Audience publique tenue le jeudi 9 février 1995, à 10 heures, au Palais de la Paix, sous la présidence de M. Bedjaoui, président

CR 95/10
Cour internationale International Court
de Justice of Justice
LA HAYE THE HAGUE
ANNEE 1995
Audience publique
tenue le jeudi 9 février 1995, à 10 heures, au Palais de la Paix,
sous la présidence de M. Bedjaoui, Président
en l'affaire relative au Timor oriental
(Portugal c. Australie)
____________
COMPTE RENDU
____________
YEAR 1995
Public sitting
held on Thursday 9 February 1995, at 10 a.m., at the Peace Palace,
President Bedjaoui presiding
in the case concerning East Timor
(Portugal v. Australia)
_______________
VERBATIM RECORD
_______________
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Présents : M. Bedjaoui, Président
M. Schwebel, Vice-Président
M. Oda
Sir Robert Jennings
MM. Guillaume
Shahabuddeen
Aguilar Mawdsley
Weeramantry
Ranjeva
Herczegh
Shi
Fleischhauer
Koroma
Vereshchetin, juges
Sir Ninian Stephen
M. Skubiszewski, juges ad hoc
M. Valencia-Ospina, Greffier
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Present: President Bedjaoui
Vice-President Schwebel
Judges Oda
Sir Robert Jennings
Guillaume
Shahabuddeen
Aguilar Mawdsley
Weeramantry
Ranjeva
Herczegh
Shi
Fleischhauer
Koroma
Vereshchetin
Judges ad hoc Sir Ninian Stephen
Skubiszewski
Registrar Valencia-Ospina
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Le Gouvernement de la République portugaise est représenté par :
S. Exc. M. António Cascais, ambassadeur de la République portugaise
auprès du Gouvernement de S. M. la Reine des Pays-Bas,
comme agent;
M. José Manuel Servulo Correia, professeur à la faculté de droit de
l'Université de Lisbonne et avocat au barreau du Portugal,
M. Miguel Galvão Teles, avocat au barreau du Portugal,
comme coagents, conseils et avocats;
M. Pierre-Marie Dupuy, professeur à l'Université Panthéon-Assas
(Paris II) et directeur de l'Institut des hautes études
internationales de Paris,
Mme Rosalyn Higgins, Q.C., professeur de droit international à
l'Université de Londres,
comme conseils et avocats;
M. Rui Quartin Santos, ministre plénipotentiaire, ministère des
affaires étrangères,
M. Francisco Ribeiro Telles, premier secrétaire d'ambassade,
ministère des affaires étrangères,
comme conseillers;
M. Richard Meese, avocat, associé du cabinet Frere Cholmeley, Paris,
M. Paulo Canelas de Castro, assistant à la faculté de droit de
l'Université de Coimbra,
Mme Luisa Duarte, assistante à la faculté de droit de l'Université de
Lisbonne,
M. Paulo Otero, assistant à la faculté de droit de l'Université de
Lisbonne,
M. Iain Scobbie, Lecturer in Law à la faculté de droit de
l'Université de Dundee, Ecosse,
Mlle Sasha Stepan, Squire, Sanders & Dempsey, Counsellors at Law,
Prague,
comme conseils;
M. Fernando Figueirinhas, premier secrétaire de l'ambassade de la
République portugaise à La Haye,
comme secrétaire.
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The Government of the Portuguese Republic is represented by:
H. E. António Cascais, Ambassador of the Portuguese Republic to the
Government of H.M. The Queen of the Netherlands,
as Agent;
Mr. José Manuel Servulo Correia, Professor in the Faculty of Law of
the University of Lisbon and Member of the Portuguese Bar,
Mr. Miguel Galvão Teles, Member of the Portuguese Bar,
as Co-Agents, Counsel and Advocates;
Mr. Pierre-Marie Dupuy, Professor at the University of Paris II
(Panthéon-Assas) and Director of the Institut des hautes études
internationales of Paris,
Mrs. Rosalyn Higgins, Q.C., Professor of International Law at the
University of London,
as Counsel and Advocates;
Mr. Rui Quartin Santos, Minister Plenipotentiary, Ministry of Foreign
Affairs,
Mr. Francisco Ribeiro Telles, First Embassy Secretary, Ministry of
Foreign Affairs,
as Advisers;
Mr. Paulo Canelas de Castro, Assistant in the Faculty of Law of the
University of Coimbra,
Mrs. Luisa Duarte, Assistant in the Faculty of Law of the University
of Lisbon,
Mr. Paulo Otero, Assistant in the Faculty of Law of the University of
Lisbon,
Mr. Iain Scobbie, Lecturer in Law in the Faculty of Law of the
University of Dundee, Scotland,
Miss Sasha Stepan, Squire, Sanders & Dempsey, Counsellors at Law,
Prague,
as Counsel;
Mr. Fernando Figueirinhas, First Secretary of the Portuguese Embassy in The Hague,
as Secretary.
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Le Gouvernement du Commonwealth d'Australie est représenté par :
M. Gavan Griffith, Q.C., Solicitor-General d'Australie,
comme agent et conseil;
S. Exc. M. Michael Tate, ambassadeur d'Australie aux Pays-Bas et
ancien ministre de la justice,
M. Henry Burmester, conseiller principal en droit international,
bureau du droit international, services de l'Attorney-General
d'Australie,
comme coagents et conseils;
M. Derek W. Bowett, Q.C., professeur émérite, ancien titulaire de la
chaire Whewell à l'Université de Cambridge,
M. James Crawford, titulaire de la chaire Whewell de droit
international à l'Université de Cambridge,
M. Alain Pellet, professeur de droit international à l'Université de
Paris X-Nanterre et à l'Institut d'études politiques de Paris,
M. Christopher Staker, conseiller auprès du Solicitor-General
d'Australie,
comme conseils;
M. Christopher Lamb, conseiller juridique au département des affaires
étrangères et du commerce extérieur d'Australie,
Mme Cate Steains, deuxième secrétaire à l'ambassade d'Australie aux
Pays-Bas,
M. Jean-Marc Thouvenin, maître de conférences à l'Université du Maine
et à l'Institut d'études politiques de Paris,
comme conseillers.
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The Government of Australia is represented by:
Mr. Gavan Griffith, Q.C., Solicitor-General of Australia,
as Agent and Counsel;
H.E. Mr. Michael Tate, Ambassador of Australia to the Netherlands and
former Minister of Justice,
Mr. Henry Burmester, Principal International Law Counsel, Office of
International Law, Attorney-General's Department,
as Co-Agents and Counsel;
Mr. Derek W. Bowett, Q.C., Whewell Professor emeritus, University of
Cambridge,
Mr. James Crawford, Whewell Professor of International Law,
University of Cambridge,
Mr. Alain Pellet, Professor of International Law, University of Paris X-Nanterre
and Institute of Political Studies, Paris,
Mr. Christopher Staker, Counsel assisting the Solicitor-General of
Australia,
as Counsel;
Mr. Christopher Lamb, Legal Adviser, Australian Department of Foreign
Affairs and Trade,
Ms. Cate Steains, Second Secretary, Australian Embassy in the
Netherlands
Mr. Jean-Marc Thouvenin, Head Lecturer, University of Maine and
Institute of Political Studies, Paris,
as Advisers.
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The PRESIDENT: Please be seated. The Court resumes its hearing in the East Timor case,
and I give the floor to Mr. Burmester.
Mr. BURMESTER: Mr. President, Members of the Court.
Yesterday when I stopped, I had taken the Court through the 1988 and 1992 Fisheries
Agreements between the European Community and Morocco. This showed that the 1988 Agreement
only made sense if it applied to Western Sahara waters and a sketch map, which has been provided
to you as a single sheet this morning and in the folder, indicates the location of the northern limit of
the southern zone established under the Agreement at 28º44'N - a line just north of the boundary of
Western Sahara. Clearly, the boundary of Western Sahara was not intended to represent the
southern boundary of the fishing zone under that Agreement.
I also showed that the 1992 Agreement expressly accepts Moroccan authority over
Western Saharan waters, particularly in its reference to Dakhla as a Moroccan port - and Dakhla is
also shown on the sketch map you have. Despite some opposition by the European Parliament, the
Council of the European Communities, including the representative of Portugal, approved the
Agreement without conditions.
Prior to the 1988 Agreement, there had been a 1977 Agreement between Morocco and Spain.
This Agreement divided the area of waters to which it applied by reference to waters north and south
of Cape Noun. This was a convenient political compromise to hide the fact that the Agreement
applied to the waters of Western Sahara. It was in part because Spain was not willing to say this
explicitly that Morocco decided not to ratify the treaty (See A. Lahlou, Le Maroc et le droit des
pêches maritimes (1983), pp. 178-179). There was also a 1976 Agreement between Morocco and
Portugal, dealing with fisheries co-operation concluded only a year after the decision of this Court in
the Western Sahara Advisory Opinion (Lahlou, pp. 195-196). Thus, all members of the European
Union, including Portugal, are doing exactly what Portugal claims in this case that no State should
do. This conduct provides the most powerful support for Australia's position in the present case.
Even if for certain purposes Portugal is or is to be regarded as an administering power, third
States are not prevented from dealing with some other State securely in control of a territory, and
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dealing with the natural resources of the territory as such. In the case of the European Community
fishing agreements the economic interests of Spain and Portugal were clearly major motivating
factors. And so in the case of Australia in protecting its own national economic interests. It is a
matter for the competent organs of the United Nations to impose obligations not to deal in such
cases, and neither in relation to Western Sahara nor East Timor have they done so.
Portugal seeks to dismiss the treaties by saying "on ne peut pas présumer que leur conclusion
ait été licite" (CR 95/4, p. 66). But Portugal is a party through the European Community to these
agreements and its fishing vessels benefit from them. What hypocrisy to accuse Australia of
unlawful conduct by acting in the same way as Portugal itself. Mr. President, I am reminded of the
doctrine of "clean hands", of not blowing hot and cold. I refer counsel for Portugal to
paragraphs 402-403, in Australia's Preliminary Objections in the Nauru case, a document to which
they are obviously attached, given its regular citation by them! Portugal's hands do not seem clean.
True, the position in the present case is not the same as that of Western Sahara, but this is
because it is weaker, from the perspective of Portugal's claims, for three reasons.
First, the Fisheries Agreements deal with the Western Sahara under the rubric of "Moroccan
waters". Dakhla is described as a Moroccan port. The only basis for the presence of European
Community fishing vessels off Western Sahara is that those waters are "Moroccan waters". By
contrast, Australia has for many years claimed its own sovereign rights as a coastal State to the
whole area of the zone of co-operation, and the 1989 Treaty is in effect an interim compromise of
those claims.
Secondly, the principal organs of the United Nations - including this Court, in an advisory
opinion requested by the General Assembly - have dealt and continue to deal actively with the
situation of Western Sahara. By contrast, the issue of East Timor has not come before a principal
political organ of the United Nations since 1982, due to the complete lack of agreement among
United Nations members on that issue, and Portugal is now prepared to talk to Indonesia as the
authority in place "sans conditions préalables".
Thirdly, United Nations action in favour of self-determination has been demonstrably stronger
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and more effective with respect to self-determination of Western Sahara as compared with
East Timor, in part because of the very different attitude of the two relevant regional organizations,
the OAU as compared with ASEAN. Each of these differences suggests that the position of
Western Sahara should be much clearer and more definitive than that of East Timor. And yet third
States including the member States of the European Community have not been prevented from
dealing with Morocco, and have not refrained from dealing with Morocco, in respect of the natural
resources of Western Sahara. This State practice cannot be ignored.
There is a further consideration to be weighed in the balance here, that of good faith in the
proof and implementation of asserted rules of international law. Portugal cannot be heard to assert
the existence of a rule in the case of East Timor when its own conduct, in a fortiori situations
elsewhere in the world, contradicts any such rule. Portugal cannot demand from Australia a
standard of conduct it does not comply with itself.
This same willingness of States to deal with the State in effective control is also demonstrated
in relation to the phosphate resources of Western Sahara. These have been exploited by Fosbucraa,
comprising a joint venture of Morocco and Spanish State-owned enterprises. The phosphate is
exported with no direct return to the people of the Western Sahara (see ARej., p. 119, para. 212).
If Portugal's arguments in this case are correct, the members of the European Union clearly
have dealt with the "wrong" State in relation to Western Sahara and should be restrained from doing
so. Portugal is guilty of exactly what it accuses Australia of doing.
The fact that, as in the case of Australia, there has been no United Nations criticism of the
actions of these States points to the conclusion Australia has been stressing - the right to
self-determination is not infringed simply by third States dealing with States in actual control of
self-determination territories.
Mayotte
One can illustrate the acceptance by States of the need to deal with realities by referring to
other self-determination disputes. One can take the question of Mayotte. This is another example of
conflicting sovereignty claims. A referendum on self-determination of the Comoros archipelago was
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held on 22 December 1974 but following that France refused to recognize the territorial unity of the
archipelago and retained control of Mayotte. France continues to claim sovereignty over Mayotte,
while the United Nations continues to reaffirm the sovereignty of the Islamic Federal Republic of the
Comoros over the Island (resolution 45/11 of 1 November 1990).
In almost identical resolutions passed between 1984 and 1994, the General Assembly has
urged France to accelerate the process of negotiations with the Government of the Comoros with a
view to ensuring the effective and prompt return of the island of Mayotte to the Comoros. There is,
however, no call for States not to deal with France in relation to Mayotte. And inevitably, States
will have found it necessary and appropriate to deal with France in relation to the island. For
example, the European Community, despite the calls by the United Nations, has instead adopted a
decision which includes Mayotte as a "Pays et Territoire d'Outre Mer" "relevant" to France (OJ,
No. L263/1 19.9.91). In Annex 1 of the decision Mayotte is listed as a "collectivité territoriale" of
France. This decision is no less than recognition, contrary to the United Nations position, and
contrary, on the Portuguese thesis, to the obligation that the European Community must owe to the
Comoros. Again Portugal invokes one rule for Australia and another rule for its own conduct.
A further example of States accepting reality is Goa, which prior to 1961 was recognized by
the United Nations as a non-self-governing territory "under the administration of Portugal". No
United Nations organ has ever adopted a resolution formally indicating that the people of Goa have
exercised their right to self-determination or that Portugal is no longer the "administering Power" of
Goa. Nevertheless, following the forcible occupation of Goa by India in 1961, various States
recognized the annexation of the territory by India in subsequent years, and Portugal itself
recognized the annexation in 1974. Portugal seeks to explain this example by saying it all occurred
before the 1974 revolution (CR 95/3, p. 61). But this fact cannot affect the legal situation. States
dealt with the State in actual control of the territory before the United Nations decided to accept its
incorporation.
According to the thesis advanced by Portugal, even where the administering power loses
control of a territory due to an uprising by the local population, other States would still be under an
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obligation to respect the status of the administering power until such time as the United Nations
determined either that the territory had achieved independence or that the former colonial State was
no longer the administering power. Such an uprising would not of itself terminate the status of the
territory as a non-self-governing territory, or the status of the administering power, since the groups
seizing control might not be representative of the true aspirations of a majority of the people.
However, existing authorities and practice contradict this thesis.
In the Guinea-Bissau v. Senegal Arbitration, the Arbitral Tribunal noted the existence in
international law of a norm which limits the capacity of the State to conclude treaties after the
initiation of a process of national liberation, bearing on the essential elements of the rights of
peoples.
The Arbitral Tribunal said that:
"in this process of formation of a national liberation movement, the legal problem is not
that of identifying the precise moment in which the movement as such is born. The
important point to be determined is the moment from which its activity acquired an
international impact (p. 38).
...
Such activities have a bearing at the international level from the moment when
they constitute, in the institutional life of the territorial State, an abnormal event which
compels it to take exceptional measures, ie, when in order to control, or try to control
events, it is obliged to resort to means which are not those used normally to deal with
occasional disturbances." (Annex to the Application of Guinea-Bissau instituting
proceedings in International Court of Justice, pp. 38-39.)
In that instance, the Arbitral Tribunal did not consider it to be the case, as Portugal contends,
that all States were under an obligation to respect Portugal's sole right to deal with other States in
respect of the territory until such time as the United Nations determined that it was no longer the
administering Power in respect of Guinea-Bissau.
The Tribunal observed in that case that there had been repeated statements confirming the
assertion that the war of national liberation in Portuguese Guinea had begun in 1963, thus accepting
that Portugal would have lost its capacity to enter into treaties bearing on the essential elements of
the rights of peoples in respect of that territory in 1963. This was so, notwithstanding that the
United Nations General Assembly recognized only in 1972 "that the national liberation movements
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of ... Guinea (Bissau) ... are the authentic representatives of the true aspirations of the peoples of
those territories" (General Assembly resolution 2918 (XXVIII), 14 November 1972), and in 1973
recognized Guinea-Bissau as an independent State (General Assembly resolutions 3061 (XXVIII), 2
November 1973 and 3181 (XXVIII), 17 December 1973). Thus, the Arbitral Tribunal was willing
to accept that, between about 1963 and 1972, Portugal had no power to enter into treaties in respect
of the territory bearing on the essential elements of the rights of peoples, especially treaties
concerning maritime delimitation, even though the General Assembly had at that time not yet done
anything purporting to terminate the status of Portugal as administering Power, and notwithstanding
that Portugal to some extent was still recognized as able to represent the territory in international
fora. The Tribunal's conclusions are therefore totally at variance with Portugal's assertion that it
alone can make treaties on behalf of East Timor.
By the time the United Nations recognized its independence, the Republic of Guinea-Bissau
had already been recognized by some 40 States, following the proclamation of the independence of
that country by the African Independence Party of Guinea (Rousseau, Revue générale de droit
international public, Vol. 78, 1974, pp. 1166, 1168). These 40 States clearly did not consider
themselves bound to await a determination of the General Assembly before deciding to recognize that
a former colonial power, by force of events, has ceased to exercise, and ceased to have any right to
exercise, any rights or powers in respect of the maritime resources of a non-self-governing territory.
On any view, Portugal is not the relevant State with whom Australia was obliged to negotiate
after November 1975.
Mr. President, I have sought to show how, in the absence of any United Nations direction,
States in fact deal with authorities in control of a territory entitled to self-determination so as to
reach practical arrangements to enable peaceful co-existence. On occasion, this may necessitate
resource agreements concerning disputed resources. In these circumstances, Australia says there is
no breach of any obligation concerning the right to self-determination resulting from the conclusion
of such an agreement.
Australia does not dispute the statements by Portugal that calls for respect for self-
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determination do not leave States free to engage in activities totally "incompatible with those
declared objectives" (PR, para. 6).
Portugal, however, keeps insisting, but without any analysis or proof, that the conclusion of a
practical arrangement to share resources which Australia has consistently and in good faith asserted
to be wholly its own is in some way to treat the people of East Timor as no longer having the right to
self-determination or as not respecting or promoting the right. But this sort of assertion cannot
succeed.
Promotion of the right and relevant State practice
An examination of the acts complained of by Portugal as in some way not promoting or failing
to respect the right to self-determination show that they amount in fact to alleged breaches of a duty
to "respect" the administering Power. I refer the Court to paragraph 172 of our Rejoinder. But the
attempt to establish a non-severable link between the obligation of a State to respect selfdetermination
and the obligation of a State to respect an administering power, fails completely. One
has only to recall the clear and deliberate severance between the two evidenced by the United Nations
resolutions on the Portuguese territories prior to 1974 - set out in the Appendix to the Rejoinder - to
see the fallacy in the Portuguese argument.
Confirmation of the lack of any basis for the allegation that Australia's conduct in relation to
the conclusion of the Timor Gap agreement has breached Australia's obligations in relation to
self-determination can be found by examining the material Portugal itself puts forward in relation to
human rights instruments.
Human rights
I refer in particular to the human rights covenants - Article 1 of both the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the International Covenant on Economic, Social
and Cultural Rights (ICESCR).
The scope of the obligations of States Parties is set out in paragraph 3 of Article 1 of those
covenants - an obligation which applies both to States having responsibility for the administration of
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non-self-governing territories as well as to other States. The obligation is to "promote the realization
of the right of self-determination", and "respect that right, in conformity with the provisions of the
Charter of the United Nations".
An examination of the material included in annexes to the Portuguese pleadings shows the
limited nature of the obligation. That material, rather than supporting the Portuguese contention of a
breach by Australia, demonstrates the opposite.
General Comment 12 adopted by the Human Rights Committee (PR, Ann. II.34) concludes in
relation to paragraph 3 of Article 1 of the ICCPR:
"All States Parties should take positive action to facilitate realization of and
respect for the right of peoples to self-determination. Such positive action must be
consistent with States' obligations under international law: in particular, States must
refrain from interfering in the internal affairs of other States and thereby adversely
affecting the exercise of the right to self-determination."
If one then examines, for instance, the Report of the Netherlands to the Human Rights Committee,
which was included by Portugal as relevant documentation (PR, Ann. II.35), one sees comments
about Netherlands reaction to Namibia, South Africa and the Middle East. To what does the
Netherlands point as action to promote the right to self-determination in those situations?
- Repeated condemnation by it of apartheid.
- Calls for full recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination.
But the Report, and this is particularly relevant for our purposes, records: "The thesis that the
maintenance of relations with a State implies encouragement or approval of that State's policies
cannot be accepted. (Para. 3.)
Australia agrees! In other words, the Netherlands accepts that it is not incompatible with the
duty of a State to promote self-determination to maintain relations with a State that might be accused
of denying the right.
Similarly in the Finnish Report included by Portugal in the documents (PR, Ann. II.36),
Finland notes in relation to Namibia certain measures it has taken to promote independence, and
refers particularly to the provision of aid and development assistance. Australia has done this in
relation to East Timor, to a very considerable degree. This would have been impossible if Australia
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had no relations with the State in effective control.
Further, and most significantly, Portugal itself indicates what it considers the limits of its
obligations in relation to the application of the human rights covenants to East Timor. Mr. Gomes
said at the 936th meeting of the Human Rights Committee on 1 November 1989 (PR, Ann. II.38):
"Although Portugal had declared the Covenant to be applicable to East Timor, it
was unfortunately not in a position to ensure that it was applied and effectively
respected since it had no access to the Territory and was prevented from exercising its
function as administering Power (para. 18) ...
Portugal had expressed its concern about the territory and the many violations of
human rights continuing there, in a number of international forums. It was continuing
to co-operate in the Secretary-General's efforts to find a just, comprehensive and
internationally acceptable solution to the problem." (Para. 20.)
In other words, expression of concern was the most Portugal thought it needed to do.
Similarly, in relation to Palestine, Portugal "had consistently expressed its concern". In relation to
Namibia, Portugal had supported self-determination "by its votes on General Assembly resolutions"
(para. 23). In relation to South Africa it had
"constantly and unequivocally condemned the apartheid régime ... Her Government
considered that the application of indiscriminate sanctions against South Africa would
be contrary to the interests of the majority of the population and neighbouring countries
whose economies were closely linked with it, and that they would not lead to the
establishment of the climate of dialogue within the country which was the only means of
securing the dismantling of apartheid." (Para. 26.)
Mr. President, an examination of just these few documents of the Human Rights Committee
points to only one conclusion. That is that the duty on States to promote self-determination and to
respect the right does not envisage States severing all ties and relations with States in control of a
people entitled to self-determination. State action, absent any collective decision to take particular
sanctions, usually amounts to no more than calls for action in appropriate bodies, and provision of
humanitarian aid and assistance.
Portugal's assertion that Australian conduct in relation to East Timor infringes its human
rights obligations to the people of East Timor is therefore completely without foundation. In the case
of East Timor, as has been demonstrated already, Australia has consistently on a bilateral basis
raised with Indonesia the need to protect the rights of the people of East Timor, to reduce its military
presence, to promote cultural autonomy. Australia has itself made a significant contribution to the
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humanitarian relief of the people.
Unlike Portugal, Australia through its willingness to deal with the State in control of the
people has been able to make a much greater contribution to the promotion of the rights of the
people. Australia's conduct, as the analysis shows, is also consistent with the expectations of the
international community as to the limited scope for action that Article 1(3) of the Human Rights
Covenants contemplates.
Thus, United Nations resolutions on self-determination regularly talk of States providing
"moral and material assistance" to peoples of colonial territories. There is no suggestion of anything
further, apart from specific calls in specific situations to take specific actions. Australia has
complied fully with the United Nations resolutions on East Timor, and the actions of which Portugal
complains have not been shown to be contrary to United Nations demands.
Finally, I can deal briefly with the resolutions and statements of the European Parliament and
the Council of Europe on which Portugal also seeks to rely (PM, Anns. II.106-11.114; CR 95/2,
p. 40). These statements do not support Portugal's contention that States are under an obligation not
to deal with Indonesia in respect of the territory. They support the proposition that the people of
East Timor have the right to self-determination, but that is not in dispute in this case. They may
support the proposition that these bodies consider the presence of Indonesia in East Timor to be
illegal, but Portugal agrees that this is a matter which the Court is unable to consider in the present
case. They confirm concern at the human rights record of Indonesia. Australia has expressed the
same concern.
Mr. President, I have not examined specific actions by other States in relation to East Timor
itself. This will be done shortly by Professor Bowett as part of his examination of the United
Nations resolutions. That practice shows that many States recognize and deal with Indonesia as the
State competent to deal with the territory of East Timor. States conclude bilateral treaties with
Indonesia that extend to East Timor. Indonesia applies multilateral treaties to its territory, which
includes East Timor. Yet there is no protest. (ACM, paras. 169-173 and Ann. 24). All this
supports the contention that States do not see it as inconsistent with the duty to promote and respect
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the right of self-determination to deal with the State in actual control of the territory of the people
having such a right. Australia's conduct in this regard is no different than that of very many other
States - both in relation to East Timor itself and other cases of self-determination territories with
disputed sovereignty.
Conclusion
Mr. President, in conclusion, the obligation to promote self-determination is an example of an
obligation where no particular means are prescribed. For Portugal to make its claim of a breach by
Australia of the right of the people of East Timor to self-determination it must show that the
particular conduct to which it objects in some way impeded or impedes the exercise of that right.
For all the reasons set out in detail in the presentations of both Professor Crawford and myself, it has
failed to do this. There is no breach by Australia of the right of the people of East Timor to selfdetermination.
I now invite you to call Professor Bowett. Thank you for your patience.
The PRESIDENT: Thank you Mr. Burmester. I now call upon
Professor Derek Bowett to take the floor.
Mr. BOWETT: Thank you, Mr. President
The United Nations view of Australia's Conduct
Mr. President, Members of the Court, after these many days of pleading you can readily see
what conduct by Australia is challenged by Portugal. Australia negotiated a treaty with Indonesia to
regulate the exploration and exploitation of its own resources. Portugal would have you believe that
that was a breach of international law.
Portugal now challenges the legitimacy of Australia's interest in those resources in part of the
area of co-operation. In its written pleadings Portugal does not challenge the intrinsic validity of the
Treaty. The essence of Portugal's challenge in those written pleadings is that the treaty was made
with the wrong party: with Indonesia, and not Portugal. Of course, that position has now changed.
In its oral arguments Portugal has clearly challenged the very substance of the Treaty. It is
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"plunder" by Australia of East Timorese resources, contrary to the jus cogens right of selfdetermination
and its corollary, the right of permanent sovereignty over natural resources (CR 95/2,
pp. 37-45; CR 95/3, pp. 73-81).
But consider Australia's position. An agreement with the opposite coastal State was essential
before exploration and exploitation of its own offshore resources could begin. With whom could
Australia negotiate? With Portugal? That was scarcely realistic. Portugal had quit East Timor and
was no longer an effective coastal State, able and willing to implement any agreement. With whom,
then? The only realistic answer was with Indonesia, for Indonesia was in actual control of the
territory and had been so for 14 years: and there was no sign that this would change. Indonesia was
the opposite coastal State, for all practical purposes, and to have an effective agreement Australia
could negotiate with no other.
Thus, the facts of the situation dictated Australia's choice of Treaty partner: and it was a
choice made by Australia in the exercise of its powers, as a sovereign State, to negotiate agreements
with neighbouring coastal States concerning resources in adjacent maritime areas.
Yet Portugal denies Australia had any freedom of choice, for Portugal argues that Australia
was under a legal duty to negotiate with Portugal and not to negotiate with Indonesia.
What I wish to do now, Mr. President, is to examine the source of this alleged legal duty: the
duty to negotiate with Portugal and not with Indonesia.
1. The Source of the alleged duty to negotiate with Portugal and not to negotiate with Indonesia
There are, I suppose two possible sources of this alleged "duty": general international law, and
the United Nations Charter. Let me take these in turn.
Of course I realize that Professor Dupuy identified three sources (CR 95/3, P. 10): his third
source was the Covenants on Human Rights which Mr. Burmester has already dealt with. But in
invoking the Human Rights Covenants Professor Dupuy was talking of the rights of the people of
East Timor. Here I am concerned with Portugal's alleged right to be the sole State able to treat on
behalf of the territory.
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(a) General international law
So I start with general international law. Now general international law certainly has relevance,
and such rules as may be applied in fact support Australia's position and appear quite incompatible
with the "duty" alleged by Portugal.
Take the general rules of maritime delimitation and resource management. They clearly impose
an obligation to negotiate with the relevant coastal State; and for good reason, because only that
State can fulfil and implement an agreement on management and sharing of offshore resources. One
thing is clear. Portugal was not the coastal State in relation to East Timor, so Portugal's alleged
duty to negotiate the Timor Gap Treaty with Portugal - and only Portugal - runs directly counter to
this general rule.
Or take the general rules on recognition. As Australia has shown in its Counter-Memorial (Part
III, Chapter 2), Australia was entitled - absent a mandatory resolution of the Security Council to the
contrary - to recognize the sovereignty of a State in effective and actual possession of the territory.
And Indonesia had effectively controlled East Timor for 14 years before this Treaty was concluded!
So, again, Portugal's assumption that Australia was under a legal duty not to recognize or treat with
Indonesia over East Timor runs directly counter to the rules of general international law regarding
recognition.
Of course, Australia readily concedes that, under the United Nations Charter, an obligation
might be imposed on Australia which has no counterpart in general international law. But that
would arise only when a clear provision in the Charter so provided, or where, in the application of
Charter provisions, the Security Council, acting under Chapter VII of the Charter, imposes a
mandatory obligation on a State. We must therefore examine what I might term "United Nations
Law" to see whether this provides the source of the duties alleged by Portugal.
(b) United Nations Law
(i) The United Nations Charter
As to the Charter itself, Portugal has been unable to identify any provision which clearly
establishes the legal duty it alleges was binding on Australia.
- 21 -
Of course, Portugal cites various Charter provisions: Article 1, para. 2; Article 2, para. 5;
Articles 55 and 73, for example. But to assert the right to self-determination of the people of East
Timor - which Australia fully accepts - or their right to development; or the duty to assist the
United Nations; or even to assert the status of Portugal as "administering Power" does not
substantiate this rather precise legal duty on Australia. The extraction of such a precise legal duty
from these very general provisions is pure speculation on the part of Portugal. And, as we shall see,
it is speculation confined to Portugal. Nowhere else - not in Security Council resolutions, nor even
in General Assembly recommendations - do we find even a hint that these organs shared Portugal's
thesis that such a precise legal duty can be extrapolated from these very general Charter provisions
or even from the resolutions relating to East Timor.
(ii) United Nations resolutions
Mr. President, with your permission I should like, now, to examine with some care the
relevant resolutions adopted in relation to East Timor. I shall begin with the Security Council
resolutions because, as a matter of law, only the Council, acting under Chapter VII, could impose
this precise legal obligation on Australia in a situation such as this. However, I shall continue by
examining also the General Assembly resolutions because - irrespective of the strictly legal position -
it is important to see whether at any time the Assembly shared Portugal's extraordinary interpretation
of the Charter.
What we are looking for in these resolutions is evidence of the United Nations view on three
points.
(1) Was Australia legally bound to negotiate only with Portugal?
(2) Was Australia legally precluded from treating with Indonesia?
(3) Was Australia at any time regarded as having violated the Charter? And, in particular,
was Australia ever regarded by the United Nations as contravening the right of self-determination of
the people of East Timor?
(a) The Security Council resolutions
The Security Council has adopted only two resolutions: resolution 385 of 22 December 1975
- 22 -
and resolution 389 of 22 April 1976.
Let me say a brief word about the constitutional basis of these resolutions. I can be brief
because, as their texts demonstrate, neither resolution addresses any of the three points I have just
mentioned. Neither resolution calls on Australia or member States generally to negotiate only with
Portugal. Neither resolution calls on Australia not to deal with Indonesia. And neither resolution
condemns Australia for any violation of the United Nations Charter or of international law. That is
true both in respect of any paragraph addressed to Australia by name - for no such paragraph exists
- and in respect of any paragraph addressed to States generally, which would include Australia.
In this sense, therefore, discussion of the constitutional basis is peripheral to our inquiry. The
usually critical question of whether the Council was issuing a mere recommendation, or a binding,
mandatory injunction, scarcely arises if the resolutions do not address Australia at all.
However, lest some may not share that view - and Portugal does not - let me take the
argument that further step, and demonstrate that the Security Council was consciously acting under
Chapter VI of the Charter, not Chapter VII, and moreover was making recommendations with a view
to a pacific settlement of the situation rather than issuing mandatory, binding directives to States.
Of course, I accept that the Council need not invoke Chapter VII expressly in order to act
under Chapter VII. But here all the evidence points to a deliberate choice by the Council to avoid
Chapter VII, and even to avoid binding decisions under Chapter VI. Australia submits that this was
quite deliberate, for the Council knew that mandatory sanctions against Indonesia would not be
supported by member States. And, for the same reason, the Council avoided requiring member
States even to embark on the sanction of non-recognition. To suggest, as Portugal does, that
member States were bound to apply such sanctions anyway, by necessary inference from the
Council's finding of a right to self-determination, is really to defeat the deliberate policy of the
Council, a policy to avoid any suggestion of sanctions. This is clear from the resolutions.
Look at the terms of the resolutions. You will note the complete absence of any reference to
Article 39, or to the concept of a "threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression".
You will note that the Council "calls upon", or "urges" States to do certain things. There is a
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complete absence of words which denote binding obligations, such as "decides", "demands",
"orders", "insists". The resolutions refer to the aim of achieving a "peaceful solution" of the
situation - and that is Chapter VI language.
If you look at the language of delegates in the Council the conclusion is the same. France
referred to the necessary "negotiations" and the "good offices" of the Secretary-General (S/PV 1915,
22 April 1976, pp. 11-12). Japan referred to the aim of a "negotiated settlement", and a "peaceful
solution" (A/C. 4/SR. 2180, 3 December 1975). Such terms reinforce the conclusion that this was a
situation properly characterized under Chapter VI of the Charter.
And this, clearly, was the view of the General Assembly. On 12 December 1975, the
Assembly adopted resolution 3485 (XXX). Paragraph 6 of that resolution drew the situation of
East Timor to the attention of the Security Council "in conformity with Article 11, paragraph 3, of
the Charter".
Now the Court will recall the terms of Article 11, paragraph 3 of the Charter:
"The General Assembly may call the attention of the Security Council to situations
which are likely to endanger international peace and security."
It is absolutely clear that a situation likely to endanger international peace and security is a
Chapter VI situation: those are the very words of Article 33.
The first resolution, 385, was certainly adopted under Chapter VI of the Charter, rather than
Chapter VII. And Australia is nowhere mentioned. There are, in fact, only two States mentioned:
the first is Indonesia - whose armed intervention is "deplored" - and the second is Portugal whose
failure to discharge its responsibilities as administering Power is "regretted".
It seems clear - and this is reflected in the debates in the Council - that the Council felt blame
attached to both Indonesia and Portugal. But the Council was not prepared to condemn Indonesia
for aggression, or hold it responsible for a threat to the peace or breach of the peace, although it did
call on Indonesia to withdraw its forces. But no sanctions of any kind were decided, authorized or
even recommended against Indonesia, not even the sanction of non-recognition.
As to other member States, which, of course, includes Australia, they were urged to
co-operate fully with the United Nations and, in addition, they faced a "call" in one operative
- 24 -
paragraph which is worth citing because Portugal relies so heavily upon it:
The Security Council, "Calls upon all States to respect the territorial integrity of East Timor
as well as the inalienable right of its people to self-determination ..."
In the second resolution, resolution 389 of 22 April 1976, that call was repeated: as in other
respects, including the call addressed to Indonesia to withdraw its forces, the second resolution in
substance repeats the first, although with some weakening of the language.
Now given the texts of those resolutions, how can it be suggested that Australia was under a
legal obligation in 1989 not to treat with Indonesia, and to treat only with Portugal in relation to the
resources of the Timor Gap? If, as Australia contends, the Council was acting under Chapter VI,
prima facie no binding legal obligation would be created in any event. But, quite apart from that,
the specific obligation to treat, or not to treat, with this or that State does not arise by necessary,
logical inference from this very general call on member States to respect the people's right to
self-determination.
This is clear from the Security Council's own practice. Take, for example, the Council's
practice in relation to Rhodesia. The Council did not simply call on States to respect the right of
self-determination of the people of Rhodesia, leaving the rest to logical inference. It quite
specifically spelt out the obligations "not to recognize" the white minority régime
(resolution 216 (1965)); not to "entertain any diplomatic or other relations with" that régime
(resolution 217 (1965)); and "to treat the racist minority régime as ... wholly illegal."
(resolution 328 (1973)).
So, too, with Namibia. Having affirmed the right of the people of Namibia to
self-determination, the Council did not leave the rest to mere inference. No legal duties for member
States were assumed to arise by necessary inference from that finding. The Council spelt out
precisely what was required from member States. They were specifically called on "to refrain from
all dealings with the Government of South Africa" (resolution 269 (1969)); they were called on "to
refrain from any dealings with the Government of South Africa" which were inconsistent with the
Council's finding that the South African presence in the territory was illegal (resolution 276 (1970));
- 25 -
they were specifically requested to "refrain from any relations - diplomatic, consular or
otherwise - with South Africa implying recognition of the authority of the Government of South
Africa over the Territory of Namibia ..." (resolution 283 (1970)). And in the Court's 1970 Advisory
Opinion on Namibia it was because of resolution 276 (1970) and the express finding that South
Africa's presence was illegal that member States were held to be obliged to abstain from treaty
relations with South Africa in which South Africa assumed power to represent Namibia.
Exactly the same practice can be seen in the Security Council's treatment of the South African
"Homelands", of Turkish occupied Cyprus, of Iraq's occupation of Kuwait, and of Israel's
occupation of Arab territories following the Six-Day War of June 1967. In Australia's CounterMemorial
(ACM, Appendix A, pp. 182-193) we have set out this practice in some detail, so I do not
need to review it again now.
The conclusion is clear. It is not the practice of the Security Council to leave the legal
obligations of States to arise by inference from general findings of a right to self-determination, or
even a finding that a State's occupation of territory is illegal. In all cases the Council spells out the
legal obligations it imposes for the very good reason that, if matters were left to mere inference,
confusion would result: States would almost certainly draw different inferences. Yet here we have
nothing. The Security Council has not spelt out or imposed a single legal obligation on Australia or
any other member State which would preclude Australia from entering into the Timor Gap Treaty
with Indonesia. Nor did Portugal ever propose to the Security Council or the Assembly a resolution
which would have precluded Australia or States generally from dealing with Indonesia, or would
have condemned it for having done so.
In Australia's submission, that is conclusive. But, for the sake of argument, let us suppose
that this conclusive practice did not exist and that it was possible to argue, as Portugal now argues,
that legal duties did arise by mere inference. If such was the case, and if we assume Portugal is right
to argue that legal duties arose for Australia by virtue of these two Security Council resolutions, is it
not extraordinary that the Council has never challenged Australia's conclusion of the 1989 Treaty?
After all, if Portugal is right, in December 1989 Australia committed a flagrant breach of duties
- 26 -
arising from the Council's express affirmation of the right of self-determination of the people of
East Timor. The Council was well aware of the existence of the Treaty. So Portugal asks us to
believe that for 14 years the Council, knowing of this flagrant breach by Australia, has kept silent!
The idea is impossible to accept. Whatever the failings of the Security Council, silence is not one of
them.
Then there is another, quite separate consideration. We have heard from Portugal a great deal
about the duties which, by inference, Australia is alleged to have assumed. I want, now, to talk
about Australia's rights.
As Professor Pellet will emphasize, Australia, too, has a right of sovereignty over its natural
resources. Australia, too, has a right to exploit its off-shore resources and, to that end, to negotiate
whatever arrangements are practicable with neighbouring coastal States. Without such
arrangements, exploitation is usually impossible.
Now in the present case, negotiation with Portugal was useless. Australia had a stark choice:
negotiate with Indonesia, or abandon any hope of exercising these important rights.
The Court will readily see the implications of Portugal's thesis. Australia is to be denied those
sovereign rights by necessary inference from the general call to respect the territorial integrity of
East Timor, and the right to self-determination of its people.
Mr. President, I find that scarcely credible. If Australia is to be deprived of these very
important rights it would require (i) an express finding by the Security Council that Australia had
committed a delict consisting of a "threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression" and,
in consequence, such a sanction was to be applied against Australia, and (ii) an express or implied
invocation by the Council of its powers under Chapter VII. I do not believe that Australia could be
deprived of its sovereign rights by mere inference, or by action under Chapter VI of the Charter.
There is, I suppose, the possibility that, despite the silence of the Security Council, the
General Assembly, even lacking mandatory power, might have expressed the view that a legal duty
had been imposed on Australia, and that in concluding the Timor Gap Treaty Australia had breached
that duty. The promotion and protection of the right of self-determination is, after all, a specific
- 27 -
power assumed by the Assembly. So let us briefly review the relevant General Assembly resolutions
to see whether they lend any support to Portugal's thesis.
(b) The General Assembly resolutions
There are eight resolutions, adopted between 1975 and 1982. Not one refers to Australia.
Not surprisingly, nothing in any of these resolutions suggests Australia is to be deprived of its rights
to exploit its natural resources. Even more striking, not one expressly contemplates legal duties for
all member States, such as a duty not to recognize Indonesia, or a duty not to deal with Indonesia in
matters affecting East Timor. That is remarkable if only because, in its resolutions on Rhodesia,
Namibia, and the Arab territories occupied by Israel, for example, the General Assembly had done
precisely that.
What one finds instead is an initial censure of Indonesia - though not for aggression, mark you
- it was "military intervention" which was deplored. And even this censure disappears after 1976 as
an express paragraph in the resolutions. In the debates more and more States referred to the need to
accept the reality of the situation brought about by Indonesian control. Indeed, some even
questioned whether the matter should remain on the agenda. The Assembly's interest shifted to
United Nations mediation between Indonesia, Portugal and the people of East Timor, in an attempt
to promote self-determination and to deal with humanitarian issues. And even then, despite the
increasingly mild terms of the resolutions, support in the Assembly for any United Nations
involvement declined. The last resolution in 1982 barely passed, with only 50 States in favour, 46
against, and 50 abstentions. I invite the Court to examine the table, numbered 2 in your folder,
which you have as a loose sheet, showing that decline in support for any action in relation to
East Timor. That table shows the marked decline in support and by 1982 less than one-third of the
members supported it.
It is this passage of time - between the early resolutions of 1975 and 1976 and the conclusion
of the Timor Gap Treaty - which is crucial. Certainly at the outset of the United Nations interest it
was prepared to censure Indonesia in somewhat mild terms, and to affirm the right of East Timor to
territorial integrity, and the right of its people to self-determination. But the fact of the matter is that
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the United Nations lost interest, or at least lost hope of effecting a change in the situation. That was
a factor Australia had to take into account: it meant Australia had no choice but to deal with
Indonesia.
But Portugal's thesis, as ably and clearly presented by Professor Higgins, is that the passage
of time does not matter. The obligations of member States persist, based on a logical, necessary
inference from the early resolutions. Let us pause for a moment and examine these logical,
necessary inferences drawn from the earlier resolutions. Did Portugal draw such inferences? Let me
cite from the Summary Record of the Fourth Committee in 1982 (A/C.4/37/SR.19, p. 34).
"Portugal was co-sponsoring a draft resolution on East Timor for the first time. In
previous years Portugal had felt that, as administering Power, it was difficult for it to
support draft resolutions which skirted the main issue, that of the effective resumption
of administration of the territory ..." (Para. 25.)
Now if Professor Higgins is right; if by logical, necessary inference from the earlier
resolutions the position of Portugal as administering Power was fully vindicated, why had Portugal
found it difficult to support those resolutions? Why had Portugal felt they "skirted the main issue"?
Mr. President, the likely answer is that those resolutions did not confirm that Portugal had exclusive
rights to represent the territory; and did not require member States to recognize only Portugal.
If that was so when the resolutions were first adopted, how much weaker they become as the
years pass and the majority dwindles. But Professor Higgins denies this. The passage of time is of
no consequence. States must continue to do their duty - their inferred duty - based on the early
resolutions and totally ignore the very profound change of attitude within the United Nations. States
must continue to act as if the United Nations had never wavered from its early resolution.
Mr. President, that is a view of the obligations of member States which is far removed from
reality or practicality.
You will recall Portugal's argument as put by Professor Higgins (CR 95/5, pp. 8-32). The
absence of resolutions after 1982 is irrelevant legally and easily explained: the Assembly is too busy
to keep renewing the same resolutions, and, anyway, it is not the practice, and the Cold War made it
difficult.
Mr. President, it is indeed the practice. Issues like South-West Africa and Rhodesia were
- 29 -
kept on the agenda, and resolutions passed, despite the Cold War, year after year precisely because
member States did not lose interest and were determined to change the situation. If the interest is
there, there is no question of the Assembly being too busy.
The real explanation lies in this table that I have referred you to. After 1982 member States
felt that Indonesia was there to stay. The same conclusion was forced on Australia, and when, for
lack of any alternative, Australia dealt with Indonesia there was not one word of criticism from the
United Nations.
Mr. President, whatever one thinks of the Assembly's record in the matter, one thing is clear.
There is no evidence  not a shred  of any support in the Assembly for Portugal's claims before this
Court. In all these years there has not been a single voice in the Assembly to support the thesis that
member States could deal only with Portugal, and not with Indonesia. And not one voice has been
heard to echo Portugal's complaint that Australia has violated the right of the people of East Timor
to self-determination. And that is true of both the debates in the Security Council and in the General
Assembly.
How, then, can it be that a legal duty to deal exclusively with Portugal was imposed on
Australia - as a direct and necessary consequence of the right to self-determination of the people of
East Timor - and yet neither organ ever referred to such a duty, or regarded Australia as being in
breach? There was no secret about the Timor Gap Treaty. Portugal brought it to the attention of the
Committee of 24 on 9 November 1988. Member States were well aware of it. Yet no one - apart
from Portugal - has ever charged Australia with a breach of this supposed duty to deal exclusively
with Portugal, or of the right to self-determination. If Portugal is right, Australia breached a rule of
jus cogens, deriving from United Nations resolutions - and nobody noticed! That is truly
astonishing. Is it possible that the United Nations did not share, and does not share, Portugal's view?
Is it possible, Mr. President, for the whole world community to be wrong: and Portugal
right? I suggest not. And not simply because the record of debates does not support Portugal. The
fact is that Portugal is unable to show, by any process of legal reasoning, how you can start from the
simple and unobjectionable premise of the right of self-determination, and then extrapolate to this
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wild allegation of a legal duty on Australia to deal exclusively and futilely with Portugal. The flaw
lies in that wild extrapolation, which no one else accepts.
2. The conduct of other States as evidence of the existence of the legal duty alleged by Portugal
Mr. President, I would like now, with your permission, to examine the conduct of other
States. The relevance of this conduct is obvious. If, as Portugal alleges, the source of the supposed
duties, binding on Australia, lies in the right of self-determination, then all States must be under
similar duties. For the right of self-determination of the people of East Timor exists erga omnes,
says Portugal. In consequence, all States must be bound by the same duties. As I shall show, many
States reject any suggestion that they are subject to such duties: not just Australia. And from this
abundant State practice, therefore, the conclusion emerges that the supposed duties are entirely
illusory.
Let me take first the group of States which take the view that the people of East Timor have
already exercised their right of self-determination. This is a position more extreme than that taken
by Australia, but, clearly, if they are right the whole basis of Portugal's case collapses: for the
territory has, on this view, been lawfully integrated into Indonesia. That group of States includes
Bangladesh, India, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Malaysia, Morocco, Oman, the Philippines, Saudi Arabia,
Singapore, Suriname, and Thailand. In Australia's Counter-Memorial (pp. 77-86), Australia has
given the actual statements of representatives of those States supporting that position.
Then there is a group of States which take the view that the people of East Timor retain their
right to self-determination, but at the same time accept the reality that Indonesia is now in effective
control of the territory and do not expect the situation to change. This group includes Canada,
Japan, Papua New Guinea, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, Sweden, Mauritania, and the United
States. To cite Sweden's representative in the Fourth Committee in 1979: "Sweden recognized that
there was in East Timor today a de facto situation to which there was no realistic alternative"
(A/C.4/34/SR.23, 2 November 1979).
In similar vein, New Zealand has expressed the view that "the situation there is irreversible"
(ACM, Ann. 6); and the United States has made the judgment that "the integration [meaning the
- 31 -
integration into Indonesia] was an accomplished fact" (Ann. 4).
States are entitled to deal with the authority in control. And if they do so they are not acting
unlawfully.
This is borne out by the State practice, for there is clear evidence that States have, like
Australia, concluded treaties with Indonesia relating to the territory of East Timor. The treaties in
question are double taxation agreements or treaties for the promotion and protection of investments,
or air transport agreements and, clearly, if they are intended and expressed to apply to East Timor
they imply recognition of Indonesia's capacity to represent the territory.
It is beyond question that in 1976 Indonesia legislated to incorporate East Timor into
Indonesia as its twenty-seventh province. From that moment, so far as Indonesia was concerned, any
reference to "the territory of Indonesia" included East Timor.
Thus, there are at least 20 post-1976 treaties on the avoidance of double taxation [ACM, at
least Ann. C] with Austria, Canada, The Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany,
India, Japan, Korea, Luxembourg, New Zealand, Norway, the Philippines, Poland, Sweden,
Sri Lanka, Switzerland, Tunisia and Thailand. All these treaties define the territorial scope of the
treaties in these terms: "the term 'Indonesia' comprises the territory of the Republic of Indonesia as
defined in its laws ..."
There are nine recent agreements on the Protection and Promotion of Investments which use
the same territorial application clause: with Sweden and Poland in 1992, and with Egypt, Malaysia,
the Netherlands, Turkmenistan, Slovakia, Laos and Hungary in 1994.
Then there are two Agreements on Scheduled Air Transport, with Turkey in 1993 and with
New Zealand in 1994. These, too, use the phrase "The territory of the Republic of Indonesia as
defined in its laws ..."
Necessarily, since the laws of Indonesia then defined East Timor as part of Indonesia, this is
clear recognition of Indonesia's capacity to make treaties in respect of the territory of East Timor.
So, Mr. President, there are at least 30 States which have treated with Indonesia in terms
- 32 -
which include East Timor. These States clearly do not accept Portugal's contention that Portugal -
and only Portugal - can represent the territory. Nor do they understand that, by necessary
implication from the United Nations resolutions, they are in duty bound not to conclude treaties with
Indonesia affecting the territory of East Timor.
The Portuguese argument to the contrary is, frankly, unacceptable (PR, para. 6.14). Whether
double taxation agreements deny the right of self-determination is not the point. The point is that the
treaties necessarily recognize Indonesia's capacity to conclude agreements relating to East Timor.
And to say, as Portugal does, that for Indonesia to define the territory as part of Indonesia under its
own law is not the same as saying the territory is Indonesian under international law equally misses
the point. I repeat, the point is simply that all these States recognized Indonesia's capacity to
conclude treaties on behalf of East Timor. And there is another point of some importance. We have
no record - or we know of no record - of any protest by Portugal addressed to States concluding
these treaties with Indonesia. These were not "secret" treaties, and Portugal must be presumed to
have known about them. Portugal regards itself as the administering Power. Why, then, did
Portugal not make some protest, or express some reservation, when, according to these treaties, they
entail recognition of Indonesia's right to treat in respect of East Timor? There is nothing unusual
about such a protest or reservation. It is, in fact, a common feature of State practice when one State
objects to another treating territory belonging to the former State as if it were its own. States regard
this as a prudent, minimal step to preserve their rights. Could it be that Portugal, too, had in fact
accepted the reality of Indonesian control?
In conclusion, Mr. President, I would simply emphasize that both within the United Nations
and outside the United Nations, in their bilateral relations with Indonesia, many States accept the
reality of Indonesian control and are prepared to deal with Indonesia as regards the territory of East
Timor.
To say, as Portugal says, that this is an illegal act, because only Portugal can represent the
territory, is simply wishful thinking on the part of Portugal. The United Nations has never taken that
view, nor have member States, and there is no rule of international law, absolutely none, to support
- 33 -
Portugal's thesis.
Now in drawing that conclusion I am not saying the various resolutions of the United Nations
relating to East Timor are meaningless. Nor am I saying that the principle of self-determination is
without any application in this situation. It may be useful, therefore, if I say a little about the
significant consequences of those resolutions, as Australia sees them.
Mr. President, this might be a time at which you would wish to make a pause.
The PRESIDENT: How much time will it take for you to finish your
statement please?
Mr. BOWETT: Nine minutes.
The PRESIDENT: Alright, please proceed.
Mr. BOWETT:
3. The consequences of the resolutions on East Timor
The resolutions have important consequences although, after so many years of relative
inactivity in the United Nations over East Timor, it is difficult to estimate their practical or legal
significance today.
Firstly, there is clearly a dispute between the United Nations and Indonesia, principally over
whether there has been a valid act of self-determination by the people of the territory but also, if
resolution 389 (1976) is still regarded as operative by the Security Council, over the presence of
Indonesian forces in the territory.
Secondly, there is clearly a dispute between Portugal and Indonesia, for it is the very presence
of Indonesia which compels Portugal to be an administering power in name only, and denies to
Portugal the effective exercise of the authority normally attaching to an administering power. It is
for this reason that the mediation of the Secretary-General has been directed towards contacts with
both Indonesia and Portugal, as well as the people of the territory.
Thirdly, the express finding that the people of East Timor have the right to self-determination
has consequences for all States. Australia does not dispute this finding: what Australia disputes is
- 34 -
that you can infer from this finding a legal duty to deal exclusively with Portugal. Clearly the
primary consequence of this finding is its effect on Portugal and Indonesia, for it rests with them to
give effect to it: this is precisely why the Secretary-General's mediation efforts involve direct contact
with these two States.
As regards other States, the consequence of the finding, obviously, is that they must respect
this right of self-determination: and that duty Australia fully accepts. But, as State practice shows,
no State has taken the view that this means dealing exclusively with Portugal. The duty to respect
the right of self-determination means something more than the duty to make futile gestures. But
precisely what this duty means, in terms of the conduct required of member States, was not specified
by either the General Assembly or the Security Council. Member States had "une obligation de
résultat", no more: the means by which they were to implement that duty were left to their
discretion. And no one in the United Nations - except Portugal - no one has challenged Australia's
discretion.
I ask the Court to put itself in the shoes of the Australian Government in 1989. What options
did Australia have? One option, I suppose, was to negotiate with Portugal and produce an
agreement totally devoid of any practical effect: a piece of paper! No, there would be two pieces of
paper, for there would have been an immediate strong, formal protest from Indonesia. You may be
certain that the consequence of that option would be a serious deterioration in the relations between
Australia and Indonesia, and of no help whatsoever to the people of East Timor.
Another option was to do nothing: simply to leave this important maritime area and its
resources unclaimed, unregulated and undeveloped. The Court can imagine the difficulties the
Australian Government would face in justifying this policy of inaction to its own people.
Another option, suggested by counsel for Portugal last week (CR 95/5, p. 32) was for
Australia to confine its off-shore activities to the south of the median line. Well, what an option!
Abandon your claims and settle for exploitation on your opponent's terms! This Court well knows
the danger of accepting a de facto maritime boundary. The only beneficiary from that option would
have been Indonesia!
- 35 -
Or was there a further option, in fact, the one Australia chose? This was to respect the
finding by both the Security Council and the General Assembly that the people had a right to
self-determination, and a right to development, and to see how, as a practical matter, those rights
could be accommodated. And that required an accommodation with Indonesia, for only Indonesia
was in a position to pass on to the people of the territory the economic benefits of the development of
their offshore resources.
The accommodation reached was the Timor Gap Treaty, an agreement which, by its terms,
does protect as far as possible the interests of the people of East Timor. I shall, at a later stage in
these pleadings, take the Court through the essential features of the Treaty, so the Court can satisfy
itself that this is not a "greedy" treaty. This is not some despicable agreement designed to allow
Australia to plunder the offshore resources of East Timor. The Court will note that Portugal does
not, in its written submissions, attack the agreement as such. It is only during these oral arguments
that the treaty has been denigrated as an instrument of plunder.
Moreover, this is not a situation in which everything turns on the rights of Portugal, or on the
right of the people of East Timor. The Court will forgive me if I stress, yet again, that Australia,
too, has rights. As a Coastal State it had every right to negotiate such arrangements as would enable
it to exploit its own offshore resources. Australia, too, had obligations towards its own people and
could not remain passive and inactive in the face of demands that practical arrangements should be
made to allow offshore development to proceed.
The problem for Australia was how to achieve this in a difficult, and highly unusual, situation
in which, in truth, the United Nations gave no guidance. There was a clear need to avoid friction
between Australia and Indonesia, if at all possible. If you read the Preamble to the Timor Gap
Treaty you will see the importance both parties attached to this. They recorded their commitment to
"maintaining, renewing and further strengthening the mutual respect, friendship and co-operation
between their two countries". They concluded the Agreement "mindful of the interests which their
countries share as immediate neighbours".
These are not simply flowery phrases put in for the sake of appearances. They reflect the
- 36 -
practical realities of the region. Australia and Indonesia are neighbours. They need to promote
friendship and co-operation. It was Australia's judgment that these aims could be secured without
prejudicing the interests of the people of East Timor, and that remains Australia's view to this day.
But let us leave that for a later stage. For the moment, it suffices that I conclude by
emphasising that at no stage has either the Security Council or the General Assembly taken the view
that Australia was legally bound to deal exclusively with Portugal, and not with Indonesia; at no
stage has either organ condemned Australia for any violation of the right to self-determination of the
people of East Timor; and at no stage has the conclusion of the Timor Gap Treaty been condemned
by either organ.
Mr. President, that concludes my statement. I apologize for delaying the Court.
The PRESIDENT: Thank you very much Professor Bowett. The Court will have a break of
15 minutes. The meeting is suspended.
The Court adjourned from 11.40 a.m. to 12.05 p.m.
The PRESIDENT: Please be seated. I give the floor to Professor Christopher Staker.
Mr. STAKER:
Consequences of the description of Portugal
as the administering Power of East Timor
Mr. President, Members of the Court.
This is the first time that I appear before this Court, and I am deeply conscious that it is an
honour to do so.
It is my task this morning to deal with one further aspect of the Argument of Portugal relating
to self-determination and misrecognition. This is the argument concerning the alleged consequences
of the description of Portugal as the "administering Power" of East Timor.
In these proceedings, Portugal complains that Australia has negotiated in respect of the
petroleum resources in the Timor Gap with Indonesia rather than Portugal, and has excluded any
negotiation with Portugal. This complaint is set out in Portuguese submissions 2 and 3. Portugal
- 37 -
says that by these acts, Australia has "méconnu", or "disregarded", the status of Portugal as the
administering Power of East Timor.
Portugal argues that in international law there exists an objective legal status of administering
Power of a non-self-governing territory (e.g., CR 95/5, p. 61, Mr. Galvão Teles; CR 95/6, pp. 44-
45, Mr. Correia). Portugal maintains that where the United Nations General Assembly or Security
Council refers in a resolution to a particular State as the administering Power of a particular nonself-governing
territory, that this reference constitutes a "determinative designation or finding", that
is "incontestable", and which has erga omnes effect. That is, that it is opposable against all States.
(See ARej., para. 182; also CR 95/2, pp. 62-63, Mr. Galvão Teles.)
Portugal says that the General Assembly and Security Council resolutions on East Timor that
were adopted between 1975 and 1982 designate Portugal as the administering Power of that
territory, and that the United Nations has never revoked this status. Thus, says Portugal, its status
as the administering Power of East Timor constitutes a "given" in this case, a "chose réglée", or "res
decisa" (PR, paras. 2.22-2.23, 4.28, 4.30; CR 95/2, p. 57, Mr. Galvão Teles; CR 95/3, pp. 52-53,
Mr. Correia; CR 95/5, p. 59, Mr. Galvão Teles).
Finally, Portugal argues that as the administering Power of East Timor, it has the exclusive
legitimate right and competence to enter into treaties with other States in respect of East Timor. To
deal with a third State  any third State  in respect of East Timor is said to be a wrongful
"méconnaissance" or "disregard" of the rights and powers of Portugal as the administering Power
(e.g., PM, para. 8.14; PR, para. 6.15.).
Before dealing with this aspect of the merits, it is appropriate that I make a preliminary
observation on its relationship to questions of jurisdiction and admissibility, on which Australia's
arguments have already been heard. Portugal argues that because its status as administering Power
is a "given" in this case, and because the mere fact of any dealing with any State other than Portugal
is wrongful, a determination of Australia's responsibility would not require a preliminary decision on
the rights and responsibilities of any third State not before the Court. Portugal says that the
Monetary Gold principle is therefore inapplicable. Professor Crawford and Professor Pellet have
- 38 -
already dealt with this argument.
But, Mr. President, even when one looks at the merits of Portugal's argument on the
assumption of admissibility, the Monetary Gold principle imposes important limitations on the
question of substance which the Court is asked by Portugal to decide. The question whether all
States are under an obligation to deal exclusively with Portugal in respect of East Timor, and with
no other State, as a consequence of Portugal's alleged objective legal status as the administering
Power of East Timor. That is the question which the Court is asked by Portugal to decide. If it is
not possible to answer this question as Portugal proposes, then the Court would - on any view of the
Monetary Gold principle - be unable to give a decision on the legality of Australia's dealings with
Indonesia in respect of the Timor Gap. It would be impossible to determine that Australia is not
entitled to deal with Indonesia without first examining and deciding upon the rights and capacity of
Indonesia in relation to the territory.
Portugal's whole case therefore hinges on these two words -"administering Power" - and their
supposed legal effect.
Portugal can point to the fact that five or six of the ten General Assembly and Security
Council resolutions adopted between 1975 and 1982 on the question of East Timor refer to Portugal
as the "administering Power" of that territory. Portugal also points out that the Committee of 24 has
referred to Portugal as the "administering Power" since then. But this of itself goes no way to
proving the Portuguese theory of what these words mean.
Mr. President, Members of the Court, Australia argues that in international law there is no
special objective legal status of administering Power, binding erga omnes, and opposable against all
States. (ARej., Pt. II, Ch. 1, esp. paras. 184-198). Australia does not take issue with the
proposition that in some cases the General Assembly can adopt resolutions which have
"determinative" effect, which have legal consequences for States. But this does not mean that every
reference in a General Assembly or Security Council resolution to a factual or a legal situation
constitutes a legally binding determination of that situation.
Australia does not deny that the General Assembly can determine with binding legal effect
- 39 -
whether a particular territory is a non-self-governing territory under Chapter XI of the Charter. But
it does not follow from this that a reference by the General Assembly to a particular State as the
"administering Power" of such a territory constitutes a determination of an objective legal status,
opposable against all States for all purposes, and much less that such an "objective" status entails
the consequences that Portugal claims.
In fact, an examination of United Nations practice suggests precisely the contrary. In none of
the relevant United Nations resolutions dealing with non-self-governing territories is there any
suggestion of a corresponding status of "administering Power". Important General Assembly
resolutions on self-determination have repeatedly affirmed that it is for the General Assembly to
determine whether a territory is non-self-governing, and that this is not a matter within the reserved
domain of the State administering that territory. The United Nations has also assumed the
responsibility of determining when Chapter XI ceases to apply to a non-self-governing territory.
And the General Assembly has adopted resolutions setting out the criteria to be applied by the
General Assembly in determining whether or not a particular territory is non-self-governing.
In contrast to this, neither the General Assembly, nor the Security Council, nor the Committee
of 24, nor any other United Nations organ, has ever sought to define the content of a concept of
"administering Power", nor to define the criteria for determining whether a particular State has that
status in respect of a particular non-self-governing territory, nor to define the extent of its powers of
administration in respect of the territory. Nor has the General Assembly or any other organ
purported to reserve to itself the competence to determine whether a particular State has this status,
in a way legally binding on all Members. Relevant United Nations resolutions have never even
remotely suggested that an acknowledgment by the United Nations that a particular State is the
"administering Power" establishes a special juridical status in international law, having ipso jure
effect, binding erga omnes, until such time as the status is subsequently modified by the
United Nations. Nor have they ever suggested that a State designated as the administering Power by
the United Nations has the exclusive competence to deal with other States in respect of the territory,
whether or not it exercises any control over it.
- 40 -
The General Assembly's 1960 Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial
Countries and Peoples (resolution 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960), contains no positive reference
at all to administering Powers, let alone any suggestion that they have special rights or powers by
virtue of Chapter XI that other States are bound to respect. Nor does that Declaration have anything
to say about the circumstances in which a change in the State administering a non-self-governing
territory may occur, or should or should not be recognized by other States.
However, in order to test the Portuguese thesis, let us assume for the purposes of argument
that the first step in the Portuguese theory is correct - that is, that the General Assembly and
Security Council have the capacity to determine authoritatively that a particular State is the
administering Power of a non-self-governing territory. Let us also assume that the Security Council
and General Assembly resolutions on East Timor adopted between 1975 and 1982 have determined
that Portugal is the administering Power of East Timor - even though not all of these resolutions
refer to Portugal as such - and let us assume that this determination has not been revoked.
Let us then consider what the consequences of this would be.
According to Portugal, there are a number of consequences which necessarily flow from the
status of administering Power. Portugal argues that because its status as administering Power is
incontestable, the applicability of these consequences to Portugal in relation to East Timor is
similarly incontestable.
First, Portugal claims that as administering Power of East Timor, it exercises all powers
equivalent to sovereignty or sovereign authority over East Timor. In Portugal's words, it exercises in
relation to the territory "all the powers inherent to its capacity of a State subject of international law"
(CR 95/6, p. 45, Mr. Correia), or "toutes les compétences propres aux Etats avec les seules
limitations découlant des normes du droit de la décolonisation" (PR, para. 4.60).
Second, Portugal claims to exercise these powers in relation to East Timor to the exclusion of
any other State. As Mr. Galvão Teles put it, the Portuguese argument is that Portugal's status as
administering Power "implique qu'il n'y ait pas, quant à ce territoire, d'autre autorité de jure que
celle du Portugal, sauf, bien entendu, celle du peuple du Timor oriental lui-même" (CR 95/2,
- 41 -
p. 60, Galvão Teles). The result of this, says Portugal, is that "The non-participation of Portugal
prevents treaty-making in relation to East Timor... [T]he legal competencies of treaty-making
continue to belong to it [Portugal] and no one else" (CR 95/4, p. 14). In short, says Portugal,
"Australia is under an obligation to deal with Portugal and no one else" (CR 95/4, p. 25 Correia).
Third, says Portugal, Portugal's exclusive right and capacity to deal with other States in
respect of the territory will continue until such time as the General Assembly terminates Portugal's
status as the administering Power. (PR, paras. 4.16, 4.22; CR 95/4, pp. 10-11, Mr. Correia).
Whether or not Portugal exercises any control over the territory is considered to be irrelevant.
Portugal says that for so long as the United Nations has not expressly terminated Portugal's status as
the administering Power, all States remain under an obligation to deal solely with Portugal.
Mr. President, Members of the Court.
Each of these three alleged consequences of Portugal's designation as administering Power
constitute a giant leap in Portugal's reasoning. If one begins from the premise that Portugal has the
status of administering Power, and if one accepts, as Portugal argues, that States are under a duty to
respect the powers and duties of an administering Power (e.g., PM, para. 3.01), the next logical step
would be to ask the question: what are the rights and powers (if any) of an administering Power?
Why should it be, as Portugal contends, that the State designated by the United Nations as the
administering Power should be treated by all States in the world as the sole State entitled to deal
with others in respect of the territory, even if that State has exercised no control over the territory
whatever for almost 20 years?
One would expect Portugal to advance carefully reasoned arguments in support of such an
extreme proposition. In fact, one finds almost no argument at all. Both in Portugal's pleadings, and
in its oral argument, the proposition that the designated administering Power is the sole State entitled
to conclude agreements with other States in respect of the territory appears more as an assumption
than an argument. Portugal assumes that if the General Assembly can adopt "constitutive"
resolutions, determining that a particular territory is a non-self-governing territory within the
meaning of Chapter XI, it must logically be able to adopt similar resolutions determining which State
- 42 -
is the administering Power of that territory (e.g., PR, para. 4.09; CR 95/2, p. 56, Mr. Galvão Teles;
CR 95/3, pp. 64-65, Mr. Correia). In its Reply, Portugal says that a determination by the
United Nations that a territory is non-self-governing
"serait incomplète et ne pourrait produire les effets juridiques voulus par cette
déclaration avec force obligatoire s'il subsistait une incertitude sur l'identité du
titulaire des pouvoirs et des devoirs juridiques concernant l'administration du
territoire" (PR, para. 4.09).
However, assuming the United Nations can identify which State is the holder of the rights and duties
of the administering Power, this merely begs the question what those rights and duties are.
Professor Dupuy has told the Court that in matters of self-determination, the Charter speaks
for itself - Carta ipsa loquitur (CR 95/3, pp. 11-14, especially at 13). But nothing in the Charter
expressly says anything about the powers exercisable by an administering Power over a
non-self-governing territory, or about that State's capacity - exclusive or otherwise - to deal with
other States in respect of the territory.
Australia says that it is not obliged by international law to deal solely with Portugal as the
administering Power in relation to East Timor. I should perhaps add, for the sake of clarity, that this
does not necessarily mean that it would be illegal for a State to recognize Portugal as having the
capacity - even the exclusive capacity - to enter into treaties in respect of the territory. Australia
does not ask the Court to find that all States are obliged to recognize Portugal as having lost its
rights and powers to deal with other States in respect of the territory. But in the circumstances of the
case, in view of the fact that Portugal has had no presence in the territory and exercised no control
over it for almost 20 years, it is not contrary to international law for States to recognize Portugal as
no longer exercising any powers of sovereignty over it.
Professor Correia said last week that "Australia never explains which jurisprudence, practice
or literature support this bizarre theory of a limited status for an Administering Authority like
Portugal" (CR 95/4, p. 15). This is a curious criticism, since the authorities and precedents on
which Australia relies are set out in the Rejoinder (ARej., Part II, Chap. 1). I shall refer to some of
these precedents shortly. It is, on the contrary, Portugal which cites no authority in support of its
theory, and the Portuguese theory which is inconsistent with the fundamental structure of Chapter XI
- 43 -
itself.
As Professor Crawford has demonstrated, the rights of a State - whatever they may be - to
exercise sovereignty, or sovereign authority, over a non-self-governing territory do not have their
source in the Charter. Rather, those rights are created and lost outside the Charter under general
international law. No doubt Chapter XI of the Charter imposes certain obligations on States which
have or assume responsibilities for the administration of non-self-governing territories, but
Chapter XI does not itself create or extinguish rights to exercise sovereign powers in such territories.
In effect, Portugal's argument equates non-self-governing territories under Chapter XI with
trust territories under Chapter XII, despite the clear distinction between them for this purpose under
the Charter.
In Chapter XII of the Charter, Article 81 provides that trusteeship agreements shall be
entered into which "shall in each case include the terms under which the trust territory will be
administered and designate the authority which will exercise the administration of the trust territory".
The State so designated is referred to in the Charter as the "administering authority". Thus, in the
case of a trust territory under Chapter XII, there is clearly a specific State which enjoys the juridical
status of "administering authority" by virtue of the relevant trusteeship agreement and the Charter.
This status may be conferred on a State which never previously had any right to administer the
territory. The United Nations therefore determines through the trusteeship agreement not only which
State shall administer the territory, but also the extent of the powers, obligations and rights of the
administering authority, and the terms on which they shall be exercised. Chapter XII of the Charter
is itself the source of that State's authority over the territory.
On the other hand, under Chapter XI, the United Nations has no dispositive powers to
determine which State is entitled to administer a particular non-self-governing territory, in a way that
would be opposable against all States for all purposes. It cannot be suggested that when Portugal
joined the United Nations in 1955, that the United Nations had a choice whether to "determine" that
Portugal would be the administering Power of East Timor, or whether to "appoint" some other State
to this task. Portugal itself concedes this. In its Reply it states that determinative characterizations
- 44 -
by the General Assembly of a particular State as the administering Power of a territory "se limitent à
constater des situations pré-existantes" and that such characterizations are made "après l'examen de
la situation concrète du territoire et de la position de cet Etat par rapport à ce territoire" (PR, para.
4.59). In oral argument Portugal has conceded that the jurisdiction of an administering Power over a
territory "is not granted but only determined by the United Nations" (CR 95/4, pp. 10-11, Correia).
In other words, even on the Portuguese view a designation by the United Nations of a particular
State as the administering Power is normally no more than an acknowledgment of a prevailing
situation at the time the determination is made.
Nonetheless, Portugal suggests that by designating a particular State as the administering
Power, the United Nations is able to deal with "controversial situations" by making determinations
having definitive legal effect, thereby resolving that controversy (CR 95/3, pp. 66-67, Correia).
Portugal gives a number of examples, including Southern Rhodesia, French Somaliland, and the
territories under Portuguese administration (CR 95/3, pp. 66 ff., Correia). But these examples are
simply not in point. In these examples, the controversy or uncertainty concerned the question
whether the territories there were Chapter XI non-self-governing territories. If they were, there was
no controversy as to the identity of the State entitled to control and deal with other States in respect
of the territory. To prove its thesis, Portugal needs to point to examples where the General
Assembly has adopted resolutions to resolve a controversy or uncertainty as to the identity of the
particular State entitled to exercise sovereign powers over a territory. But an examination reveals
that in fact, in cases where there has been a dispute between two States over the right to administer a
particular non-self-governing territory, the General Assembly and Security Council have never taken
the view that they had the power to resolve this dispute in a way binding on the parties, let alone on
third States.
Mr. Burmester has referred to the example of the Falkland Islands (Malvinas). This has been
determined by the General Assembly to be a non-self-governing territory under Chapter XI of the
Charter. There is a long-standing dispute between the United Kingdom and Argentina over which
State is entitled to exercise sovereign authority over that territory. Yet it has never been suggested
- 45 -
that the General Assembly could make a "determinative designation" that the United Kingdom has
the status of "administering Power" of the Falkland Islands (Malvinas), and thereby create an
obligation binding on Argentina and every other State not to disregard or fail to respect that status -
a fortiori that it could determine that Argentina is the "administering Power" and thereby impose an
obligation on the United Kingdom to abandon the islands.
In the present case there is a long-standing dispute between Indonesia and Portugal over
which State is entitled to exercise sovereignty over the territory of East Timor. The situation is no
different. Chapter XI does not empower the United Nations to resolve this dispute.
Nor does Chapter XI empower the United Nations to determine the extent of the powers or
authority of a State administering a non-self-governing territory. The extent of that authority exists
independently of Chapter XI. In cases where a former colonial power remains in control of a
Chapter XI territory, the extent of its powers over the territory will normally be determined by the
pre-Charter position. As Professor Crawford has already pointed out, in some cases, the colonial
power will have exercised complete colonial sovereignty over the territory. In such cases, the former
colonial power will, if it continues to administer the territory, exercise all powers of sovereignty in
respect of it under Chapter XI. In the case of other territories such as international protectorates, the
colonial State may have had more limited powers in relation to that territory. But whatever powers
the relevant State had prior to the operation of Chapter XI, these were not altered by Chapter XI.
In brief, where a State does exercise certain powers over a non-self-governing territory,
Chapter XI imposes obligations on that State in respect of the manner of their exercise. But
Chapter XI itself does not "confer" or even define the extent of those powers. In particular, it is not
the source of those powers. The authority of a State to exercise sovereignty over a particular
Chapter XI territory is found outside the Charter, under general international law. Similarly, where
a State loses all control over a Chapter XI territory, its rights in respect of that territory following
that loss of control are also determined under general international law, and not under Chapter XI.
From this it follows that all powers which, by general international law, depend upon
effective, actual possession of a territory must cease when that possession is lost. The only
- 46 -
remaining question, therefore, is whether the power to conclude the 1989 Timor Gap Treaty was of
that kind. Did it presuppose real, effective possession?
The answer is clearly yes. There cannot be a "coastal State" in absentia. International law
imposes duties, as well as rights on the coastal State, and these duties are contingent on presence in
the territory. For instance, the duty to conserve the living resources, the duty to guarantee innocent
passage, the duty to protect freedom of navigation, and the duty to protect licensees lawfully
prospecting in the area, can only be discharged by a State in actual effective control.
The effect of Portugal's argument would be that Portugal would have all the rights and
powers of a State in control of a territory but none of the responsibilities - other than the
responsibility, which Portugal admits, to promote self-determination by all means possible in
international and diplomatic fora. The basis of State liability for acts affecting other States is
physical control of a territory, (International Law Commission, Draft Articles on State
Responsibility, Article 10, Yearbook of the International Law Commission 1980, Vol. II (Part
Two), p. 31. See also Namibia Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1971, p. 54) so Portugal contends
that all States are under an obligation to deal solely with Portugal in respect of East Timor, even
though Portugal cannot be responsible for acts in the territory affecting other States. If a territorial
government for East Timor today authorized a mining company to explore for petroleum in an area
of the continental shelf claimed by Australia, Australia could not seek to impose responsibility on
Portugal in respect of that act. The converse must also be the case: Portugal cannot impose
responsibility on Australia for not dealing with Portugal.
There is another fundamental difference between Chapter XI and Chapter XII. Where an
administering authority appointed under Chapter XII is in breach of its obligations in respect of a
trust territory, the United Nations has the power to terminate the trusteeship agreement. Once the
trusteeship agreement is terminated, the former administering authority no longer has any right to
control the territory. If it thereafter remains present in the territory, that presence is illegal. All this
is affirmed by the Namibia Advisory Opinion (I.C.J. Reports 1971, p. 16) following earlier
decisions of this Court (South West Africa case, I.C.J. Reports 1966, p. 6). However, in cases
- 47 -
where a State administering a non-self-governing territory under Chapter XI has failed to fulfil its
obligations in respect of that territory, it has never been suggested that its right to control the
territory might be terminated by the United Nations, so that its very presence in the territory would
thereafter be unlawful.
The treatment by the United Nations of the question of territories under Portuguese
administration demonstrates this. In 1970, the General Assembly referred to the "policy of colonial
domination and racial discrimination" of Portugal and South Africa and the illegal racist minority
régime in Southern Rhodesia (resolution 2708 (XXV), 14 December 1970, para. 7). In 1966, the
General Assembly had terminated South Africa's Mandate over South-West Africa (resolution 2145
(XXI), 28 October 1966). Yet, while requesting the Security Council to consider taking appropriate
measures, including sanctions, against Portugal, and despite on two occasions referring to Portugal's
colonial policies as a "crime against humanity", the General Assembly nowhere suggested that it
might have a similar power to terminate Portugal's right to control the territories it administered
before the achievement of self-determination, so that Portugal's presence in those territories would
thereafter become illegal. Nor has the General Assembly ever purported to terminate any other
State's right to control a Chapter XI territory before self-determination was achieved. If the General
Assembly did have the power to terminate a State's right to control a territory pending
self-determination, the General Assembly might have been expected to exercise that authority in
Portugal's case. Because of the difference between Chapter XI and Chapter XII in this respect, the
Namibia Advisory Opinion on which Portugal relies is simply not in point.
If it is the case, then, that the United Nations cannot make any choice about which State is
entitled to exercise sovereign powers or authority over a Chapter XI territory, and cannot determine
the extent of the sovereign powers of that State, but can merely affirm or acknowledge what already
exists, what basis is there for asserting that its acknowledgment of a prevailing factual situation has
binding erga omnes effect? Portugal says that resolutions of the General Assembly determining that
a particular State is the administering power have a value which is "interprétative" (PR, para. 2.22).
But as has been said, in cases where the right of a State to exercise sovereign authority over a
- 48 -
territory is in dispute, the General Assembly has not sought to resolve that dispute. So if the United
Nations merely acknowledges, or "interprets" a clearly existing situation, there can be no basis for
asserting that this acknowledgment or interpretation will continue to have binding erga omnes effect,
even after the situation changes. Interpretation is not the same as disposition. Furthermore, if the
United Nations has no power to terminate the former colonial State's right to control the territory for
so long as it remains present in the territory, how can it be said that after it relinquishes or loses
control it must be recognized as having the sole right to enter into agreements with other States in
respect of the territory until the United Nations terminates its status of administering Power?
In practice, where there has been an effective change in the State administering a particular
non-self-governing territory, third States have not considered themselves bound to await a
determination by the United Nations before recognizing this change. An example of where such a
change occurred by consent of the States concerned is provided by the case of the Cocos (Keeling)
Islands (see ARej., para. 195, for further details). In 1955, administration of that non-self-governing
territory was transferred from the United Kingdom to Australia, pursuant to an arrangement between
these two States. From 1957, Australia transmitted information on that territory under Article 73 (e)
of the Charter, until the General Assembly decided in 1984 following a referendum that it was
appropriate that the transmission of such information should cease. No United Nations approval
was ever sought for the transfer of the territory. Nor did any United Nations organ ever formally
purport to transfer the status of administering Power from the United Kingdom to Australia, or to
make a "determinative designation" that Australia was now the administering Power. Australia's
status as the administering Power was acknowledged for the first time by the General Assembly in
1965, and even then, only indirectly. It would be absurd to maintain that from 1955 until 1965 all
other States were obliged not to deal with Australia in relation to the territory. Yet this would be the
effect of Portugal's argument.
Even in cases where one administering Power has been forcibly displaced by another State,
practice has not been uniformly to continue to recognize the former as the sole State entitled to deal
with others in respect of the territory until the United Nations has "terminated" its status as
- 49 -
administering Power. A clear example of practice to the contrary can be found in the case of
Western Sahara, to which Mr. Burmester has already referred. The United Nations has consistently
reaffirmed that the people of Western Sahara have the right to self-determination, and has rejected
the claim that the territory of Western Sahara has been incorporated into Morocco. The United
Nations has never referred to Morocco as the administering Power of Western Sahara, nor has it
ever purported to determine that Spain is no longer the administering Power. Yet this has not
prevented certain States, including the European Community, of which Portugal itself is a member,
from having dealings with Morocco as the State in effective control of the territory, in respect of the
natural resources of the territory.
Mr. Burmester has also referred to the Guinea-Bissau/Senegal arbitration, which provides
further confirmation that a State administering a non-self-governing territory may lose its authority
to enter into agreements with other States in respect of it by force of events, even though its status as
administering power has not yet been terminated by the United Nations. In particular, as
Mr. Burmester observes, by the time that Guinea-Bissau's independence was recognized by the
United Nations, when it admitted that State to membership in the Organization, some 40 States had
already recognized its independence. In other words, even though the United Nations had not yet
terminated Portugal's status as administering Power, these 40 States had ceased to recognize
Portugal as having any right to administer the territory, or to deal with other States in relation to it.
There are clear parallels between Guinea-Bissau and East Timor. By August 1975, the stage
had been reached in East Timor at which Portugal, in order to control, or try to control events, was
obliged (to adopt the language of the tribunal in the Guinea-Bissau/Senegal arbitration) "à recourir
à des moyens qui ne sont pas ceux que l'on emploie d'ordinaire pour faire face à des troubles
occasionnels" (Tribunal Arbitral pour la Détermination de la frontière maritime Guinée-Bissau
Sénégal, Award of 31 July 1989, reproduced in the Annex to the Application instituting proceedings
in the Case concerning the Arbitral Award of 31 July 1989 (Guinea-Bissau v. Senegal), p. 39).
Indeed, in a note verbale to the Secretary-General dated 20 April 1977, Portugal itself says that:
"Effective exercise of Portuguese sovereignty on the Territory of Timor
ceased in August 1975 when, owing to the violent incidents which took place at the
time in the Territory, the Governor of Timor was compelled to leave and to withdraw,
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together with his principal civil and military collaborators, to the Island of Atauro."
(A/32/73, 28 April 1977).
The Democratic Republic of East Timor was proclaimed by FRETILIN on
28 November 1975, and was recognized by some 15 States as an independent State (Ch. Rousseau,
Chronique des Faits Internationaux, RGDIP, 1976, p. 958. See also PM, para. 1.67). While not
recognized by Australia or Portugal, this demonstrates that by that stage, certain States no longer
considered themselves bound to recognize Portugal as having any rights or powers at all in respect of
the territory. And this would be true irrespective of the subsequent occupation of the territory by
Indonesia.
The fact of the subsequent Indonesian occupation of East Timor, whether lawful or unlawful
under international law, cannot have had the effect of restoring to Portugal an exclusive right to
exercise de jure powers of administration over the territory, which it had previously lost. In any
event, following the occupation of East Timor by Indonesia, FRETILIN continued until 1984 to
assert the existence of the Democratic Republic of East Timor as an independent State and rejected
the view that Portugal was still the administering Power of the territory (PM, para. 1.67). Calls by
FRETILIN after 1986, for a solution to the question of East Timor, which would involve the
re-establishment of Portuguese presence pending self-determination (PM, paras. 1.70-1.71) cannot
have been effective to reconstitute a legal situation totally at variance with the facts. Similarly,
resolutions of the Security Council and General Assembly referring to Portugal as the "administering
Power" cannot have had the effect of reconferring powers of administration on Portugal (even
assuming that this was their intention). As has been said, Portugal itself admits that the
United Nations cannot "confer" powers of administration ex novo, but can merely "determine" or
"find" the existing situation.
Essentially, Portugal asks the Court to determine that a former colonial State which did not
fulfil its obligations under Chapter XI when it was in control of a non-self-governing territory, and
which has since lost all control over the territory and thus cannot fulfil those obligations, must still
be recognized by all States some 20 years later as the sole State legitimately entitled to administer
that territory.
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Portugal is at present incapable of discharging the obligations of an administering member
under Article 73, as Portugal itself informs the Committee of 24. Portugal's argument that Australia
is impeding Portugal in the fulfilment of its obligations under Article 73, by misrecognizing its status
of administering Power is therefore without substance. The effect of the Portuguese argument would
be to prevent any agreement in respect of the continental shelf in the Timor Gap from being entered
into with any State that would be capable of having any effective operation. Portugal is unable to
give effect to any agreement which it may enter into, and it maintains that States would not be
entitled to deal with Indonesia, which is able to do so. The territory would thereby become
completely isolated from the international community. Sanctions and blockades always tend to have
this effect, and can prejudice the interests of the people concerned. This is why the international
community does not apply them automatically but only after consideration by the competent
United Nations organs, and on the basis of express directions or recommendations. Portugal seeks to
erect a policy of mandatory sanctions based on the two words "administering Power" - in effect, an
argument for sanctions out of silence.
This Portuguese argument runs counter to the very object of Chapter XI. Chapter XI is
concerned with the rights of the people of a non-self-governing territory. It is not a colonial charter
intended legally to entrench the rights of the former colonial State such that they will indefinitely
survive even a complete loss of control over the territory in question.
However, Portugal itself is ultimately forced to concede that this is not the effect of
international law. Portugal does not challenge the legality of the conduct of other States which have
entered into bilateral double taxation agreements with Indonesia which extend to the territory of
East Timor. Portugal tries to draw a distinction between these treaties and the Treaty between
Australia and Indonesia (PR, paras. 6.14-6.15; CR 95/4, pp. 63-64, Galvão Teles), but it is not
possible to do so. For a State to deal with Indonesia in respect of East Timor, whether in the context
of double taxation agreements or in the context of agreements for the exploitation of natural
resources, is to deny that Portugal is the sole State with which others may deal in respect of East
Timor. If it is illegal to deal with a State other than Portugal in the one context, it must be illegal to
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deal with a State other than Portugal in the other context. In its Reply (PR, paras. 5.10-5.11),
Portugal claims that all States are under an obligation analogous to the obligation described by this
Court in the Namibia Advisory Opinion (I.C.J. Reports 1971, pp. 54-56). The Court said in that
case (p. 55) that
"member States are under an obligation to abstain from entering into treaty relations
with South Africa in all cases in which the Government of South Africa purports to
act on behalf of or concerning Namibia".
Clearly, the conduct of these States entering into double taxation treaties with Indonesia is
inconsistent with this assertion. Entering into treaty relations with Indonesia in a case in which
Indonesia purports to act on behalf of or concerning East Timor is precisely what these States have
done. This treaty practice of other States flatly contradicts Portugal's assertion that "Australia is
under an obligation to deal with Portugal and no one else" (CR 95/4, p. 25, Mr. Correia).
Mr. President, Members of the Court,
If a designated administering Power does not have - by virtue of that status alone - the
exclusive power to deal with other States in respect of a territory, what then is the effect of the status
of administering Power?
The answer is that where the General Assembly or Security Council designates a particular
State as administering Power, this designation has effect for the purposes of the United Nations. It is
not binding in contexts outside the Organization.
Indeed, the same distinction may be observed even with respect to the key international
concept of a State.
The question whether a particular territorial entity is a State depends on the application of
rules of international law to the circumstances of a particular case. Statehood is not a legal status
which is "conferred" by the United Nations. However, United Nations organs may be required to
determine for their own purposes whether a particular entity is a State.
For instance, membership in the United Nations is open only to States (United Nations
Charter, Art. 4, para. 1). In the exercise of their functions under Article 4, paragraph 2, of the
Charter, the Security Council and General Assembly are therefore required to determine whether an
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entity applying for membership in the Organization is in fact a State. However, where the
United Nations has decided that an entity is a State in admitting it to membership, this does not mean
that all member States are under an erga omnes obligation to recognize that entity as a State in all
contexts and for all purposes. Nor does it mean that all member States are under an erga omnes
obligation not to "disregard" or to "misrecognize" its legal status as a State. References to
commentators supporting this proposition will be provided for inclusion in the verbatim record (H.
Aufricht, "Principles and Practices of Recognition by International Organizations", American
Journal of International Law, Vol. 43 (1949), p. 679, pp. 703-704; R. Higgins, The Development
of International Law through the Political Organs of the United Nations (1963), p. 165; H.E.H.
Mosler, "The International Society as a Legal Community", Recueil des Cours, Vol. 140 (1974-IV),
p. 60; J. Crawford, The Creation of States in International Law (1979), p. 322; P-M. Dupuy,
Droit International Public (2nd. ed. 1993), p. 71).
Similarly, where two competing entities claim to be the legitimate government of a particular
State, the United Nations will necessarily have to decide which of the two represents that State
within the Organization. But this does not mean that all member States will then be under an erga
omnes obligation not to "disregard" or "fail to respect" the right of that entity to represent the State
in all contexts and for all purposes, even in bilateral relations wholly outside the United Nations.
To give an obvious example, until 1971 China was represented in the United Nations by the
authority in Taipei. Notwithstanding this, between 1949 and 1971, numerous States recognized the
People's Republic of China and dealt with the Government in Beijing in respect of the territory of
China. It was never suggested that this was contrary to international law, until, in 1971, the General
Assembly decided to recognize the representatives of the People's Republic of China "as the only
legitimate representatives of China in the United Nations" (General Assembly res. 2758 (XXVI) of
25 October 1971).
In short, where the United Nations recognizes an entity as a State, or as the government of a
State, this may have certain implications for member States within the context of the Organization.
But such recognition by the United Nations does not create an objective legal status, opposable
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against all member States for all purposes, even in bilateral relations wholly outside the
Organization. Nor does it mean that that government must be "respected" by all States as the sole
authority entitled to represent the State in international relations. Such designations by the
United Nations do not override the reserved domain of States in matters of recognition. As
Professor Higgins has observed,
"United Nations practice indicates unequivocally that neither admission to
the Organization nor the seating of particular governmental representatives on its
organs can obligate any member State to offer recognition." (Higgins, op. cit, p. 165.)
Mr. President, I am aware of the time. I would require perhaps a further ten minutes. I am
entirely in the Court's hands, I could finish today.
Le PRESIDENT : Vous pouvez continuer.
Mr. STAKER: Thank you, Mr. President.
There is an obvious parallel with the concept of an administering Power of a
non-self-governing territory. Chapter XI of the Charter imposes certain obligations on member
States which have or assume responsibilities for the administration of non-self-governing territories.
The reference to States which "have or assume responsibilities for the administration" of such
territories is a descriptive phrase, encompassing a wide variety of different legal relationships
between territories and the States administering them, including colonies, international protectorates
and condominia.
The United Nations will need to determine for its own purposes which State it considers to
have such responsibilities - for instance, for the purpose of receiving information under Article 73 (e)
of the Charter. But where the United Nations makes such a determination for its own purposes,
there is no basis for asserting that this renders incontestable the existence of an objective legal status,
opposable erga omnes, for all purposes and in all contexts. It does not mean that all States must
deal with the State so designated as the only State entitled to represent that territory in bilateral
relations.
To say a territory is "non-self-governing" involves clear rights for the United Nations, and
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clear obligations for the member State administering the territory. And these rights and obligations
are spelled out in the United Nations Charter. But to say that States in their day-to-day dealings,
quite outside the United Nations, are legally bound to deal exclusively with the administering power
nominated by the United Nations - even if it is not in control of the territory - is very different. For
that affects States outside the United Nations, and it has no basis in the Charter provisions.
To require States to deal exclusively with the State referred to by the United Nations as the
administering power in relation to a territory would impose a very serious restriction on States,
particularly in cases where the State concerned exercises no control over the territory at all. It would
be a restriction limiting the normal prerogatives of States as regards recognition. Portugal has cited
no authority for the view that references by the United Nations to a particular State as administering
power is binding on all member States for all purposes, and that the State so designated must be
recognized as having the exclusive authority to enter into agreements with respect to the territory. It
merely assumes this to be the case. But restrictions on State sovereignty cannot be based on mere
conjecture.
Mr. President, Members of the Court, one might ask why the General Assembly referred to
Portugal as the administering Power of East Timor in resolutions adopted after Portugal had ceased
to exercise any control over the territory. One reason for this was no doubt to ensure that
East Timor continued to be regarded as a non-self-governing territory. So long as the
United Nations continues to refer to Portugal as the notional "administering Power", it remains clear
that the right to self-determination still subsists.
Beyond this, references to Portugal as administering Power are an acknowledgment that
Portugal, by virtue of its historical association with the territory, continues to have a role in the work
of the United Nations relating to self-determination in that territory. The nature of that role was
considered by Mr. Burmester, dealing with the question of Portugal's standing to bring these
proceedings.
It needs to be borne in mind, that even within the context of the United Nations, Portugal is
not recognized as being the sole legitimate representative of the people of East Timor. As early as
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1973, the General Assembly adopted a resolution approving the credentials of the representatives of
Portugal "on the clear understanding that they represent Portugal as it exists within its frontiers in
Europe" (resolution 3181(XXVIII) of 17 December 1973). In 1974, the General Assembly referred
in a resolution to Portugal as the "administering Power" of the "territories under Portuguese
domination" while at the same time indicating that it was not Portugal but the national liberation
movements in these territories which were "the authentic representatives of the peoples concerned"
(resolution 3294(XXIX) of 13 December 1974, operative para. 6). And in the resolutions dealing
with East Timor, the General Assembly describes Portugal as merely an "interested party" or as one
of "the parties directly concerned", together with Indonesia and the representatives of the East
Timorese people. (See especially resolution 36/50 of 24 November 1981, operative para. 3. Also
resolution 37/30 of 23 November 1982, operative para. 1.) This separate reference to the
"representatives of the East Timorese people" makes it clear that the General Assembly did not
consider that it was Portugal which had the role of representing the people of East Timor within the
United Nations.
If, even within the context of the United Nations, Portugal is not the exclusive representative
of the people of East Timor, there can be no basis for saying that in Australia's bilateral relations
outside the United Nations, it must deal with Portugal as the sole State entitled to enter into
agreements concerning the territory.
The conclusion then, as was argued in Australia's Rejoinder, is that in international law there
is no general objective legal status of "administering Power" of a non-self-governing territory,
binding on all States for all purposes, with the consequence that all States must recognize - or not
"disregard" - the exclusive right and competence of the State so designated to enter into agreements
applying to the territory. If there is a legal status of "administering power" at all, it is a status which
exists for United Nations purposes. It is a functional status, which is not inconsistent with a lack of
any substantive authority to control or represent the territory concerned.
Mr. President, I may have erred in my estimate slightly - I will perhaps need another five
minutes. Shall I continue?
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The PRESIDENT: Yes, please continue.
Mr. STAKER: Thank you, Mr. President.
This does not mean that a State will always necessarily be entitled to deal with the State in
effective control of a non-self-governing territory. This merely reaffirms what has already been said
- that it is for the United Nations, and particularly the General Assembly, to give guidance on the
application of Chapter XI. Even where a former colonial State remains in control of a
non-self-governing territory, the United Nations may in appropriate circumstances adopt resolutions
calling upon States not to co-operate or give assistance to that State. This occurred in the case of the
African territories that Portugal administered. But no such resolutions have been adopted here, as
Professor Bowett has shown. Where the former colonial State has lost control of a
non-self-governing territory through a rebellion by part of the local population, it is also possible for
the United Nations to give directions requiring that the new régime not be recognized by member
States, as occurred in the case of Southern Rhodesia. But there, there was a finding that the régime
in that territory had violated the right to self-determination. The Rhodesian example cannot be used,
as Portugal seeks to do, to support a more general proposition that the "administering power" must
still be recognized by other States as having exclusive rights to administer a territory notwithstanding
a complete loss of control over it.
Similarly, where the former colonial State loses control over the territory through the
intervention of another State, the United Nations could adopt resolutions requiring member States
not to recognize the change in administration as legal. In the absence of guidance by the
United Nations, each State must determine for itself how to respond to the situation, bearing in mind
the general principles of international law. In the case of East Timor, if the United Nations
considered that the actions of Australia and of the other States which have recognized Indonesia's
control were hindering the fulfilment of the purposes of Chapter XI, it could call for a cessation of
these actions. However, no resolutions have been adopted which would require Australia to
recognize Portugal as the sole State entitled to deal with other States in respect of the territory, either
at the time the 1989 Treaty with Indonesia was concluded, or at all. There has been no criticism of
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Australia or of other States which have had dealings with Indonesia in respect of East Timor.
If there is no objective general legal status of administering Power in international law, by
virtue of which Portugal could be determined to have the exclusive competence to deal with other
States in respect of the territory, Portugal's argument necessarily fails on the merits. The Court
would be unable to determine that Australia had breached international law by dealing with
Indonesia. The Court is unable to do this, first, because of the Monetary Gold principle. But the
Court also cannot do this because Portugal does not request it to. Portugal asks the Court only to
determine whether, by dealing with a State other than Portugal, Australia has failed to respect the
rights of Portugal as the administering Power, and whether Australia has thereby also failed to
respect the rights of the people of East Timor. That is, whether it is contrary to international law for
Australia to deal with any third State in any circumstances. If there is no special status of
administering Power, and no erga omnes legal obligation to deal exclusively with the State so
designated by the United Nations, the answer must be no. Once this question is answered in the
negative, Portugal does not ask the Court to go further and to consider whether entry into a treaty
with this particular third State - Indonesia - is inconsistent with principles of self-determination. But
as Professor Crawford and Mr. Burmester have also argued, the answer to this further question
would also be in the negative. It is not inconsistent with the right to self-determination to deal with a
State in effective control of a non-self-governing territory, in the absence of some binding direction
from the United Nations. And as Professor Bowett has demonstrated, there is no binding direction
from the United Nations requiring States to refrain from dealing with Indonesia in respect of East
Timor.
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Mr. President, Members of the Court.
That concludes Australia's argument that the entry into the Treaty with Indonesia is not
inconsistent with the rights of the people of East-Timor to self-determination. There is one further
issue relating to the substance of the case on which arguments remain to be put to the Court, namely
the right of Australia to negotiate for the protection of its own maritime resources. Professor Pellet
and Professor Bowett propose to address this issue. I invite the Court to call first upon
Professor Pellet tomorrow.
Thank you Mr. President, Members of the Court for your very kind attention.
The PRESIDENT: Thank you, Professor Staker. The Court will resume these oral pleadings
tomorrow at 10 a.m.
The Court rose at 1.15 p.m.
__________