Audience publique tenue le vendredi 2 avril 1993, à 15 heures, au Palais de la Paix, sous la présidence de sir Robert Jennings, président

Document Number
091-19930402-ORA-01-00-BI
Document Type
Incidental Proceedings
Number (Press Release, Order, etc)
1993/13
Date of the Document
Bilingual Document File
Bilingual Content

Nori-Corrigé

Uncorrected

Cour internationale
International Court
of Justice de Justice
THE EA6W La HAYE

Public sitting

held on Friday 2 April 1993, at 3 p.m., at the Peace Palace,

President Sir RobertJemings presiding

in the case concerning Application of the Convention on the

Prevention and Punishnent of the Crime of Genocide

(Bosnia-Herzegovina V.Yugoslavia (Serbia and Ebntenegro))

VERBATIM RECOBD

Audience publique

tenue le vendredi 2 avril 1993, à 15 heures, au Palais de la Paix,

sous la présidence de sir RobertJemings, Président

en l'affaire relative à l'Application de la convention pour la
prévention et la répression du crimede génocide

osni nie-~erzégov c.nYougoslavie (Serbie et Monténégro))

COMPTEBERDUPresen :

PresidentSir RobertJennings
Vice-PresidentOda

JudgesAgo
Schwebel
Bedjaoui
Ni
Evensen
Tarassov
Guillaume
Shahabuddeen
Aguilar Mawdsley
Weeramantry

Ranjeva
Ajibola

RegistrarValencia-OspinaSir RobertJennings,Président
M. Oda,Vice-Président
MM. Ago
Schwebel
Bedjaoui
Ni

Evensen
Tarassov
Guillaume
Shahabuddeen
Aguilar Mawdsley
Weeramantry
Ranjeva
Ajibola,juges

M. Valencia-OspinaG ,reffierThe Govenuent of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina is representeà
by:

H. E.Mr. MuhamedSacirbey, Ambassador anPdermanentRepresentative
of Bosniaand Herzegovinato the United Nations,

Professor FrancisA.Boyle, Universit of IllinoisSchoolof Law at
Champaign(Illinois),

as Agents;

Mr. A. H.T. van denBiesen,Advocate(Amsterdam),

as Advocate et Counsel;

Mrs. JasminkaKalajdzic,Universityof TorontoSchool of Law,

as Legal Assistant.

The Government of the Feàeral Republic of Yugoslavia is represented
by:

Mr. Ljubinko ZivkovicChargéd'Affaires a.i.of theEmbassyof the
FederalRepublicof Yugoslavia,The Hague,

Mr. Shabtai Rosenne, Profess ofrInternationaLlaw,Universityof
Haifa; Memberof the IsraelBar; Memberof the Instituteof
InternationaLlaw; Honorary Membeorf the AmericanSocietyof
InternationaLlaw,

as Acting Agents.Le Gouvernerent de la ~épublique de osn nie-~erzégov ine représenté
par :

S. Exc.M. Muhamed Sacirbey, ambassade etrreprésentantpermanent
de la Bosnie-Herzégovin euprèsde l'organisatiod nes
Nations Unies,

M. FrancisA. Boyle,professeur à la facultéde droit de
l'Universitéde l'Illinois, Champaign(Illinois),

comme agents;

M. A. H.T. van denBiesen, avocat (Amsterdam),

comme avocat et conseil;

Mme JasminkaKalajdzic, de la facultéde droitde l'université de
Toronto,

comme assistantejuridique.

Le Gouvernerent de la ~épublique fédérative de Yougoslavie est
représenté par :

M. LjubinkoZivkovic,chargéd'affaires a.i. à l'ambassadede la
Républiquefédkrative de Yougoslavie,La Haye,

M. ShabtaiRosenr~ep,rofesseurde droit international, Université
d'Haifa; membredu barreau israélien; membd re l'Institutde
droit international; membre honoraire d1'AmericanSocietyof
InternationalLaw,

faisant fonctiond'agents. The PRESIDENT: Please beseated. We meet today to hear the reply

of the Respondentand first 1 cal1 upon Mr. Zivkovic,please.

Mr. ZIVKOVIC: Mr. Presidentand distinguished Members of the Court,

may it please the Court,as the Chargéd'affairesof the Embassyof the

FederalRepublicof Yugoslaviain The Hague, and as a member of its

diplomaticservice,it is a greathonour for me to addressthis most

distinguished international legal body, the principaludicialorgan of

the United Nations.

The tragedyof the civil warin formerBosnia and Herzegovinahas,

due to the courseit has taken,become an extremelyemotional issue, not W

only in that partof Europe whereit is takingplace, butpracticallyin

the whole world. The reasonsfor this are foundin the ferociousness of

the internationaland inter-religious fightingthere that has takenon

immenseproportions. What seems to be lost in the perceptionof the

events takingplace thereis the unfortunatefact thatmost of the acts

of violence arecommittedby peoplewho once usedto be neighbours, or,

at leasthave livednext to each otherfor a long periodof time.

What that does, in relationto this case that has beenbrought

before the highest legal bodyof the United Nations,is tohide the fact
w
that what we haveon our hand is a clear-cutcase of a civil waramong

the peoplesof a formerYugoslav republic, which is composedof Muslim,

Serbianand Croat population.

That also bringsus to one of the key argumentsin this casebrought

by the Governmentin Sarajevoagainstthe Federal Republic of Yugoslavia,

i.e., the contentionthat we are here dealingwith a situationof an

aggressionof one State against the other. There are no groundsfor this

assertion. Besidesthe obviousfactwhichthe othersidehas deliberately

failed to mention,i.e.,that theSerbsfightingin the civilwar in

Bosnia are not the Serbs whocornfromSerbiaitself, but Bosnian Serbs,

who havelived there for centuries,alongwith other nationag lroups.

They are not the "agentsand surrogates"of anyoneelse. It is necessary

to mention theserelevant factsw,hichsubstantiate the clai that the

FederalRepublicof Yugoslavia is not an aggressorin the civilwar in

Bosnia. In the Constitutiona Declaration of 27 April 1992,the

Parliament of the FederalRepublicof Yugoslaviahas clearly statedthat

the FederalRepublicof Yugoslavia has no territorialclaimstowardsthe

formerYugoslav republic shathave seceded from the Sociali Fstderal

Republicof Yugoslavia.

- the FederalRepublicof Yugoslavia doesnot havea single soldier on

the territoryof the "Republiocf Bosniaand Herzegovina";

- the FederalRepublicof Yugoslavia doesnot militarilysupport any side

in this internationa and inter-religious arm conflict;

- the FederalRepublicof Yugoslavia doesnot support, in any way, the

committingof seriouscrimesthatare beingdone in this former

Yugoslav republiacnd thatare listedin theApplication within these

proceedings.On the contrary,it hasstated publiclyo ,n numerous

occasions,its indignatioa nt al1 the crimes against humanicyommitted

in this civilwar, whetherit is so-calledeithniccleansing, or Just

plain murder,and withoutregardto who has committedthem. It has

also takenconcretestepsto proveits commitmentt so this effect.

Two important facts underline th point:

- It was the FederalRepublicof Yugoslavia,and alsothe high officiais

of its two constituent republics, Ser andaMontenegrowho first proposed settingup of United Nations observer on the bordersbetween

Yugoslaviaand Croatia, on one side,and "Bosnia and Herzegovina"on

the other.

- Among the almost 700,00r0efugeesnow on the territoryof the Federal

Republicof Yugoslavia,from civilwars in both Croatiaand "Bosniaand

Herzegovina",it is estimated that at least 50,000 aroef Muslim

nationalorigin. They have beentakenin, andare being cared for, to

the greatesteffectpossiblein the extremely difficult circumstances

now existing,on an absolutelyequalbasiswith otherrefugees. Most

of the other refugeesare of Serb origin,who are also the victimsof

persecution, "ethniccleansing" and if you may cal1 it that,plain

violence,perpetratedby al1 sidesin this civilwar.

1 also have to stress,that theGovernmentof the FederalRepublic

of Yugoslavia has, within its possibilitieand powers,and on its own

initiative,acted positively in the searchfor a peaceful solution ofthe

Bosnian crisis. At the same time,it has done its utmostto implement

the decisions ofthe United Nations organs.

This al1 bringsus back to the fact thatin the case of the former

Yugoslavia Republiocf Bosniaand Herzegovina, we are not facedwith a

State-to-State aggression,but with a civil warof immense proportions

and intensity. This makes al1 the claims againstthe FederalRepublic of

Yugoslaviaset out inthe Applicationof the other side of no validity

whatsoever.

In the opinion ofmy Government,what this intolerabl situation in

the former Yugoslavrepublicof Bosnia demands now is:

- first,the cessationof al1 hostilities, fow rhich the ceasefireof

28 March of thisyear, inwhose establishment the Yugoslav Government

had thegreatpart,may present agood step forward,- second,the findingolfa peacefulsolution whichis long lasting, true

and just for al1 parties,

- and lastly,when the highlychargedmotions that are dominatingthe

political arenasett1.edom, and when the true and verifiabl eacts of

what has occurred, aridis now happeningin Bosniacan be clearly

established, the prosecutionof thosethat are responsible fo the

crimesthatwere committedwill beundertaken.

The claims present:edn the Applicationof the Governmentin

Sarajevo are withoutfoundation. This fact alone is an indicationof

attempts beingmade to achieveimmediate and long-ter political

objectives througt hhe exploitationofhuman tragedy. This Application

before the InternationalCourtof Justice is anothervehiclefor this

purpose.

The immediategairifor Mr. Izetbegovic'sGovernmentin this case

would be the liftingof the arms embargo,as a provisional measure

proposedby the Court. If the Courtwere to do this, it would only

further aggravatethe civil warin Bosnia.

On the long-termbasis,and in a situation where personsof Serbian

nationality are living inother placesand Statesaway from Serbia as a

constituentpart of the Federal Republicof Yugoslavia(in this case,

former Yugoslav Republi of Bosniaand Herzegovina) such a sensitive,and

politicallyhigh-profilechargeof genocide brought agains the Federal

Republicof Yugoslavia, would providean opportunity for a forceful

impositionof any poli,ticaalnd other formof settlementthatwould in

al1 likelihoodgo againstthe basichuman rightsof personsof Serb

nationalityin former :Bosniaand Herzegovina.Yugoslavia,as being toitry and assist the Courtto the bestof my

abilityin reachingthe correctdecisionin this proceeding, which is

devoted exclusivelt yo the Request fothe indicationof provisional

measuresof protection.

1 alsowant, in this persona1 aspeco tf my statement,to referto

one statementin paragraph 9 of the Application institutin these

proceedings. There is includedthere a referenct eo the refugegranted

in Bosniaand Herzegovina to, amongstothers,the SephardicJews who

escaped the Inquisitioralnd Pogromsand in 1565 formed theicommunityin

Sarajevo. 1 myselfam descendedfromone of thoseSephardifamilies,the

Fonseca farnily,hosename is known to this Courtin another connection,

who escapedfromPortugal whenthe Inquisition was extendedto that

country. We al1 know fullwell that the Ottoman Empire, whicextended

its sway over Bosniaand Herzegovinalongbefore1492,playeda leading

role, alongwith some western European countries, especialI lyalyand

Holland,in granting refuge to thosevictimsof persecution,and as for

the JewishCommunityof Sarajevo itselfw ,hat more need 1 Say than that

it has supplied great leader so Israel today,including twoof its

Chiefsof Staff.

As is customary,I shall notincludein this statement the full

citationsof what 1 quotebut theyappearin the textwhich 1 have handed

into the Registrysubjectto check against deliver ynd 1 would askthat

they be includedin the transcriptof theseproceedings.

As 1 stated,my di~tytodayis to presentto this Court

considerationsof law which, inour opinion, should lead the Court to

declineto indicatethe requested provisional measures. One preliminary remari ks required.

The Application, a documen which inprint extendsto 70 pages in

lengthin each language,was filedin the Courton 20 March last. At

that timeit was faxedboth to the Minister for Foreign Affairsin

Belgrade andto the Permanent Representatio ve Yugoslaviato the

UnitedNationsin New York,but for some reason notto the Embassyhere

in The Hague. The transmission of that lengthydocument,together with

the Request for the indicationof preliminary measures, requires dome

time, in fact something like an hour, and in that transmissionsome pages

got lostor becameblurred. Englishis not the languageof Yugoslavia,

and its translationinto Serbianis not a quickor an easymatter. On

24 March,beforethe authoritiesin Belgrade had a proper opportuni toy

study the documents,theywere informed that thC eourt decidedto fix

Thursday1 April, yesterday, for thesehearings. 1myself received

instructions in Jerusalemonly on Wednesdaymorning. 1 am mentioning

this,Mr. President,simplyin askingfor the Court'sindulgencefor any

imperfections or incompleteness in my presentation.

Mr. President,there is a materialside also to this elementof

time. If 1 take the two recentinstancesof requests forthe indication

of provisional measures - requestswhich, 1 shouldrecall, were not

granted - and in both of which the instrumentinstitutingthe proceedings

was a shortdocument,the following picture emerges.

In the Passage through the GreatBelt (Finlandv. Denmark) case,

the application institutin the proceedingswas filedon 17 May 1991.

The requestfor the indicationof provisional measurew sas filedon

22 May. Writtenobservations by the respondentparty - incidentally a

fairlycomprehensive documen twere filedon 28 June. The hearingscommencedon 1 July and the Orderwas issuedon 29 July. 1 understand

that thoseproceedingsand thatOrderhappilylaid the basis for the

settlementof the caseout of court.

Last year, inthe two cases of Questionsof Interpretation and

Application of the 1971MontrealConventionarisingfrom the Aerial

incident atLockerbiethe applications instituting the proceedia ngs

the requestsfor the indicationof provisional measures wereal1 filed

simultaneously on 3March 1992. No writtenobservations were filedby

the respondents.The hearingson the requests forthe indicationof

provisional measurec sommencedon 26 March,and theOrderswere issuedon

14 April.

1 have nothad timeto examine other proceeding of thisnature,but

it does seem to us that in the circumstanceof this case, the time

allowedto the Governmentof Yugoslaviato preparefor theseproceedings,

to appoint its Agent,to choose its judgead hoc, to decide if it even

wants to appoint a judgead hoc,and to organize its delegation,is

reallyvery short.

My colleague,the distinguished acting Agent for the Republo ic

Yugoslavia, togethew rith myself,has already indicatedto the Court the

positionof his Goverment regarding the allegationsof fact containedin

the Application institutingthe proceedings, andit is not for me to say

anything moreabout thatat this stageof the incidental proceedings for

the indicationof provisional measures. 1 will concentrateon two

inter-relatedpoints, :namely,the jurisdictionof the Courtto deal with

this Request,and thequestionof the relationof theseproceedingsto

the on-goingproceedingsin the SecurityCouncil. With regardto the jurisdiction of the Court, the Application

instituting the proceedings reli onsone titleof jurisdictiononly,

Article IX of the Conventionon the Preventionand Punishmentof the

Crimeof Genocide of9 December1948. With yourpermission,

Mr. President,that provisionreads:

"Disputesbetweenthe Contracting Partiesrelatingto the
interpretation, applicatio on fulfilmentof the present
Convention,includingthoserelatingto the responsibilito yf a
State for genocideor for any of the otheracts enumeratedin
articleIII, shallbe submittedto the International Cour of
Justiceat the requestof any of the partiesto the dispute."

Beforedealingwith the substanceof that partof the case, thereis

a preliminaryquestion. As we understand it, Bosnii as claimingthe

status ofparty to that Convention by virtuoef a "notificationof

succe~sion~ which it has filedwith the Secretary-Generaolf the

United Nations, in his capacityas depositaryof the Genocide

Convention. Bosnia-Herzegovinas an independentinternationalentity.

It was admittedto membershipin the United Nations on 22 May 1992. Many

issues relating to thenewly-independenSttatesof the formerYugoslavia

are outstanding,and oneof the most significant amongs them arethose

relatingto what is comrnonlycalled"Statesuccession".

1 do not haveto go into anyaspectof thatnow, exceptto Say that
w
no rule of contemporary internationlaalw - that 1 know-gives Bosnia

the rightto proclaimunilaterally, by means of a documentcalleda

notificationof succession,that it is now a party to the Genocide

Convention witheffectfrom 6 March 1992,merelybecauseYugoslaviais a

party to the Conventionand becausethe Conventionwas applicableto what

is now the territoryof Bosniaand Herzegovina througt hhe former

SocialistFederalRepublicof Yugoslavia. 1 find confirmationof this in

the ViennaConventionon the Successionof States inRespectof Treaties of 23 August 1978. Article 7of that Conventiondealswith the temporal

applicationof the Con,ventiona,nd its firstparagraphprovides:

"1. Without prejudice to the applicationof any of the
rulesset forthin the presentConventionto which the effects
of a successionof Stateswouldbe subject under international

law independently of the Convention,the Convention applies
only in respectof a successionof States whichhas occurred
after the entryinto forceof the Conventionexceptas may be
otherwiseagreed."(TheWork of the International Law
Commission,4th ed., p. 323 (UN SalesNo. E.88.V.l).)

Mr. President,it is a matterof commonknowledgethat the

"declaration of succession"procedure, which incidentali lynot

mentioned anywheri en the 1969 Conventionon the Law of Treaties

(1155 UNTS 331),was evolvedin orderto deal with the problemof the

effectof decolonization on the treatyobligationsof the former colonial

powersand the newly-independent decolonizp edwers. That convention is

not yet in force,alth~ougthhe processof a declaration ofsuccessionis

fully acccepted and appliedin thosecircurnstances o decolonization.

At the end of 1991- the last date for which1 have particulars-

therewere nine ratifications out of the 15 requiredto bring the 1978

Conventioninto force.Yugoslaviais a signatoryof that Conventionand

ratified it without reservatioonn 28 April 1980. 1 submitthat it would

defeatthe objectand purposeof theConventionto apply in 1993the

conceptof declaratioroif successionto circurnstancewhich were notin

contemplation when the InternationalLaw Commissionpreparedits draft

articleson the topic,and thediplomatic conferenca edopted the

Conventionof 1978. Zn Our submissionthe notification of successio of

Bosniaand Herzegovinawhich wascirculatedby the Secretary-Generai ln

his capacityas depositaryof the Convention,is not the same as a

declarationof succession in a caseof decolonization.

What 1 am sayingis borne out by the curious termsof the depositary

notice circulatedby t:heSecretary-Generao lf the UnitedNationson

18 Marchlast. Accordingto thatnotice,the Governmentof BosniaandHerzegovina deposited th inotificiatioonf ~uccession~on

29 December 1992w,ith retroactive effec to 6March 1992, thd eate on

which "Bosniaand Herzegovina assumed responsibility forts

international relations".Bosniaand Herzegovina is perfectlyentitled

to accedeto the Convention in thenormal way,in accordance with

Article XIII of the Conventionsuchaccessiontakingits effect after

the lapseof 90 days from the depositf the instrumenwtith the

Secretary-Generao lf the UniteNations.

Accordingly,Mr. President,al1 thatpart of the statementof facts

containedin the Application instituting the proceed whichpreceded

the entry into forc of the Convention for Bosnia and Herzegoi vina

accordance with ArticleXIII is outsidethe jurisdictionof the Court.

The Federal Republiocf Yugoslaviadoesnot consentto any extention of

the jurisdictionof the Court beyond wha is strictly stipulatein the

Conventionitself.

Whilemaintaining thosecontentions, Mr. President,1wouldnow like

to turn in the alternativteo the Conventionitself.

1 thinkthe Court will agre withme thatArticleIX of the

Convention of the Preventioand Punishmentof the Crimeof Genocideis

an unusual formof compromissory claus and thatexceptionalcare is

required beforethe Court basesjurisdictionon it in the mainline

proceedings,and a fortioribeforeit bases its threshol jurisdiction

to indicate provisional measur ofsprotectionin this incidentaplhase.

That part of the provisioof ArticleIX which refersto "disputes

relatingto theinterpretatioa nnd application"of the Convention is, of

course,in customary termsa ,nd on that1 will content myselat this

stagewithnotingthatthe application instituting the proceedi ands,

its strearnsf additional submissiond s,esnot containany indicationthat such a disputehas yet arisen. 1 say thiswith al1 deliberation

havingregard to what 1 have been ableto learnregardingthe proceedings

in the GeneralAssembl'yand in the SecurityCouncil. The problemstarts withthe followingwords of ArticleIX. 1 would

not at this stagedisputethat al1 the words of ArticleIX from

"fulfilmentof the presentConvention"to "acts enumerated in

ArticleXIII" relate to the meritsof the case,and we are not concerned

with thatnow, beyondreserving al1 Our rightsas to how we shalldeal

with the jurisdiction of the Courtand the merits whenthe time cornes.

The point 1 wish to make now is a differentone. If we look closely

at the Requestfor the indicationof provisional measures, wha do we

find?

That Yugoslavia "togetherwith its agentsand surrogates" - 1 do not
v
reallyknow what ismeanthere by "surrogates" - must immediatelcyease

what the other side is calling"actsof genocideand genocidalacts", an

expressionwhich 1 wouldhave thoughtwas merelyrepetitious.What is

meant bythat can be ascertained from theApplication institutin the

proceedings. But as the Courthas stressed, the Request forthe

indicationof provisional measures "mub st its verynature relateto the

substanceof the case since,as Article41 [of the Statute]expressly

States,theirobjectis to preservethe respective rights of either

party" (United States Diplornaticand Consular Staff in Tehran,

Provisional Measures, I.C.J.Reports 1979,p. 16, para. 28).

That is where the problemlies. What Our opponents are asking,in

the disguiseof an indicationof provisional measures,is reallyfor an

interim judgmenton the meritsof the case. There can be no question

about that,and in our view thib sringsthe case directly and squarely

within the scope ofthe doctrineenunciatedby thePermanentCourt in the

well-know Chorzow Factorycase (Order of 21 November 1927,Permanent

Court of International Justice, Series A, No. 12p. 10). In the

Hostages case, the Courtdistinguished the issueswhich it then faced

from thosewhich faced itspredecessorin 1927. In Our view,Mr. President,that distinction cannb ot madein the presentcase. The

detailsof the provisional measures reques htede to be seenagainstthe

forma1statementof the claimas statedin the Application instituting

the proceedings. The questionthenhas to be askedwhether,in tems of

Article41 of the Statiitet,he rightsclaimedin so far as they come

withinthe jurisdictio~ of the Courtare in need of the protectiowhich

Article41 envisages. In Our submission, in this case that essential

condition is not met.

1 now want to say something about the resoluti ofnthe Security

Council. Here allow me to recallthat in the first resolution,

resolution 713 of 25 Septembe1991,the Security Councilinsisted that

it was actingunderChapterVI1 of the Charter. The last resolution to

date,resolution 802 of25 January,in whichit recalledal1 its previous

resolutions from resoluti 7o13 onwards,concludedwith the sentence,

frequently employedby the Security Councilt,hat theSecurityCouncil

"decidesto remainactively seizeo df thematter". 1 said resolution 802

of 25 Januaryas a last resolution but 1 believe1 saw inthe mediathat

another resolutio was adoptedyesterdayor theday before, and with the

Court'sindulgence thatresolution has notreachedme yet, so 1 do not

knowwhat is in it. 1 would say thisM,r. President. The Security

Council remains actively seio zedthewholequestionraisedin the

Applicationinstituting theseproceedings and in the Request forhe

indicationof provisionalmeasures. And1would,with al1 respect,

request theCourtto k.eep thataspectof the case in mind.

Now, in paragraph.m)of the submissionsof the Application

institutingthe proceedings,we read:

"(m) thatSecurityCouncil resolutio 7n13 (1991),imposinga
weaponsembargoupon the former Yugoslavia, mus be construed
in amannerthatshall notimpair the inherentrightof
individualor col.lectivself-defenceof Bosniaand Herzegovina
underthe termsof United Nations ChartA erticle51 and the
rulesof customary internationl alw".The Agent of Bosnia and Herzegovina devoted a great p arhtis statement

yesterdayto that aspect of his case.

SecurityCouncil resolutio7 n13 (1991)is the firstof a longseries

of resolutions adopteb dy the Security Councilince25 September1991.

Paragraph 6 of that resolutionreads:

"The Security Council

6. Decides,under ChapterVI1 of the Charterof the
United Nations, thatal1 States shall,for thepurposesof
establishing peaceand stabilityin Yugoslavia, immediately
implement a general and comple embargoon al1 deliveriesof
weaponsand military equipment to Yugoslaviauntil the Security
Council decidesotherwisefollowingconsultation betweenthe
Secretary-Generaalnd theGovemment of Yugoslavia."

"Al1 States",Mr. President.

This is the key provisionto which the submissionsof the

Application institutingthe proceedingsin this caserefer. Itis to

this provision that different paragraphosf the Request forthe

indicationof provisional measurea sdverts. 1 am thinkingparticularly

of paragraphs4, 5 and6 of the provisional measurersequested. Bosnia

and Herzegovinahas alwaysresented the even-handedne ssSecurity

Council resolutio7 n13 (1991),and is now attempting, througthhe

machineryof a Request for the indicationof provisional measureosf

protection,to circumventit.

Mr. President,Membersof the Court.

Anyone who is familiarwith the workingsof the Security Council

knows that thelanguageof its resolutions is always very carefully

chosen. In that connection, rnay1 recall whatthe Court hadto Say about

this in 1971: "the languageof a resolution of the Security Council

shouldbe carefully analysed" (Legal Consequences forStates of the

Continued Presenceof South Africa in Namibia (South Westfrica)

notwithstandingSecurity Council Resolution276 (1970),

I.C.J. Reports1971,p. 53, para. 53). Actually, paragrap6h of resolution713 (1991)does not reallyneed

much by way of analysis. It means,Mr. President, exactlw yhat it says.

What is more,it does not standalone. 1would like to recallthat the

Security Council has specificallyreaffirmed thatprovision severaltimes

since it was firstadoptedin 1991. 1 referto Security Council

resolution724 of 15 December1991,740 of 7 February 1992, 743 of

21 February1992 (see in particularpara. Il), resolution762 of

30 June 1992 (see especiallypara. 8). The Security Council deliberately

adoptedand confirmedthat paragraphof resolution713 (1991),al1 the

time acting under ChapterVI1 of the Charter.That Chapter,1 need not

remind theCourt,deals withactionwith respectto threatsto the peace,

breachesof the peace and acts of aggression,and it is here that the

Security Councilhas exclusive powers to take mandatoryaction. In more

general language the Security Councilreaffirmedresolution713 (1991)in

resolution780 (1992)of 6 October lastand in resolution787 (1992)of

16 November last, botahnd others, after Bosnia-Herzegovinaecarnea

Memberof the UnitedNations.

What Our opponentsare askingthe Court to do today,in the guiseof

a Requestfor theindicationof provisional measuresof protection, is to

interpretor even to amend thatprovisionof resolution713 (1991)and

turn it into a tendentiousand one-sideprovision,which is not

calculatedto achievethe aimswhich the Security Council and we al1 wish

to see, the restorationof peace in thearea concerned.

The Courthas always beenextremelycarefuland cautiouswhen faced

with questions relatingto actionsof the SecurityCouncil,and perhaps

in contrastto what is sometimesexpressedin academic literatureh ,as

not alloweditselfto be pushedinto anyform of confrontation with the

SecurityCouncil. This was particularlyin evidencein the proceedings

lastyear inthe Lockerbie case,and 1 do not intend,nor was 1 able inthe limited timewhich1 had to prepare this statement t, traversethe

groundcoveredin the oral proceeding isn that case.Here 1 would like

to recallone paragraphfrom the Orderof 14 April last (1 am quoting

formthe Orderrendered by the Coui rt the case brought againtshte

UnitedKingdom,but the sameparagraph appeari sn the second casberought

against United State of Arnerica). Paragraph39 of the UnitedKingdomOrderreads:

**Whereabsoth Libyaand the UnitedKingdom,as membersof
the United Nations, are oblig todaccept and carry out the

decisionsof the Security Counci in accordancewith Article 25
of the Charter; whereas the Cou rt,ch is at the stageof
proceedingson provisional measures, considers that prima facie
thisobligation extendsto the decisioncontainedin
resolution748 (1992); and whereas,in accordance with Article
103 of the Charter, the obligatio ofsthe Partiesin that
respect prevaiolver their obligationsunderany other
internationalagreement...**

In Our view, the doctrinuendqlying that recitalin the Order,is

to prevailwith even greater forc in the present case ,here the

Security Councih las been actingunderChapterVI1 of the Charter from

the very beginnin ogf its dealingwith thisproblem.

In this respect,the present case is easily distinguishable tf woom

caseswhichacademic writing frequently is inclt inhold upas

indicating potential conflict betw thenCourtand the Security

Council. 1 am referrirlgo theMilitary and Paramilitary Activities in

and against Nicaraguacaseand to the Lockerbiecases. At the time

the Courtwas seisedof each oneof thosethreecases,the Security

Council hadbeen actingunderother provisiono sf the Charternot under

ChapterVI1 (it movedintoChapterVI1 whilethe Courtwas deliberating

in the Lockerbiecases:).This is not the positionhere,where, as1

have mentioned, the Security Counh cil beenactingunderChapterVI1 of

the Charter,with al1 the implicationwshich thathas for al1 organs of

the United Nationa snd for al1 States, whethrr notmembersof the

UnitedNations.

This issuehas an importance which transcends the relat oiothe

Partiesin the present case. As seen,paragraph 6 of resolution713 is

addressedto al1 States,and sinceit was adoptedunderChapterVI1 of

the Charterit is mandatory foral1 States. The Court would wish to be

extremely cautious before chang inngny way the meaning, thesense,thethrustof that mandatory provision, eve inf it were todo so only

indirectly andby means of an interpretation and through the virtually

summaryand peremptoryincidental proceedingo sn a request foran

indicationof interim measureof protection.

1 am perfectly aware of the fact thaton many occasions, the

Security Council has adopted decisions deploringvariousactivities

attributedto the Governmentof Yugoslaviaor otherwisecriticizingit,

But if we look at the resolutions as a whole, as1 am sure the Court

would wish to do - 1 will filethem if the Courtso requires - 1 think it

would be fair to Say that the Security Councihlas avoided
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over-generalized apportionmeno tf blame for the currenstituation. The

list of resolutionsin question includes the following, excluding the one

adopteda day or so ago, namely713, 721,724 of 1991, 727, 740, 743,

749, 752, 757, 758, 761,762, 764,769, 770, 771,776, 780,781, 787,

795, 798 of 1992 - an enormousnumber of resolutions- and 802 of 1993.

In al1 these resolutionsit has alwayscalledupon al1 partiesto take

whatever action a particular resolutiohnad in mind in face of a

particular event or incident. And indeewhen the Security Council

decided that actionsof the Governmentof Yugoslaviawere optento

criticismand even condemnation, we must not overlookthe fact that these W

were political determinationb sy a political body,not legal

determinationsbased on careful perusal of full pleadings carefully

marshalledand studiedin adeliberately thorough adversarip alocess. 1

don not share the view, and 1do not thinkthat theCourthas ever said

anythingwhich could supportsuch a view, that decisionsof this

characterby theSecurity Council are "quasi-judicial" whatever that

mysterious expressioc nouldmean. They are political decisionb sased on

an interplayof political factors not alway apparent. Members of theCourtwho in anothercapacityhave experienced proceedings in the

Security Council ar well awareof this, and 1 do not needto belabour

the pointany more.

What Bosnia and Herzegovinas askingthe Courtto do in its

Application institutingthe proceedingiss to pick and choose

pronouncementsof the Security Counci and transmutethemby someprocess

of alchemy into decisioo ns the Courtwith al1 the consequences which

attenddecisions of the Court. And what Bosnia and Herzegovinais then

tryingto do in theseinterimmeasures proceeding is to obtainan

interim pronouncemen by the Courtto the same effect. It is attempting

to abuse thethreshold jurisdictionof the Courtto indicateprovisional

measuresof protectioni.n orderto obtainan anterim judgmeno tn the

merits,n0twithstandint .gat in our submission in this case the

admittedly lowthresholdjurisdiction underthe unusual compromissory

clauseof the Genocide Conventio has not beenreached. Mr. President, 1 know Latin is not an officia1languageof the

United Nations but may 1 be allowedto quotea well-knownmaxim, 1 think

from theDigest: narra mihi facta,narrabo tibi jus. This is a court

of law,not another type of SecurityCouncil. Some factsare obviously

necessary before any viable statemo enlaw can be made, and this,of

course,is expressly recognizei dn the Rulesof Court. However, 1 think

that study of the recordsof this Courtand of its predecessor will show

that, rarely, if at all,has the Courtbeen swampedby such long streams

of factsand allegationsof facts,with solittlelaw, as we heard

yesterday.
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These are incidental proceedino gns the request foran indicationof

provisional measureo sf protectionunderArticle41 of the Statute,and

the procedure set forthin Articles73 to 78 of the Rules of Court. We

intendto keep as much as possiblewithinthe limits setby that

procedure. From that pointof departure, 1 will now turn,Mr. President,

to the matterwhichyou raised yesterday when you referredto Article61,

paragraph1, of the Rules, 1 believethe firsttime that thatprovision

has been formallyinvokedat al1 events,and at the same timeyou

mentioned,Mr. President,a new documentfiledby the adverse Partw yhich

it believedcould form whatit has termed"an additional basis for

jurisdiction in thic sase".

1 would first of al1 expressthe strongest reservatio nt this

attemptto changethe basis of jurisdiction which 1 supposetheywould

justifyby the reservation containe in the Application institutit nge

proceedings, paragrap h35, to revise,amendor supplementthe

Application institutin the proceedings.This is not the time or the

place for full argumen on theextentto which this typeof reservation

is compatiblewith Article40 of the Statuteof the Courtand Article 38of the Rules of Court. 1 would simply likt eo mentionthe doctrinal

studyof this problem 'bythe Italianjurist,LuigiMigliorino,in the

1989 volumeof the Rivistadi diritto internazionale. Last year inthe

Nauru case the Court addressed this problem and stressen detdhto

maintainjuridicalsecurityin relationto matters raised in an

application instituting proceedings,and 1 submit that thesame

considerations appl yere. Yesterday afternoon w,hile1 was preparing my

notes for theseremarks, 1 receiveda letterfrom the distinguished

Registrar, after the cloo sfe the proceedingsyesterday,forwarding some

more of what is called"Supplementary Submissionin supportof the

Application".That was submitted yesterdab yy the Agentof the other

side. This really calls for an energeticproteston our part. How can a

litigant,how can any litigant,possiblyprepare its presentation before

the Court, if there i to be a constantand apparently unrestrained

delugeof documentsand new submissions and supplements from its

opponent? This is on1:ycausingconfusionon al1 sidesand 1 am surethat

the Court is as confusedas we are. 1 would really respectfully urt gee

Court to address this:problemand draw appropriate conclusions.

As theseare incildentap lroceedingson provisional measures,

requestedby the other side on the basisof "The factsset forthin the

Statementof Facts in theApplication", 1 will content myselfwith these

brief remarks on this aspectat thisstage,reservingOur rightto deal

with theproblemmore fullyat the appropriate time.

Mr. President,anti1 now have to Say this, this Courtis not an

international criminalcourtand conceptssuch as thosewe heard

yesterday, derived fromdomesticcriminallaw,have no relevancein these

kind of proceedings before thi Court. The Court'sjurisdictionis

definedby Article 36 of the Statute,and Article 36 does not endow itwith the powers and functiono sf the militarytribunalswhich triedthe

major Nazi war criminals after the Second Wor War. Nothingin the

Conventionon the Preventionand Punishmentof the Crimeof Genocide

affectsthis, andin this case,Mr. President,the jurisdiction of the

Court is based excZusive2yon Article36, paragraph12, of the Statute.

The additional basis fotrhe jurisdictionof the Courtnow-invoked

by the other side is apparentlyto be foundin paragraphs2 and 3 of the

lettersent by the Presidentof Serbiaand Montenegroto

MonsieurRobert Badinter, Presiden of the Arbitration Commissioof the

Conferenceon Yugoslaviain Paris,on 8June 1992. Paragraphs2 and 3 of
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that letterread, in the translation supplied b the otherside:

"2. It is the principledpositionof FR Yugoslaviathat
al1 questionsinvolvedin the overall settlemeno tf the
Yugoslav crisisshouldbe resolvedin an agreementbetweenFR
Yugoslaviaand al1 the former Yugoslavrepublics.

3. FR Yugoslaviaholds the view thatal1 legal disputes
which cannotbe settledby agreement between FR Yugoslaviaand
the former Yugoslav republics shou bedtakento the
International Courotf Justice,as the principaljudicial organ

of the UnitedNations."

Mr. President,that letteris an illustration of the confidence

which the Governmentof the FederalRepublicof Yugoslavia reposei sn

this Court. It reflectsthe policyof this Governmentthat legal

disputeswith Yugoslavia which cannot be resolvebdy othermeans should

be resolvedin accordancewith the Statuteof the Court. But theries

nothingin this letterwhich can be takenas a general acceptanco ef the

jurisdiction of the Court foral1 disputesof a legalnaturebetweenthe

FederalRepublicof Yugoslaviaand former Yugoslavrepublics.
It is not

an offerwhich can be takenup unilaterally by any otherState,and

Professor Boyle'sremarksyesterdayabout accepting thio sfferdo not

confer anyjurisdiction on the Court. If the Applicationis intendedtocomewithin the scopeof Article38, paragraph 5, of the Rulesof Court,

then 1 have to make it clear that the consen of the Federal Republicof

Yugoslaviahas not been given,and no actionin the proceedings shoul be

taken. 1 would respectfully ask the Cou totclarify thispoint.

As 1 see it, Mr. President,the positionis, in fact,identicalwith

thatwhich facedthe Court a fewyears ago in the Aegean Sea Continental

Shelf case. There too, the applicant, Greece, sougt ht found the

jurisdiction of the Courton a joint communiqué in which Greeceand

Turkeyannounced their political decisionthat problems betweet nhose

two countries shoul de resolved peacefully through the Coo urtthe

basis of Article 36, paragraph1, of the Statute. The expression used in

that communiquéwas "devraientêtre résolus".

The letterof 8 June, astranslatedintoFrench byOur opponents, also

uses the same expression,"devraientêtre resolus". In neither English

nor in French is that the languagoef legal obligation oar firm

acceptanceof the jurisdictioo nf the Court under the termsof the

Statute. It is an indicationof willingnessto agreewith other States

on the termsof referringa defined dispute to the Courtin accordance

with the termsof the Statute,and 1 submitthat as it did in 1978,the

Court should"concludethat it was notintendedto, and didnot,

constitutean immediate cornmitment "y theGovernmentof the Federal

Republicof Yugoslaviato "acceptunconditionally the unilateral

submissionof the present disputt eo the Court". 1 am citing from

page 44, paragraph107, of the Court'sJudgment in the Aegean Sea

Continental Shelf case.

There is one more jurisdictional argume with which 1 have to deal.

1 am referringto the contentions advance by Professor Boyle at

page 39 of yesterday's hearingt,o the effect that ArticlVeI11 of the Conventionon the Preventionand Punishmentof the Crimeof Genocide

somehowor other "expresslyconfersinternational legalcompetenceupon

the International Cour of Justiceto take effectiveactionto prevent

and suppressal1 acts of genocideand otheracts enumeratedin

ArticleIII" of the Convention. 1 noted, if1 am not mistaken,that

Professor Boyle did not read into the recordthe textof Article VIII,

and 1 shall thereforedo that. It readsas follows:

"Any Contracting Party macyal1upon the competent organs
of the United Nationsto take such actionunder the Charterof
the UnitedNationsas they considerappropriate for the
preventionand suppression of acts of genocideor any of the
other actsenumeratedin ArticleIII."

Mr. President, 1 have nothad timeto undertakean investigation

into the legislative histoo ry that provision.However,relyingon

Article31 of the Vienna Conventioo nn the Law ofTreaties, 1 would

ventureto suggestthat interpretation in goodfaithin accordancewith

the ordinary meaning to be givento the termsof the Treaty in their

context andin the lightof the objectand purposeof the Treatydoes not

lead to any ambiguityor obscurityor lead to a resultwhich is

manifestlyabsurdor unreasonable, so as to justify recourseto the

legislative history.The Article meanswhat it plainlysays: a

contracting Statemay have recourseto a competentorganof the

United Nations to takesuch actionunder the Charteras that organthinks

appropriate. The Statuteof the Court is an integralpart of, and an

annex to, the Charter. Applietdo the Court,in its capacityof a

principalorganand the principaljudicialorganof the United Nations,

ArticleVI11 simply states that thecontracting Statesmay have recourse

to the Court to exerciseits competenceunder the Charterand Statuteto

take such actionas it considersappropriate. In relationto provisional

measures ofprotection,the competenceof the Court is established byArticle 36, paragraph1, of theStatute,read togetherwith Article IX of

the Conventionas the pointof departure,followedby Article41 of the

Statuteand the discretion which Artic4 l1 conferson the Court,a

discretion which,1 might add, asal1 other discretionary powers

conferredon the Court,must be exercised judicially.No amendmentcan

be made to the Charte rnd Statuteof the Courtby anothertreaty.

Mr. President,1 .nowcometo the last sectioonf my remarks, the

questionof provisional measures, whichis what this phasof the

proceedings is about.

My taskhas been made easierby the communication sentto the

Registrar yesterda yy Gospodin JovanovictheMinister for Foreign

Affairsof the FederalRepublicof Yugoslavia.

In that communicatiotheMinisteroutlinedthe elernentw shich

should beincludedin any indicatioo nf provisionalmeasures, shoultdhe

Court concludethat it is appropriatefor it to make suchan order.

One: to instructtheMuslim-controllea duthoritieof Bosniaand

Herzegovinato complystrictly with thelatestagreementon a cease-fire

in Bosniaand Herzegovina,thatis the agreement which cam into forceon

28 March last,aftertheseproceedings hab deen instituted anadfterthe

Requestfor the indicationof provisionalmeasures hadbeen filed.

Two: to instructthosesameauthorities to respectand applythe

Geneva Conventionfsor the Protectionof Victimsof War of 1949,as well

as the appropriate Additional Protocols 1977. Genocideand genocidal

acts arebeing carried out again strbslivingin the Republic of Bosnia

and Herzegovina, as welas very seriouswar crimes. 1 am informedthat

the Serbianpopulationof Bosnia and Herzegovina constitutes abou34% of

the total population otfhat Republic. Three: toinstructthosesameauthorities to closeimmediately and

disbandal1 prisons and detention camipnstheirterritory, camps and

locationsin whichSerbs arebeing detained becauseof theirethnic

origins and arbeeingsubjectto actsof violenceand torturepresenting

a real dangerto theirlifeand health.

Four: toinstructthosesameauthorities to allow the Serb

residents without delato leave safelyand in security Tuzla, Zenca,

Sarajevo and other places in Bosa niaHerzegovina wherteheyhave been

subjectedto harassmentand physicalandmental abuse, bearingin mind

thatthey maysuffer the same fateas Serbsin eastern Bosnia,the site

of the massacreof severalthousandof Serb civilians.

Five: tdirectthosesame authorities and their surrogat tes

ceaseand desistimmediately from furth erstruction and desecration of

Orthodox churchea snd placesof worshipand of other sitesbelongingto

the Serb cultural heritage and tostop furthermistreatmentof Orthodox

priests being held i prison.

Six: to directthosesameauthorities to put an end to al1 actsof

discriminatiobnasedon nationality or religionand theiractivities of

"ethniccleansing", includingdiscrimination itnhe deliveryof

humanitarianaid to the Serbpopulation in Bosniaand Herzegovina.

In that communicationt,heMinisterfor Foreign Affairs also

comrnenteodn the provisionamleasures whicare being requeste by Bosnia

and Herzegovina. 1 am referringnow to the provisionamleasures

requestedas set outon page 6 of the Court's reproduction othat

Request.

There is no groundfor acceptingthe request for the provisional

measuresas containedin paragraph 1 of thatdocument. The Federal

Government of Yugoslava iad itssubordinate bodies, including themilitary,have notcommittedand arenot committing any of the acts to

whichArticle IIIof the Conventioonn the Preventionand Punishmentof

the Crimeof Genociderefers. Sincethe beginningof the inter-ethnic

and inter-religious conflici tsBosniaand Herzegovina, the Federal

Government of Yugoslaviahas consistently sought a peaceful resoluo tion

the crisis. The Muslimside,and itsPresident himself, bea rheavy

responsibilitf yor initiatingand spreadingthatconflict throughout

Bosnia and Herzegovina.The allegations made against theFederal

Republicin the Streamof documentsthathave been sent to the Courtby

the other sideare unsiupportebdy any hard evidence. Pressreports,

oftentendentious, arn eot adequateas a basis forsuch seriouscharges

against asovereignState.

The measuresproposedin paragraphs 2 to 6, go beyond anyof the

provisionsof the Convention and thereforedo not reach eventhe low

thresholdjurisdiction of the Courtin the matterof the indicationof

provisionalmeasures. Furthermore, the assertionswhich formthe basis

for thosemeasures are inconsistentwith the facts. An additional reason

for rejectingthe requestsenumerated in paragraphs4, 5 and 6 of that

Request, is thattheir acceptancw eouldonly lead to the perpetuationf

the genocideand genocidal actsbeing perpetrate againstthe Serb

population of the territoryof Bosniaand Herzegovina.

1 prefacedthispart of my statement with a suggestionthat the

Court mightconcludethat it wouldnot beappropriate for it to make any

indication ofprovisio.na measuresin thiscase. 1 now have to indicate

why thisis so.

Referringto Article41 of the Statuteof the Court, 1 submitthat

the case-lawof the Courtestablishes two fundamentalcriteriawhichmust

be met beforethe Court will exercise its discretionary pt owindicate

provisional measure of protection. The firstconditionis thatthe instrument invoke as the titleof

jurisdiction mustprima facieprovidea basis for jurisdictionover the

factsindicatedin the instrument bw yhichthe proceedingshave been

instituted, in this casetheApplication institutit nge proceedings,

without any reference to thdeelugeof additions towhichwe have al1

been subjected.

The secondis thatthe provisional measures reques musdt be

necessaryto preserve rights liket lybe adjudicated.

In Our submission,neitherof theseconditions is met by the Request

of Bosnia-Herzegovina.
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With regardto the firstaspect,1 have alreadyattemptedto show,1

hope to the satisfactioonf the Court,thatto the extentthatArticleIX

of the Conventionsupplies a basifsor thejurisdiction of the Court,

thatjurisdiction is limitedto eventswhichoccurredafterthe

participationof Bosniaand Herzegovina in the GenocideConventionbecame

effective. There is no other basisfor the jurisdictionof the Court,

and in particular, ArticleI11 of the Conventiondoesnot enlargein any

way the jurisdictionor thecompetence of the Courtor the discretionof

the Court underArticle41 of the Statute. In al1 circumstances,

Article103 of the Charteris predominantas far as regardsany

obligation of Statesunderthe Conventionand underthe actionsof the

SecurityCouncilactingin accordance with ChapterVI1 of the Charter.

With regardto the secondrequirement,that themeasuresrequested

are necessaryto preserve rights which mig betadjudgedto eitherparty

in due course,1 submitthatwhen one goesbehind the welterof charges

and counterchargesin this case,the Courtmust find thatwhen the

SecurityCouncil is actingunderChapterVI1 of the Charter, the

often-repeatevdiew of the Court thaArticle41 of the Statuteconfers - 35 -

on the Courtan **except:ion powerl*should prevail(see for instance, the

Aegean Sea Continental Shelf, Interim Protectioncase

(I.C.J. Reports 1976, y.11) and theGreat Belt case,

I.C.J. Reports 1991,p. 29) in the separateopinionof

Judge Shahabuddeen). 1:submit that the Cour has heard enough, despite

the reticence whichwe on this side of the podiumhave manifestedin

ordernot to exacerbate relationi sn theseproceedings,to show that

there existsa realpossibility that the oths erdewill not obtainfrom

the Court the Judgment request indits Application instituting the

proceedings. In thosecircumstances, were the Courtto indicate

provisional measuren sow, it would run the risk that later it would find

itselfin the uncomfort:abl positionwhich arose in 1952 inthe

Anglo-Iranian Oil Company case,and whichwas foreseenby two eminent

Membersof the Court then,JudgesWiniarskiand Badawi (see

I.C.J. Reports 1951,p. 97).

In our submission, careful examinato ionthe Application

instituting the proceedina gsd the Request for the indicati oninterim

measureswill not discl.osethat therehas been a demonstrated urgenct yo

the request.The typographical trica knd bombastic phraseologoyf the

highlighted passago en page 138, paragraph136, ofthe printed versioo nf

the Application institiitintghe proceedings arenot a substitute for a

demonstration of urgency. The questionis aired before the Cour tvery

time arequest is made forthe indicationof provisional measuresa ,s

though the Court is not:familiarwith its own precedents,and in orderto

save the timeof the Court, 1 will refrain today from repeating arguments

which the Court has heardad nauseam, as recentlyas one year ago in

other cases. Mr. Presidentand Membersof the Court,1 do not thinkthat it is

necessaryto concludethis statementwith any forma1submissions which,

as 1 read the Rulesof the Court, are not always requiredin this typeof

incidentalproceedings. The pleadingsshow that the Request raisesa

seriesof complexissues. If the Court reaches the conclusi tonat it

ought to exercise its discretio and give someindicationof what it

would regardas appropriate provisional measur which ought to be

adopted at this stageof the case, thenwe have indicatedwhat type of

measureswe think oughtto be indicated. On the otherhand,we have also

suggestedthat in the circumstances of this case,it wouldbe more
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appropriate for the Court to declineto indicate any provisional measures

at all. At al1 events,Our view is that the one-sideadnd unbalanced

requests made by Bosniaand Herzegovinawould underno circumstances be

appropriateand we respectfully ask the Courtso to decide.

That concludes what1 want to Say at this stage ofthe proceedings

which, 1 may recall oncemore, are incidental proceeding sn a Request

for the indicationof provisional measureosf protection underArticle41

of the Statute. Al1 other rights of the Governmentof the Federal

Republicof Yugoslavia under the Statuteand Rulesof the Court,

includingbut not limitedto its rightto presentcounter-claims, are

reserved.

That concludesthe pleadingwhich 1 wish to makeon behalfof the

Governmentof the FederalRepublicof Yugoslavia at this stage.

However,Mr. President,while 1have the floor1 must ask the

indulgenceof the Court to make one brief persona 1emark.

In his statementyesterday,Ambassador Sacirbey severaltimes

referredto theNazi Holocaust. To anypersonwho hasdirectknowledge

of what the Holocaustwas and what it wasintendedto achieve,suchstatementsare nothing shoro tf blasphemous.Nothingthathas occurred

sincein Europematchesthatunspeakable eventin Europeanhistory.

It remains, Mr. President, fomre to thankthe Courtand the

Registrarfor the couritesieonce againextendedto me. Thankyou,

Mr. President.

The PRESIDEiVT:Thankyou verymuch,ProfessorRosenne. The Court

has heard the Applicant Stataend theRespondent Stati en this

Applicationfor interirmneasuresof protection. It is not entirely clear

at the moment whatfurther oral proceedin masy or may not be desiredby

the Parties, so the coilvenientrocedureat the moment,1 think,is that

the Courtshouldretirefor 10 or 15 minutes whilst the Partiesare

consultedon that point. Thankyou.

The Court adjournedfrom 16.30 to 16.55. The PRESIDENT: Now we hear the further statement on behalfof

Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1 thinkfrom Professor Boyle.

ProfessorBOYLE: Mr. President, distinguished Membersof the Court,

May it pleasethe Court,yesterday 1 received the communication from

VladislavJovanovic, Federal Ministerfor Foreign Affairs of the rump

Yugoslavia. It did not botherme that it came in yesterday. 1 had a

look at it, and1 have somecommentsto make on this communiquéthat

Mr. ROS~M~ referredto.

First,the democratic basia snd legitimacyof the Governmentof

Bosniaand Herzegovinathat 1 represent,and of Our President,

His Excellency Alijy Izetbegovic,have alreadybeen describedin

paragraphs10 to 16 of the 20 MarchApplication. 1 am not going to go

through al1 thathere. The rumpYugoslaviatogetherwith its agentsand

surrogatesin Bosniahas attemptedto createan artifical "stateleti "n

our sovereignterritory under the name of the so-called"SerbianRepublic

of Bosniaand Herzegovina", in clear-cutviolationof United Nations

Charter Article II, paragraph4. That is the real problemof legitimacy

here, notthat of my Governrnent.His Excellency, President Izetbegovic,

is still recognizedby theUnited Nations as the legitimateHead of State

of the Republicof Bosniaand Herzegovina. President Izetbegovic 1

accredited AmbassadoS racirbey,who appearedbeforeyou yesterday,as the

Ambassadorand Permanent Representativ of Bosniaand Herzegovina to the

UnitedNations,and the United Nations acceptedthe credentialsof

Ambassador Sacirbet yo be the Ambassadorand Permanent Representativ of

Bosniaand Herzegovina. That shouldindicateto you the legitimacyof my

Governmentto representthe Stateof Bosniaand Herzegovina.

Likewise,President Izetbegovic personally accredi thedsame

Ambassador Sacirbeyw ,ho appearedbeforeyou yesterday,and me as theGeneral Agentswith Extraordinary and PlenipotentiaryPowersto the Court

on behalfof Bosniaand Herzegovina, and the Courthas obviously accepted

Our credentials. Otherwis1ewouldnot be standing beforeyou today. So

it is clear thatOur Government,Our President,Our Ambassadorsare al1

recognizedby the United Nationi stself.

As for theVance-Owennegotiations, they mus tf coursebe kept

separateand apart from the questio onf United Nationsrecognition. Only

the question of United Nations recognitioon Our Governmentis relevant

to theseproceedings. Furthermorde,spitewhat was said by the

Respondent, the Vance-Owen agreemh entnot yet come intoeffect. When

President Izetbegovi signed,he signed subjectto conditions that made

it very clear thatit wouldnot come into any legal effect whatsoever

until al1 the partieshad likewise signed, anadl1 the partieshave not

yet signed. And the President also attache ad 15-daydeadlineon the

signingof this document. Sos of today, this documentis effectivelya

legal nullity.

The truth is that it is the legitimacof the so-calledFederal

Republicof Yugoslavia(Serbiaand Montenegro)thathas been deniedby

the Security Council by the General Assemblyand agood deal of the

international comrnunity.Indeed,the General Assemblyhas treated the

rump Yugoslaviain the sameway that it treatedthe apartheid régimi en

Pretoria,namely,suspensionfromparticipation in the activitiesof the

General Assembly. That shouldrovidethe Courtwith some idea of the

degreeof contemptin which the worldholds the rump Yugoslavia.

Now, Our Applicationhas fully documented the responsibilo itythe

rump Yugoslavia for act of genocide, actsof aggressionand armed

attacks againstthe peopleand Stateof Bosniaand Herzegovina. In this

regard, 1 would emphasize especial lection F. Specific FactualAllegationof Acts of Genocide, paragraphs 32 to 83, and SectionI.

Specific Factual AllegationR selatingto the Conductof the Former

Yugoslaviaand/orYugoslavia(Serbiaand Montenegro),paragraph87A,

pp. 82-108.

Now also yesterday, 1 filed a SupplementarySubmissionin supportof

our Applicationand Requestthat updated thisSection I. This

SupplementarySubmissionsimply contained the news articlesthat 1 quoted

to you yesterdayfrom the New York Times and theBBC. It is very

short, very succinct, it wasnot intendedat al1 to tax your patiencebut

simply to put this in writingso that you could readit in the harsh

light of day. And thereporterfor the New York Times, this war

correspondent, Roger Cohen, said quite clearlyon 22 March 1993:

"While it is commonto see men on buses transforming

themselvesfrom civiliansintoheavilyarmed soldiersas they
cross into Bosnia,it is rare to witnessan operationso
prominently CO-ordinatedbetween Yugoslav and BosnianSerb
forces asthe offensivenow under way in the Srebrenicaarea."

That was on 22 March, and 1 have givenit toyou there in writing.

Likewiseagain, the BBC reported thatSerbianattackson the Bosnian

towns of Kovaceviciand Selimoviciwere backedup by long-range artillery

from Yugoslavian(Serbia andMontenegro) territory. That is the BBC, on

23 March.

Now, inthe United States,of course,the New York Times is

considered a newspaper of public record. Courts can take judicial notice

of facts in newspapers ofpublic record under the relevantrules of

evidence applicable in United States courtsand under appropriate

circumstances. And given the extraordinary nature of these

circumstances, for we have an armed conflict,armed aggression,genocide

going on, of coursewe have to rely upon reports bywar correspondents on

the scene to establish our prima facie fact in this case. What elsecan we do at this time? Certainlyon the merits - when we get there,if

we get there - we will havemore facts from other sources. Butas it

standsnow, this is the best we can do, and 1submit thatit is more than

sufficient. Now, theletterfromMr. Jovanovic also triet so Say that the Court

should indicate provisional measures agau instWell, there is no

credible evidence anywherein the public recortdhat the Governmentof

Bosniaand Herzegovina has committed actsof genocide against anyone.

Moreover, there has been no credible evidence submittted this Court

that Bosniaand Herzegovina has committed genocidoer aggression against

anyone. Therewere someintimations here made by counsel for the other

side,and thatis it. Where is the documentation? Where are the

reports? They are not there. You look at my Applicationand my

Supplementary Submissiona s,d you will see50 or 60 pagesof hard
w
evidenceof what Yugoslavia has done to my peopleand my State. Andyet

if you look atthe record submitted on the otherside,you see nothing;

no facts, simply assertionn s, basis infact. So 1 submitthat thereis

not even a prima facie case of evident ce support anytype of

provisional measures against Bosn and Herzegovina.

1 do not believethat thereis a basis eitherin fact or in lawfor

the Courtto indicate provisional measures against the Repu oflBosnia

and Herzegovina. This Respondenthas not createdany prima facie caso ef

evidence orlaw againstus on any of theseallegations.Al1 we have

heard is some spurious allegations made h atrethisforum,and thatis

it. That is not evidence.

Duringthe courseof my oral submissionon 1 April, 1 amendedthe

Applicationto assertan additional jurisdictionalbasis forthe Court

premisedon the 8June 1992 letterfromMr. Milosevicto Mr. Badinter,

which 1 filedwith the Courton 31 March 1993. Again, 1 apologize for

the late filing. Thatletterwas not availablt eo me at the time1 filed

the Applicationon 20 March. Why was that letternot availableto me

before 20 March? Becauseof the barbaricaggression that thr eurnpYugoslaviahas inflictedupon my peopleand my Government. It is almost

impossiblefor me to communicatewith Sarajevo,with my President. That

is why1 have been giventhe powersthat 1 have to be here. These things

take a little time; 1did the bestthat 1 coulddo in the circumstances,

but for reasons 1 will explainin a littlewhile, 1 certainly believe

that this letterdoes providejurisdiction for the Court to consideral1

the claimsin Our Application.

As for the Aegean Sea ContinentalShelfcase, 1 thinkthere are

significant difference betweenthe communiqué involved ther and the

letterhere. 1 submitwe will beable to developthosedifferences if

and when we get to the merits. Buremember,the objectiveof the rump

Yugoslaviais to destroyus, to makesure thatwe never get to those

merits,to eliminateus as a sovereign nation State,as a Memberof the

UnitedNations,and to exterminate Our people. This is exactlywhy we

are askingfor provisional measuret so preventthis fromhappening,to

allowus to get to the merits.

Al1 the othermat.tersraisedin the letterby Mr. Jovanovicfa11

within the domesticaffairsof Bosniaand Herzegovinaand are therefore

protectedby ArticleII, paragraph 7, of the UnitedNationsCharter.

Let me turn againbrieflyto the commnts made by the Chargéfrom the

rump Yugoslavia, statintghat this isa civilwar inBosnia-Herzegovina.

Again,as 1 developedin the Applicationand Our oral submission

yesterday,this is an outright caseof internationalaggression

perpetratedby the rumpYugoslavia against Bosni and Herzegovina.

Nothing could be clearerand 1 have established thatin the Application,

in the Supplementary Submission and the oral proceedings.

Professor Rosennedoes not likethe fact thatyou have beeninundated

with facts. But that is what theseproceedings are al1 about,to provide

you with as many factsas 1 can for you to make up your mind.1 believethere is more than a prima facie castehat therumpYugoslaviais

committingaggressionagainst Bosnia and Herzegovib nath directlyand

indirectlyby means of agentsand surrogatesin Bosnia andelsewhere.

Again, in the SupplementarSyubmission1 filedyesterday,it was simply

intendedto put in writingexactlywhat 1 read to you from the podiumat

that time.

As for the comments made by Professor Rosenn he,firstmentioned

the Lockerbie case. What happened in thoseproceedings? Libya fileda

case on 3 March lastyear and the Court granted ahearing, 1believe

startingon 24 March. While the Courtwas meeting atLibya'srequest for
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an indicationof provisional measurest ,he two RespondentGovernments

decidedto usurp the power and authorityof this Court by gointgo the

Security Council andtryingto ram through a resolution againL sitbya

without givingthe properrespectto the Court to make adecisionon its

requestfor interimmeasures. As you know, as you were meetinghere in

The Hague,the twoRespondent States thenbegan the hearings inthe

Security Council and got that resolutionadoptedshortly afteryou had

adjourned.

If you remember,in the opinionscoming outof the Lockerbiecase

on provisionalmeasures, 11 Judges made it very clearthat in the absence

of this attemptby the two respondentStatesto move the way they did,

you wouldhave giventhe provisional measuresto Libya that Libya

requested. Therewere very strong opinions expressedby manyof you in

your opinionsin the Lockerbie case as to how you felt aboutwhat was

done at the Security Council while thmistterhad been submittedto

you; the two RespondentStatesdid not botherto wait foryour decision

to come down.

1 thinkthat thatsentiment makes it very clearthat in the current

circumstancesyou should feel no hesitationto act immediatelyon ourrequest for provisiona measures. Pou have an independentresponsibility

under the termsof the Charterto move forwardand to grant our request

and not to worry aboutan attemptto be madeat the Security Council to

pre-emptyour abilityto exerciseyour powers under the Charter.

As for Professor Rosenne's argumeno tn the Vienna Conventionon the

Successionof States inRespectof Treaties, 1 would refer you to the

proceedingsof the Badinter Commissiot nhat are reportedin the

November1992 issueof International Legal Materials - 1 referredto them

yesterday. In thereyou will see, inthe Badinter Opinions, that al1 of

the partiesto the International PeaceConferenceon the Former

Yugoslaviahave agreedthat they wouldbe boundby the terms ofthe

Vienna Conventioo nn Successionof Statesin Respectof Treaties

(International Leqal Aaterials,p. ?). Moreover, of courset ,he rules

of the Vienna Convention alsc oodifycustomary internationa law on the

questionof State successiow nith respectto treaties. 1 see no problem

at al1 with this Court applying thr eulesof the Vienna Conventionon

State succession,especiallywhen the rump Yugoslavia has agreedthat

they are fully prepared to be boundby theseruleswith respectto these

questionsof State succession betwee the rump Yugoslavia and the other

now independent republics. Professor Rosenne said thathe had problems with provisional

measures1, 2 and 3. He did not know exactlywhere theyhad comefrom.

Well, they came almost verbatim from the provisional measuregivenby

this Court in theNicaragua case. They werepatternedon that,almost

line by line. That isapparentto anyonewho looks at the first

three paragraphsof the provisionalmeasures. And1 guess1 would submit

that if you were preparedto give the first three provisional measur tos

Nicaragua, then,a fortiori,you shouldbe preparedto give provisional

measures1, 2 and 3 to Bosniaand Herzegovina. A situationfar more

serious,as 1 pointedout yesterday, notjust involvingoutright

aggression,direct and indirect, by one State against another S butte

also acts of genocidewithinthe meaningof the GenocideConvention.

Now, Professor Rosenne alsotalked about resolution713. 1 think 1

decisively established yesterdt ayatwhen resolution713 was adopted,no

one contemplated Bosni and Herzegovinabecauseour Statedid not exist

at that time. It did not come intoexistence until 6March 1992. The

arms embargowas appliedon the formerYugoslavia, not upon us.

Moreover,it wasappliedwith their consent ana dt theirrequest. Now,

if theformer Yugoslaviw aants to imposean arms embargoupon itself,

that is its business,that is fine. But the Security Council did not

even considerus at the timebecausewe did not exist.

As for thesubsequent routine reaffirmanc and whatever, wellthese

are naturalthingsthat security councild so in resolutionsthat they

adopt,they always reaffirm their previor ussolutions. But thewres

never an indicationthat anyonehad considered thq euestionthatwhen

Bosniaand Herzegovina became independent on 6March, or whenit became a

Member of the United Nationson 22 May, that at that pointit had the inherent rightof self-defence, recognizein the United Nations Charter,

Article51, and again "Nothingin the present Charter", anthatmeans

Security Council resolutiot nso,

"Nothingin the present Charter shall impat ire inherent

rightof individualor collective self-defenc if anarmed
attack occursagainst aMember ofthe United Nations, untit lhe
Security Councilhas takenmeasures necessary to maintain
internationalpeaceand security."

And it is obviousthat,at leastso far, the Security Council has not yet

takeneffectivemeasures necessary to maintaininternational peacaend

securitywith respectto Bosnia and Herzegovina. We are stillbeing

attacked, even as reportedby theNew York Times and theBBC war

correspondents righton the scene,we are being attackedtoday. Our

people are being killea dnd exterminated.

And this bringsus to why we are here for provisionamleasures. If

we cannot defendourselves,we will be destroyed bythe rumpYugoslavia

beforewe ever getto themeritsof our claim. That is the entire

purposefor whatthey are doing,to destroyus completely asa Stateand

as a people. And we are comingto you on points4, 5 and6 of

provisional measuretso basicallydeclarethatwe have a rightto defend

ourselves inthe hope thatwe will at some point getto the merits of

this case. But ifyou deny us 4, 5 and 6 1 doubtvery seriously thatyou

will see us here a year fromnow to argue the case on the merits.

Certainlythat is the objective ofthe rump Yugoslavia.

And again,1 pointout, the Security Council's powers ar limitedby

Article51. The word "nothing"means SecurityCouncil resolutions as

well. Andlikewisethe powersof the Security Councilunder Chapter7

are also limitedby Article24, paragraph 2. Our rights asa sovereign

nation-Stateto defendourselvesindividually and collectivelymust be

respectedand we cannotbe denied theserights by ambiguous SecurityCouncilresolutions that were intendedto apply to the former

Yugoslaviaat its request andwith its acquiescence. We have always

maintained that these resolutionsdo not apply to us, and they cannot

legally applyto us, they wouldviolateArticle51 and Article 24,

paragraph2.

Now again, to go back to the 8 June letter,and again 1 apologize

for thehaste, as it were, insubmittingit. 1 submittedit as soon as 1

couldupon my returnhere to The Hague. We believe that this letter

certainlyis distinguishable from th eegean Sea case. Here you had a

forma1 letter submittedby the rump Yugoslaviato Mr. Badinteras part
WV
of international proceedings knowing fullwell that this letterwould be

turnedover to Our Government,which it was, for Our consideration which

we have done. We have considered theletterand 1 am here to Say, as 1

said yesterday,that we accept the offer of the rump Yugoslaviato submit

al1 Our legal disputesto this Court unequivocally. Awde have

submittedthem tothis Court,al1 the disputes set forth in Our

Applicationand Request for provisional measure and 1 believe that this

establishesan additionaljurisdictional basis for this Courtto consider.

Of course,these issues will needto be briefed in more detailon

the merits when we get therebut again 1 submit ifyou do not give us

these provisional measures we will not a beound tocome back hereand

argue this case on the merits.

Now perhaps Professor Rosenne misundersto mydargumenton the basis

of Article VI11 of the GenocideConvention. 1 was not suggestingthat it

providedan additionaljurisdictional basis for the Court, rather wha 1t

was suggestingis that ArticleVI11 providesa basis for the Court to

grant Our request for provisional measure in full and as soon as

possible. And 1 would encourage you to go back and read the termsof

ArticleVI11 of the GenocideConvention. 1 realizewe are makingan exceptionalrequest buttheseare

extraordinary circumstances :enocideand acts of aggression,and

Article VI11 was intendedto deal with such extraordinary circumstances

as these.

Now again,Mr. Rosennequoted the28 March so-called agreement.

Again 1 want to c1arif:the record: Mr. Jovanovicsaid the same thing,

there is no 28 March ceasefiragreement. There is a document signed in

New Yorkby President Izetbegovicwith conditionsattached. Andone of

the conditionsis that thedocumentwould haveno legal significance

unless al1 of the partiessignedthat documentand, so far, one ofthe

partieshas refusedto do so. Moreover, President Izetbegovic also

attached a15-day time periodin whichthe otherparty is permittedto

sign or not sign the agreement. But thagreementhas not yet come into

effect. There is no s.uchagreement. Professor Rosenne also mentioned the opib nionudge Shahabuddeen

in the above case andagain1 think thatia fine, 1would just be happy

to read it againbecause1 think itis very eloquent and righo tn point

If the summariacognitio,which is characteristi of a
procedureof thiskind, enabledus to take into account the
possibilityof the right claimeb dy the GermanGovernmentand

the possibility of the dangerto which that rightwas
exposed, 1 should findit difficultto imagine any request for
the indication of interim measures morjeust, moreopportuneor
more appropriate than the onewhichwe are considering",
(emphasisas in the original)

againquoting from JudgeAnzilotti.

And as 1 said yesterday,it is difficultto imaginea request for

interim measures thai ts more just,more opportuneor moreappropriate

than the Request for provisional measub resBosnia and Herzegovina.

Professor Rosenne concludh eds commentsby makinga referenceto

the Nazi Holocaust. 1 thinkit is importantto keep this inmind. The

Genocide Convention came oo ut the holocaustthat the Nazi'sinflicted

upon the Jewishpeople,the Polish people, the Russianpeople,the

gypsies, and otheri sn Europe. This led to the Nuremberg definition of

Crime against Humanity thatis why Crime against Humaniw tys put into

the Nuremberg Chartet rodeal with the mass exterminatioonf racesof

peopleby the Nazishere in Europe. Andit was the basis of that then

that ledthe General Assemblt yo codifythe Nuremberg Crime against

Humanity,the experience of the holocaust in the Genocide Convention.

Which is why 1 was suggesting yesterday tha you should interpretthe

Genocide Conventioi nn referenceto the Nazi Holocaust,in referenceto

the Nuremberg Crime against Humanita y;d it is certainlytrue thatwe

are not yet at apoint where the rump Yugoslav has killed outright the

numberof peoplethat theNazis killed duringthe Second World War. But

that is why we are here before this Court,to preventa holocaustof suchenormousdimensions and proportions for an entireother raceof people -

the peopleof Bosniaand Herzegovina. There are4.5 millionpeoplein

Bosnia and Herzegovin and therumpYugoslavia wants to exterminate them

all. They have not yet succeededin doingthat,but theywill unless you

giveus Our provisional measures. They will succeedt ,heywill destroy

us, and we willneverget to this caseon themeritsunlessthis Court

givesus the six itemsof provisional measures thw athave requestedin

fulland as soon aspossible.

Thankyou verymuch onceagainforyour courtesyand consideration

and againmay God bewithyou as you deliberate on our Request.

The PRESIDENT: Thankyou ProfessorBoyle. Now that concludes1

thinkthe presentation for Bosnia-Herzegovina Yugoslavia(Serbiaand

Montenegro) has of course arightto replyand wishesto exerciseit 1

believe,and is prepared to do so thisafternoon. It might beconvenient

perhapsif the Court were to retirefor 10-15minutesand thenreturnto

hear the reply.

Thankyou verymuch.

The Court adjournedfrom 17.25 to 17.35 The PRESIDENT: Professor Rosennep,lease.

ProfessorROSEFINE:May it please the Court. Thankyou,

Mr. President. 1 will Say that thedelegationof the FederalRepublicof

Yugoslaviavery much appreciatesyour courtesyand that of the

distinguished Members ofthe Court in agreeingto continue thisSitting

beyond the accustomedhour. 1 will try andbe very brief,and a little

bit probably incoherent but 1 thinkthatyou will excuseme, and 1 also

hope that Our opponentswill excuseme, giventhe speedwith whichwe are

conducting theseproceedings.

1 have to say in al1 franknessMr. President,that theinteresting W

statementmade byProfessor Boyle does not causeme to retractin any way

anythingthat 1 said earlieron this afternoon. 1 do not thinkhe really

refuted anyof the main contentionsand conclusionswhich 1 had the

honour to presenton behalfof the Governmentof Yugoslaviain accordance

with instructionswhich 1 received. 1 really onlywant to mention a few

pointswhile maintainingthe integrityof the observationswhich 1 and my

CO-Agentboth presentedthis afternoon. We do not wishto prolongthese

proceedings unnecessarily.

On one central point,1 wish to reiteratethe view ofthe Federal

Governmentof Yugoslaviathat thesituation which has developedin Bosnia w

and Herzegovina is a situation ofcivilwar with al1 which that entails.

In that connection,it is Our impressionthat the Applicants are

persistingin their inabilityto see a distinction betweetnhe actionsof

the FederalGovemment and thestandpointof the Federal Governmeno tf

Yugoslavia itself,and theactionsand thestandpointsof the Serbs in

Bosnia-Herzegovina.As 1 said earlieron, accordingto the information

which 1 have they constitutesome 34 per cent, one thirdof the

populationof that area. This distinctionis absolutely fundamental, an we tooknote of the

fact that Professor Boyleearlierthis afternoon referredal1 the time to

some unnamedthirdParty. We assumethatwhat he had in mind was the

Serbsof Bosnia. This distinction, Mr. President, is also the

explanation for the observations which were mad by the Minister for

Foreign Affairs in the communication yesterday ,o which ProfessorBoyle

referredand which 1 also in effect incorporateidn the observations

which 1 made, both in :relationo the provisional measuresbeing

requestedby the otherside and in relationto the kind of provisional

measures which we thinYrcould be appropriatien the eventuality thatthe

Courtshould feelthat it oughtto indicateprovisional measures despite,

or notwithstanding, the view whichwe continueto hold: thain this

particular case, so long as the Security Councilis actuallyactingunder

ChapterVI1 of the Charter,then it would be premature and inappropriate

for theCourt to indicate provisiona leasures,and certainlyprovisional

measuresof the typewhich have been requested.

Mr. President, Membersof the Court, 1 couldnot really follow al1

that Professor Boyle said about facts. We havegot adocument, which, as

1 have said,we only receivedhere in fullyesterday morning, and which

consists of 70 pagesof a closelyprintedstatementcalled "Application

InstitutingProceedings".Mr. President, with al1 respect- 1 am sorry

to raisethis point,it is a technicality, an1 d do notwant to base Our

case on technicalities,but 1 have to becauseit has beenforcedon me -

Article 38 of the Rulesof Court,paragraph 2,dealingwith an

Application Statesthat an application"shallalso specifythe precise

nature ofthe claim," - 1 am not going to Say anything aboutthat,

Mr. President - "togetherwith a succinct statemenotf the factsand

groundson which the claim is based". Mr. President, 1 reallydo not think thata documentwhich is

70 pages long, closely typei dn print,is by any stretchof the

imagination"a succinct statemeno tf the factsand groundson which the

claim is based". 1 would therefore ask the Court,in view of the

statementswhichwe have heard about the facts, alt so keep that aspect

in mind. As 1 said, 1 do not want to get involved tomouch in these

technicalities, bu t have to because 1have beenforced intoit. The

place for 70 pages of facts - if they are facts,1 am not admittingthat

they are, that is another matter - is in the Memorial,and Article 49 of

the Rules of Court makes this perfectp lyain: "A Memorialshallcontain
*
a statementof the relevant facts". And it is in the Counter-Memorial,

Mr. President, that the Responden atn,unwilling Respondent- or, rather,

a Respondentwho has been brought before the Court in circumstances

unknownto it, unforeseenby it; it is not an unwilling Respondena ts

that expressionis frequently used, becauseas 1 have indicated we do

thinkthat the jurisdiction of the Court is limited, bu te are prepared

to continueto litigatethe casewithinthe limitsof the jurisdiction as

we understand it. It is in thosecircumstances that the Counter-Memorial

of the Respondent, given time to collect thematerialand so on,shall

containan admission or denialof the facts.

We are now being accusedvirtuallyof notproducing any facti sn-

what is it, 48 hours, 72 hours,somethinglike that - in answerto

70 closely-typed pages. And, by the way, more is coming; we have

received another big envelopethis afternoon, which,quite frankly,

Mr. President, 1 have notyet had time even to open. 1 do not know what

is in it. Are we going to get anymore envelopes, before the Court

rendersits decisionin thiscase? 1 am just wondering, becausewe aregoing to be comingbackwardsand forwardshere, 1 suppose,with new

envelopeseveryday.

So, 1 would ask the Court,very respectfully, to keep this aspect

also in mind. We intendto file a Counter-Memoriawlhen the timecomes

for us to do so, and within the circumscriptionof the jurisdiction of

the Court,howeverit is determinedwhen the timecomes.

1 want to Say somethingabout the evidence.Mr. President,1 do not

know anything about therulesof evidencein United Statescourts; 1 am

quitepreparedto leavethat to ProfessorBoyle. 1 do not know whether

the New York Post is admittedas evidence,or Playboy,or the

New York Times. I would liketo know much more aboutit beforea flat

assertion is made thatbecausesomething appears in theNew York Times,

it is evidence. If the New York limes - and with al1 respectto the

New YorkTimes - or anyotherTimes,or Le Monde,or theFrankfurter

AllgemeineZeitung,whichever one you like - is a newspaperof record,

it is a newspaperof recordfor the documentswhich it prints,not for

journalists'reports, however eminent thosejournalistsmay be.1 have alwaysunderstood the New York Times as a newspaperof record

for thedocuments which it containsand they may be admittedas evidence

and probably coulb de, evenin this Court. But, as for a wild assertion

that becausethe New YorkTimes is an instrument,is a newspaper of

recordin the courtsof the UnitedStates,State courts or federal

courts, it is relevant andcan thereforebe admittedhere, 1 thinkthis

proposition only has to be stated,Mr. President, forits unacceptability

to becomeevident.

Now, Mr. President, 1 want to Say something about the

Security Council and the interpretationof the Charter. 1 would like to
w
remindProfessor Boyle, with respect,of the underlying consideration in

the San FranciscoDeclaration (1 do not havethe referencein front of

me) on the interpretatioo nf the Charter. If 1understandit correctly,

and 1 am speakingfrommemory,Mr. President- and you will forgiveme

for that - the Declarationbasicallylays down that each organ ofthe

UnitedNationsitself interprett she provisionsof the Charter which

referto it. If any organ wantsother interpretation of the Charter,if

it wants an interpretationfrom this Court,for instance,the proper way

for it to do it is by way of a request foran advisoryopinion,and 1

would remindProfessorBoyle,if 1 may andwith respect,that the

General Assembly, for instanc has done this in relationto specific

Articlesof the Charter.Article 4 has beeninterpreted by thiC sourtat

the requestof the GeneralAssembly. Article17 has beeninterpreted by

this Court,alwaysin concrete circumstances not in the abstractof

course.

Now the Security Council,as far as 1know, norany Memberof the

SecurityCouncil, asfar as 1 know, has notqueried theinterpretation of

resolution713 on the arms embargo, whethea rs originallyadopted beforeBosnia andHerzegovinabecame Members of the UnitedNations oras

repeated and deliberatelyreaffirmedlater. Now, Mr. President, 1 think

you are aware ofthe fact that 1 personallyhave had a considerable

amountof experiencein the Security Council an d know that

Professor Boyle is also quite familiarwith a greatdeal of the working

of the SecurityCouncil. If the Security Councilspecifies,by number,

resolutions, which it is recallingin the preambularpart of its

substantiveresolution,it does so deliberately, it is not a matterof

routine. The Security Councih las other formulas fowrhat

Professor Boyle regard as a mere routine, for instance, recalling

previous resolutiono sn thesubject,thatmightbe - 1 am not even sure

about that - becauseas 1 said,the languageof the Security Council

resolutions is in fact verycarefullynegotiated. They are not thrown

out; it is not like theresolutionsin the General Assembly and

one smallpoint to indicatethe difference,the Secretariathas a general

power under the rulesof procedureof the GeneralAssembly,to edit them

and ifyou look at the printed versionof resolutionsof the

GeneralAssembly, inthe officia1recordsof the General Assembly, they

are quitedifferentfrom the textas adoptedby the GeneralAssembly

itselfand published in the farnouspress releasewhich

UnitedNations-goers lik eyself cal1 the round-upbecausethey are

editedby the Secretariat.On the otherhand,Mr. President, if you look

at the printedversionof resolutions of the SecurityCouncil, which come

out year by year, they are identicawith the textas adoptedby the

Security Council inal1 the officia1languagesand theworking languages

of the SecurityCouncilwhich are thesamenow. So let us not haveany

more talk about routine expressionsust thrownin thoughtlessly because

that is the routine.'There is no such thing in resolutionsof the

SecurityCouncil. To anotherpoint,Mr. President, nothing that Professor Boyle has

said causesme to change one iota of what1 suggested would be the rule

of law applicable to the letterof 8 June 1992 as far as concernsthe

jurisdiction of the Court. The jurisdictionof the Court,in conformity

with that letter,is not conferred bythe acceptance by Bosnia and

Herzegovinaof the offer,the offer is to submit acase to the Courtwith

agreedtermsof reference, agreemen otn what the question isthat the

Court should decideand as 1 maintain,as 1 said earlier, 1 thinkthat

the situation 1 so submitin regardto that letteris identicalin

substancewith the situation whichthe Court faced in the Aegean Sea

case.

On the question ofaggressionand the somewhat wild charge shich

have beenbandiedabout this courtroom, 1 would just like to Say one

thing. 1 Say it with respect andwith perhaps a reservatio nue to the

time constraints but, asfar as 1 have beenable to see on the filethat

1 have hereon the table, 1 did not find thatword, the word aggression,

in any of the resolutions of the SecurityCouncil.

As 1 Say, 1 am makingthis statement with reservations, 1 hope 1 am

not misleadingthe Court,1 certainlydo not intendto. But in the

perusalwhich 1 have made in the intervalof the resolutions, and 1 have I

them al1 with me here, 1 did not find that word. If 1 am wrong,then 1

in advancewould acceptof course a correction fro the Courtor fromthe

other side,and expressmy apologies.

The effortsof the Security CouncilM ,r. President, aredirected

towardsone aim,and one aimalone,and that is to restore peacein the

area. If it has not yetachieved that aim, it is not for want of

trying. It remains actively seise of the matterand is actingunder

ChapterVII. This has not been refutedby ProfessorBoyle and 1 venture to submitthat this is a central factowrhich should weighwith the Court

when it comesto deliberate and render itsdecisionon this request for

interim measuresof protection.

The last point 1 want to mentionis,Mr. President,the question of

the legalityof the FederalGovernment, the representative qualo itythe

FederalGovernmentof Yugoslavia. Mr. President, al1 the

Security Council dii dn thatvery curious resolutiow nas to say that the

FederalRepublicof Yugoslavia cannot continue automaticallythe

membershipof the former Socialist FederalRepublicof Yugoslavia. 1 do

not quiteknow really what tham teans. The resolutionof the

General Assembly, as 1 read it, does not entirelyfit intothat pattern,

maybe 1 have misreadit. But thecuriousthing is that Yugoslaviais

actually continuini gts membershipof the United Nations and1 have

beforeme here - 1 have to file it1 supposeas a new document, 1 assume

1 may be allowedto read it - signed byDr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali the

Secretary-Generao lf the UnitedNations,dated 26February1993 addressed

to H.E. Mr. [inaudible]F ,ederal Ministerfor ForeignAffairsof the

FederalRepublicof Yugoslavia, Belgrade, invitingthe FederalRepublic

of Yugoslaviato participatein the United Nations Conferenc on Human

Rights, whichis going to take placein Viennanext June, as a result of

a decisionof the GeneralAssembly. 1 do not thinkthe Secretary-General

would make a mistake. He has addressedthis letterto the Federal

Minister for ForeignAffairsof the Federal Republic of Yugoslaviaand

signed it himself,BoutrosBoutros-Ghali. 1will file this document

duringthe weekendif you want me to,Mr. President,if you think 1

should,and 1 thinkthat is simply adequate to show that thelegalityand

continuedmembershipof the Federal Republic in the United Nationsis a

matternot opento any furtherdiscussion. 1 must Say that these are disjointedand perhaps incoherent remarks,

Mr. President; we are al1 extremelytired. 1 againwish to thankyou

very much for the courtesy you have extended tous and evenif we have

been a little bithard with each other, 1 would extendmy expressionof

appreciationto the other side for theway in which they also have

conducted these proceedings.

Perhapsit is an indication that having non-nationals ple indcases

of high tension may assist in the administration of international justice

by reducingto a very large extent, 1 hope, the persona1 involvemeno tf

Counsel appearing before this Coui rt the substanceof the case. Thank

you, Mr. President.

The PRESIDENT: Thank you, ProfessorRosenne. Judge Guillaume.

M. GUILLAUME :Merci, Monsieurle Président. J'auraissouhaité

poser une question à chacunedes Parties. L'agentde la République de

Bosnie-Herzégovine a mentionnécet après-midi dans sa plaidoirie l'avis

no 9 de la commission d'arbitrage de la conféren pour la paix en

Yougoslavie,en ce qui concerne le problème dl ea succession. Le

paragraphe2 de cet avis que j'ai sous les yeux dit ceci :

"Le phénomènede la successiond'Etatsest régipar des

principes de droit international dont s'inspirent les
conventions de Vienne du 23 août 1978 et du 8 avril 1983 que
toutes les républiqueo snt acceptéde retenir comme base de
leurs discussions relatives à la successiond'Etatsdans le
cadre de la conférencp eour la paixen Yougoslavie."

Et ma questionpour chacunedes Partiesest la suivante : Pourriez-vous

produiresous vingt-quatreheures leou les documents,s'il en existe,

par lesquels la Bosnie-Herzégovin et la Yougoslavie(Serbieet

Monténégro) ont accepté éventuellement les obligations mention auées

paragraphe 2 de l'avisno 9 ?

Je vous remercie, Monsieul re Président. The PRESIDENT: Thank you, JudgeGuillaume. The answerto that

questioncouldbe made in writingas soonas possible please - with

advantage,tomorrow. Yes, Mr. Boyle,do answernow if you wish.

Mr. BOYLE: Your Honour,thereis absolutelyno way 1 couldproduce

that documentin 24 hours. 1 cannoteven communicate with Sarajevo. We

are being bombed and a.ttackedy the rump Yugoslavia. The rump

Yugoslaviaand its agents and surrogatesbombardthe Presidency. 1

cannoteven communicate with myPresident, let alone the Foreign

Minister. 1 cannot get documentosut of Sarajevo. That is why 1 could

not producethat letterof 8 June until 1 did on Monday. If 1 had had it

before Monday1 wouldhave givenit to you. 1 am been sent here with

extraordinary and plen.ipotentiarpowersas the persona1 representative

of President Izetbegovi with the onlyinstructions "Goodluck!". Now

that indicatesto you the severityof the situationin Sarajevo. 1 would

certainlytry to get that documentbut 1 doubt very seriousltyhat 1

couldget it withina periodof weeks,so 1 would encourage you for the

purposeof these interimproceduresto moveforwardon the good faith

assertionby the Badin.terrbitration Commissio that this agreementhas

been made and theyhave the document. 1 do not haveit and thereis no

way 1 can get it verysoon. That is due to the conductof the Respondent.

The PRESIDENT: Thankyou, ProfessorBoyle. ProfessorRosenne.

Mr. ROSENNE: Thankyou, Mr. President. 1 am not going to makea

politicalstatement. 1 appreciate verymuch the reasonsbehind

Judge Guillaume's questioannd 1 appreciatevery much why he would like

the answerwithin24 hours. With al1 respectto Judge Guillaume and to

Membersof the Court,it is the weekendand 1 would like,as thePresidenthas said,with respectand if you agree, Sir,thatwe would

supply what documents ar relevantas soon aspossible,which 1 suppose

wouldbe around the middleof next week.

The PRESIDENT: Yes, thankyou verymuch.

It remains onlyto thanktheAgentsof the two Parties forthe

assistance theh yave givento the Court anbdy their observation on the

Requestfor the indicatioo nf provisional measure sn thiscase. In

accordance with the usualpractice, 1 requestthemto remainat the

disposa1of the Court for any further assistai ncemayrequire. With

thatreservation, 1 declarethe present oralproceedings closed.

The Courtwill giveits decisionon the Request for the indication

of provisional measure as soon aspossiblein the formof an Order,

which will be readat a publicsittingof the Court.The dateof that

sittingwill benotifiedto theAgentsof the Parties in due course.

Thankyou verymuch.

The Court adjourned at6.30 p.m.

Document Long Title

Audience publique tenue le vendredi 2 avril 1993, à 15 heures, au Palais de la Paix, sous la présidence de sir Robert Jennings, président

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