Written Comments of Spain

Document Number
15706
Document Type
Date of the Document
Document File
Document

INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE

ACCORDANCE WITH INTERNATIONAL LAW

OF THE UN/LATERAL DECLARAT/ON OF
INDEPENDENCE BY THE PROVISIONAL INSTITUTIONS
OF SELF-GOVERNMENT OF KOSOVO

(REQUEST FOR ADVISORY OPINION)

WRITTEN COMMENTS OF THE KINGDOM OF SPAIN

JULY 20091.INTRODUCTION

1. Given the opportunity offered to UN Member States to submit written

comments in the second part of the written phase of the advisory

proceedings on the Accordance with International Law of the unilateral
declaration of independence by the provisional institutions of self­

govemment of Kosovo (ICJ Order of 21 October 2008), the Government

of Spain has decided to submit these written comments to the

International Court of Justice. Spain's decision stems from its firm
purpose to actively cooperate with the ICJ, whose jurisdiction Spain

trusts deeply and unfailingly.

2. First of all, Spain wishes to reiterate the arguments laid out in its written
statement of 14 April 2009, as well as the conclusions reached in the

said statement, which Spain continues to consider as being adequate

and useful in the present advisory proceedings.

Nevertheless, having conducted a detailed examination of the

written statements presented by other States, and of the written

information supplied by the Provisional Institutions of Self-Government of

Kosovo (PISG), Spain wishes to make some brief comments that are to
be understood as complementary to its written statement of 14 April

2009.

These comments regard the scope of the principle of territorial

integrity (Il), the rightto self-determinationand secession (Ill), and certain

issues related to the alleged acquiescence of certain international organs

to the Unilateral Oeclaration of lndependence (UDI) (IV). On the other

hand, Spain does not consider it necessary, at this stage, to pronounce
on the competence of the Court to exercise its jurisdiction or on the

scope of the question. Regarding these two issues, Spain reiterates the

arguments set out in its written statementof 14April 2009.

2 At any rate, the present comments are made by Spain without

prejudice to the possibility to proceed to a more extensive consideration

of its content, or of other pertinent issues, at a later stage in the
proceedings.

Il. THE SCOPE OF THE PRINCIPLEOF TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY

3. As expressed in its written statement, Spain considers the principle of

territorial integrity to be essential to guaranteeing stability and
international peace and security. Therefore, this principle holds a central

place among the fundamental principles of contemporary international

law, and is part of the principle of sovereign equality of States and of the

principle that States shall refrain in their international relations from the
threat or use force against the territorial integrity or political

independence of any State, as such principles are defined in General

Assembly Resolution 2625 (XXV). Moreover, the fact that territory is one
of the defining elements of statehood should not be left out, which entails

that the principle of territorial integrity is also to be analyzed from this

perspective.

4. Bearingthe previous considerations in mind, Spain understands that it is

not possible to make an absolute distinction between how the principle of

territorial integrity can be invoked with regard to third States and how it
can be invoked with regard to domestic entities operating within the

territory of the State. Such a distinction aims at restricting the application

of this principle to the purely international level. lt thus results in a merely

formai understanding of the principle of territorial integrity, which takes
into account neither intra-state reality nor the most recent international

practice.

On the other hand, the fact should not be overlooked that a
violation of the principle of territorial integrity through actions carried out

by domestic actors within the State will inevitably bear international

3 consequences. The reason is, first of ail, that it affects an essential

element of statehood, thus possibly affecting international legal

personality and entailing a breach of obligations erga omnes. And, in the

second place, it will predictably have other immediate consequences in
the international scene in the form of acts carried out by other

international actors, States in particular, following the domestic actions

mentioned above.

5. ln conclusion, Spain considers it untenable to reduce the principle of

territorial integrity to a principle operating at an exclusively international

level, which in turn means that this principle cannot be understood as an

obligation that only third States and other subjects of international law
must comply with. The scope- in terms of opposability- of the principle of

territorial integrity cannot be limited in this manner.

Ill. SELF-DETERMINATION OF PEOPLESAND SECESSION

6. Secondly, Spain wishes to express its opinion regarding the meaning and

scope of the right to self-determination which, as it is well known, is one
of the fundamental principles of contemporary international law. This

principle must be interpreted coherently and in connection with the rest of

the fundamental principles of the international legal order, and especially

with the principle of sovereignty and territorial integrity.

7. From this position, and broadly speaking, nothing would prevent this

principle from applying in the Kosovo case, if the proper requirements for

its application are given, and always within the parameters established
by international law to that effect. Among the requirements, one could

first underline the need to prove the existence of a people having the

right to self-determination. Among the parameters, it must be underlined

that the right to self-determination can be exercised along a number of
different paths. The possibilities range from the various forms of self­

government (special or general) within a pre-existing State to the

4 independence of the people in question and the subsequent creation of a

new State. Generally speaking, International law currently in force does

not favour one particular option over the rest regarding different forms of
self-determination. Therefore, it cannot be concluded that there exists a

tendency in international law and practice to equate the right to self­

determinationwith independence.

From this perspective, and leaving now aside the issue regarding

whether what exists in Kosovo is a people in the above referred sense or

a minority, it must be underlined that Resolution 1244 (1999) is an
outstanding example of how the right to self-determination has been

given shape through a self-government regime inserted in, and

guaranteed by, an international administration regime which has been

established and regulated by the Security Council. And it cannot be
concluded that this arrangement is contrary to international law, or to the

right of self-determination of peoples, only because it has not

automatically resulted in Kosovo'saccess to independence.

8. Moreover, Spain also wishes to express its opinion regarding secession

as a form of sanction or remedy, which has no proper basis in

contemporary international law. This understanding of secession faces
serious problems in the case of Kosovo, even when linked to the

safeguard clause defined in Resolution 2625 (XXV)as a means to find

an adequate balance between the right to self-determination and

territorial integrity. Thus, suffice it to say now that, in Spain's view, with
regard to the massive and systematic human rights violations and

minority rights violations in Kosovo, and to the suspension of Kosovo's

self-government regime dictated by Serbia in 1989, the reaction of the
international community has materialized, already in 1999, in precisely

the establishment of an international administration regime of Kosovo

which includes a self-government system of this Serbian province. ln

addition to such a regime, which sufficiently guarantees self-government
under international contrai, the UN Security Council has set in motion a

political process for the determinationof the future status of Kosovo. This

5 process is, in the case at issue, the valid procedure for the final exercise

by Kosovo- in a form yet to be defined- of a possible right to se/f­
determination.

Bearing in mind this remedy fashioned by the international

community in 1999, Spain considers that no other form of reaction or
remedy is legally defensible, much less so through the secession-as­

sanction or secession-as-remedy formulas, which, as pointed out above,

have no proper legal basis in international law, this being of particular

bearing on the case of Kosovo.

IV.- THE ALLEGED ACQUIESCENCE TO THE UNILATERAL

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE BY INTERNATIONAL ORGANS

9. As Spain pointed out in its written statement, for the purpose of rendering

its Advisory Opinion, the ICJ should not take into account any act taking
place after the UDIthat is performed on the basis thereof, since the acts

adopted on the basis of another act (the UDI) whose accordance or

conformity with international law is in question can hardly be considered

as valid in order to answer the question submitted by the General
Assembly to the ICJ. This line of reasoning equally applies to any silence

or omission that may have occurred after the adoption of the UDI by the

PISG.

1O. From this perspective, Spain wishes to reiterate, as it did in its written

statement, and other States equally affirmed in full or in part in their

written statements, that the situation in Kosovo has been, and is being,
continually dealt with by the UN Security Council, that Resolution 1244

(1999) is currently in force in its entirety, and that the reorganization of

the international presence in Kosovo is exclusively due to the need to
adapt to changing practical circumstances and events taking place in

Kosovo.

6 Therefore, the process to determine Kosovo's future status

remains open, and neither its existence nor its legal validity can be called

into question. This is true even if, given the different level of collaboration

of the parties concerned, this process has gone, and is going, through

different stages of diverse, sometimes critical, nature. The process has
even undergone slowing down phases and periods of blockage of

considerable importance.

However, it cannot be concluded from those facts that the Security

Council has put an end to its functions and involvement in Kosovo, nor

that the silence of the Security Council, or that of other UN organs,

implies a measure of acquiescence to the UDI that may confer legal
validity on it.

11. With regard to the first issue, Spain wishes to reiterate, as it did in its

written statement, that it is for the Security Council to contrai the process

to determine Kosovo's future status. ln the fulfilment of that function, the

Security Council cannot be unilaterally replaced by the PISG or other

international actors, for such a replacement could be dangerously

understood as an alteration of the system established by the UN Charter,
which confers on the Security Council the primary responsibility in

maintaining international peace and security. And it must be recalled that

when such a responsibility is taken on by the Security Council, not even

the General Assembly acting within the framework of the "Uniting for

Peace" Resolution can replace it.

12. With regard to the second issue, it is true that acquiescence can play an

essential part in creating international obligations and legal regimes.
Nevertheless, it is also true that such effects have their limits. ln

particular, acquiescence is apt to produce such effects within a

framework of inter-subject relations. Within this framework, action and

acquiescence always take place between two subjects (or two sets of

subjects) that are directly concerned by the legal regime whose

7 establishment is intended, and whereof rights and obligations will emerge

that will affect each of the concerned subjects, or groups of subjects.

Such, however, is not the system whereby the Security Council

and other UN organs act in Kosovo. lt is neither the framework within

which silence concerning the UDI has allegedly taken place (silence by

the Security Council, by the Secretary General, or by other UN organs), a

silence that would supposedly be a ground for deducing a sort of
acquiescence.

Contrariwise, the silence of the Security Council, considered

strictly as a body, must be understood, in Spain's view, as proof of a lack

of consensus in the institutionalized international community regarding

the validity of the UDI within the framework of the process to determine

Kosovo's future status. This lack of consensus also regards the
termination of the political process itself. At any rate, such a silence can

by no means be interpreted as proof that the Security Council has not

dealt with the issue, or as a form of acquiescence that would, if implicitly,

support the claim that the end of the process started by Resolution 1244

(1999) has ended, or that would confer validity on the UDI, thus

producing its accordance with international law. The practice of the

relevant States is, needless to say, sufficiently significant in this respect.

On the other hand, the silence of the Secretary General, of its

Special Representative, and of UNMIK, cannot be understood as forms

of acquiescence to the validity of the UDI. Even though neither the

Special Representative nor the Secretary General has declared that the

UDI is null and void, this does not entail acceptance of its validity, or

acceptance of the termination of the process. This is particularly clear if
one bears in mind that the Secretary General himself has repeatedly

declared that Resolution 1244 (1999) is currently in force as long as the

Security Council does not decide otherwise, and that the Secretary

General has defined, strictly and repeatedly, the principle of "status

neutral" of the international presence in Kosovo. Such a status could not

8 be applied if the Secretary General and its Special Representative had,

through their silence, manifested their acquiescence to the validity of the
UDI and to the new international legal status of Kosovo emerging from it.

* * * * * * * * * *

13. Finally, Spain wishes to express again the importance it attaches to

these advisory proceedings and pleads with the Court to take into
account, if it so deems appropriate, these written comments, as well as
its written statement of 14April 2009.

Madrid, 17 July 2009

,a~3;?)~
<__:l--~~
Concepci6n Escobar Hernandez
Representative of the Kingdom of Spain

9

Document file FR
Document
Document Long Title

Written Comments of Spain

Links