1 to 15April 1938, and

recording a visit by Weightman to Hawar on 15April 1938. 1s it really conceivable that there

shouldbe noreference to acts of administration of theHawarIslands by or on behalf of the Ruler i)

of Bahrainin any of the official AnnualReports publishedby the Governrnentprior to the Annual

?
Report for 1937-1938 if, as Bahrain alleges,the Hawar Islands had been regularly occupied by

membersof the Dowasir tribe and adrninisteredby Bahrain fora periodof some 150yearsor so?1s

it alsoreallyconceivablethat if the connectionof the Rulerof Bahrainwiththe Hawar Islandswere

as Bahrain allegesit to havebeen before 1936, Belgravehimself shouldhave made no mentionof

the islandsin hisprivate diariespriorto the entry for 23April 1936? Finally,would the Sheikhsof

Bahrain have entertained any doubts about Bahrain's sovereignty over the Hawar Islands in 1936

had the situationbeen asBahrainnowprofesses itto havebeen? Theanswerto al1thesequestions

must surelybe in the negative.

14. Bahrain of course has sought to argue that the "provisional decision" reached on

9 July 1936 in favour of the Bahrain claim to the Hawar Islands was nothing more than an

"advisov opinion" given to PCL. But, the Court will certainly be aware,this is grievouslyto

underestimatethe significanceand, evenmore, the practicaleffect of the "provisionaldecision"of

9 July 1936. As Mr. Shankardasshas reminded you, itwasirnmediatelyconveyed toBelgrave(but

not of courseto the Ruler of Qatar)on 10July 1936,withthe caveat that a final rulingcouldonly

be given after it had been ascertained whetherthe Ruler of Qatar had a claim to the islands and

hearing it if he had one. Despite this caveat, Belgrave indicated that theRuler of Bahrainwould

now includethe Hawar Islands in the list of his possessionsto be givento PCL, and no objection

was taken to this by the India office1'. In consequence,al1future oil concession negotiations

covering Bahrain's "unallotted area" were conducted on the basis that the Hawar Islands formed

part of that area, so that it was for the Ruler ofBahrainalone to gant a concessionwhichwould

include the islands. A further consequence was that, from July 1936 onwards, the competent

British officiais in the Gulf and in London acted on the confident assumption that the Hawar

Islandsbelongedto Bahrain. Eventswereto prove the accuracyof the cynicalobservation which1

'hemorial of Qatar,Ann.I111,Vol.7,p. 51.will renderin its originallanguage: "Rien ne dure que leprovisoire", which1will translateas: "It

is onlythe provisional which endures."

Possiblereasonsfor British "provisionaldecision" in1936

15.The question still arises: why didthe BritishGovemmentact with such extreme hastein

supporting Bahrain's claimto the Hawar Islandsin 1936,even if only on a supposedlyprovisional

basis? The Britishauthoritieswere clearlyanxiousthatthe oil concessionnegotiations,which had

been suspendedin August 1933at the request ofBAPCOshould be resurnedas soon as possible.

Between 1933and 1936,Bahrain suffered a major financial crisis. In a letter of 29 April 1933to

the Political Agent, covenng a copy of the Bahrain Budget for 1933, Belgrave Statesthat "the

financial positionof theStatecauses meverygrave concern"; andthat "thefigures forthe last year

Reductions in public expenditure, including
reveal a very disastrous condition of affairs"".

reductionsin the Civil List, had to be made. The positiondid improve slightly over the next two

years but it was still precarious in 1936. Obviously, the British Govemment must have been

anxious about the parlousstate of Bahrain'sfinances in the mid-1930s; and the prospectthat the

Ruler of Bahrain would receive substantially increased revenuesfrom oil production within the

frarnework of a new concession covering inter alia the Hawar Islands as part of Bahrain's

"unalloîted area" would certainly have been agreeable to the British Govenunent at that time.

Bahrainwas the equivalent ofthe "jewelin the Crown"of the British-protected Sheikhdomsin the

Gulf, and a vital staging-poston the increasingly significantair route to India. Qatar does not

suggest that this was the only factor prompting the British Govemment to favour an early

resumption of the oil concession negotiations covering Bahrain's "unallotted area"; but it seems

highlylikelyto havebeen an important factor.

16.Mr. President, mytask this moming in explainingto you, and the other Members ofthe

Court,the "carefulconsideration" which theBritish Govenunent gaveto the disputebetweenQatar

and Bahrain as regards title to the Hawar Islands between 1936 and 1939 has been rendered

irnrneasurablyeasierby the full accountwhichMr. Shankardasshasjust givento you of the history

of the negotiations for an oil concession covering the so-called "unallottdrea" of Bahrainduring

''~e~l~ofQatar,Ann111.42,ol. 3p. 257.this same period. It is,1 would submit, the interaction betweenthese two separate but related

exerciseswhich shedslight on the complexmanoeuvringof the British authorities in the Gulf and

in Londonto satisfy simultaneouslythe needto promote Britain'soverallpetroleumpolicy interests b

in the Gulf and the acquisitivedemands of the Ruler of Bahrain; but, as 1will demonstrate - 1 *
I
fear 1 will not be able to demonstrate it now before next Monday moming- this complex

manoeuvring was to be pursued whollyat the expense of the rights and interests of the Ruler of

Qatar.

17.So much foreventsupto andincluding1936.

And at this pointMr. President,it is perhapsappropnate forme to interruptmy presentation.

1realizethat 1will notbe able to addressyou againuntil next Monday, but 1would certainlywish

andhopethat 1couldthenresumeand completemypresentation. Thankyou,Mr. President.

Le PRESIDENT: Je vous remercie, Sir Ian. La séancede la Cour est terminée. Nous

reprendronsnos travaux lelundi 5juin, à 10heures,pour écouterla suitedevotreexposé.

L'audienceest levéeà 13 heures.

Document Long Title

Audience publique tenue le mercredi 31 mai 2000, à 10 heures, au Palais de la Paix, sous la présidence de M. Guillaume, président

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