Volume II: Annexes

COUR INTERNATIONALE DE JUSTICE
CONSÉQUENCES JURIDIQUES DÉCOULANT DES POLITIQUES
ET PRATIQUES D’ISRAËL DANS LE TERRITOIRE
PALESTINIEN OCCUPÉ, Y COMPRIS JÉRUSALEM-EST
Requête pour Avis Consultatif
EXPOSÉ ÉCRIT présenté par :
L'ORGANISATION DE LA COOPÉRATION ISLAMIQUE
Volume II : Annexes (FRANÇAIS)
JUILLET 2023
INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE
LEGAL CONSEQUENCES ARISING FROM THE POLICIES AND PRACTICES
OF ISRAEL IN THE OCCUPIED PALESTINIAN TERRITORY,
INCLUDING EAST JERUSALEM
Request for Advisory Opinion
WRITTEN STATEMENT presented by:
The ORGANISATION OF ISLAMIC COOPERATION
Volume II : Annexes (ENGLISH)
JULY 2023

SOMMAIRE
ANNEXES
Annexe 1 : Assemblée générale des Nations Unies, Résolution 77/247, 30 décembre 2022..........p. 9
Annex 1 : United Nations General Assembly, Resolution 77/247, 30 december 2022.................p. 20
Annexe 2 : Charte de la Conférence Islamique, adoptée le 4 mars 1972, article II, A, par. 5.......p. 29
Annex 2 : Charter of the Islamic Conference, adopted on 4 March 1972, Article II, A, par. 5.....p. 34
Annexe 3 : Amnesty International, « L’apartheid israélien envers le peuple palestinien, un système
cruel de domination et un crime contre l’humanité », Rapport de février 2022, abstract of the
English version of the Report (extrait : p. 1-2 7-8)........................................................................p. 37
Annex 3 : Amnesty International, « Israel’s Apartheid Against Palestinians, Cruel System of
Domination and Crime Against Humanity », Report of February 2022 (extract: p.1-2 219-265)..p.43
Annex 4 : Basic-Law Israël : « Israël, The Nation-State of the Jewish People », 19 july 2018,
English translation by the Knesset.................................................................................................p. 93
Annex 5 : Letter n°4 from McMahon to Husayn, 24 october 1915, translation, The Hussein-
McMahon Correspondence, Jewish Virtual Library, American-Israeli Cooperative Enterprise....p. 99
Annex 6 : The Anglo-French Declaration of 7 November 1918, 145 Parliamentary Debates H.C
(5th Series), 36, 1921, in John Norton Moore, The Arab-Israeli conflict, Vol. III, Documents,
Princeton University Press, 1974, p. 38.......................................................................................p. 103
Annexe 7 : Société des Nations, Mandat pour la Palestine, 12 août 1922, C.529 M. 314..........p. 107
Annex 7 : League of Nations, Mandate for Palestine, 12 August 1922, C.529 M. 314...............p. 116
Annexe 8 : Échange de notes des 14 et 15 mai 1906 entre la Turquie et la Grande-Bretagne
concernant le maintien du statut quo dans la Péninsule du Sinaï, in Heinrich Triepel, Nouveau
Recueil général de traités, tome V, Leipzig, Librairie Theodor Weicher, 1912, p. 880-882........p. 123
Annexe 9a : Convention entre la France et la Grande-Bretagne du 23 décembre 1920 concernant les
mandats sur la Palestine, la Mésopotamie, la Syrie et le Liban, in Heinrich Triepel, Nouveau
Recueil général de traités, t. XII, Leipzig, Librairie Theodor Weicher, 1923, p. 582-586..........p. 129
Annexe 9b : Échange de Notes entre la France et la Grande-Bretagne du 7 mars 1923 afin de
ratifier le Rapport de la Commission désignée pour fixer le tracé de la frontière entre le Liban et la
Syrie d’une part, et la Palestine d’autre part de la Méditerranée à El Hammé, in Heinrich Triepel,
Nouveau Recueil général de traités, t. XVII, Leipzig, Librairie Theodor Weicher, 1927, p. 208-215
…..................................................................................................................................................p. 137
1
Annexe 10 : Gouvernement du Royaume-Uni, Livre Blanc : Déclaration de politique générale sur
la Palestine, 23 mai 1939.Gouvernement du Royaume-Uni, Livre Blanc, 1939.........................p. 149
Annex 10 : Government of Great Britain, White Paper: Palestine Statement of Policy, 23 May
1939..............................................................................................................................................p. 149
Annexe 11 : Documents officiels de l’Assemblée générale, deuxième session, Commission spéciale
pour la Palestine, vol. I, 1947, p. 54-55........................................................................................p. 167
Annexe 12 : Assemblée générale des Nations Unies, Résolution 181 (II), 29 novembre 1947..p. 173
Annex 12 : United Nations General Assembly, Resolution 181 (II), 29 November 1947...........p. 173
Annexe 13 : Déclaration d’indépendance de l’État d’Israël, 14 mai 1948, traduction, in Pouvoirs,
n° 72, 1995, p. 121-123................................................................................................................p. 197
Annex 13 : Declaration of Independance, 14 May 1948, translation, Provisional Government of
Israel, Official Gazette: Number 1, p. 1.......................................................................................p. 202
Annexe 14 : Le Plan Dalet, 10 mars 1948, traduction, in Le droit au retour, Farouk Mardam-Bey et
Elias Sanbar (dir.), Arles, Actes Sud, 2002, p. 87-98...................................................................p. 207
Annex 14 : Plan Dalet, 10 March 1948, translation, in « Plan Dalet: Master Plan for the Conquest
of Palestine », Walid Khalidi, Journal of Palestine Studies, 1988, Vol. 18, No. 1, p. 21.............p. 221
Annexe 15 : Jacques de Reynier (délégué du Comité international de la Croix Rouge pour la
Palestine), 1948 à Jérusalem, Neuchâtel, Éditions de la Baconnière, p. 69-78...........................p. 231
Annexe 16 : Convention d’armistice générale entre l’Égypte et Israël, 24 février 1949, Nations
Unies, Recueil des traités, volume 42, 1949, p. 251-285.............................................................p. 243
Annex 16 : General Armistice Agreement between Egypt and Israel, 24 February 1949, United
Nations, Treaty Series, volume 42, 1949, p. 251-285..................................................................p. 243
Annexe 17 : Assemblée générale des Nations unies, Résolution 194 (III), 11 décembre 1948..p. 281
Annex 17 : United Nations General Assembly, Résolution 194 (III), 11 December 1948..........p. 281
Annexe 18 : « Déclaration acceptant les obligations découlant de la Charte », Déclaration officielle
du Ministre des affaires étrangères du Gouvernement provisoire d’Israël adressée au Secrétaire
général de l’ONU, 29 novembre 1948, Nations Unies, Conseil de sécurité, S/1093...................p. 289
Annex 18 : « Declaration accepting obligations under the Charte », from Israel’s Foreign Minister
to the UN Secretary-General, 29 November 1948, United Nations, Security Council, S/1093...p. 293
Annexe 19 : Assemblée générale des Nations Unies, Résolution 273 (III), 11 mai 1949...........p. 295
Annex 19 : United Nations General Assembly, Resolution 273 (III), 11 May 1949...................p. 295
Annexe 20 : Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies, Résolution 242, 22 novembre 1967..........p. 299
Annex 20 : United Nations Security Council, Resolution 242, 22 November 1967...................p. 299
2
Annexe 21 : Déclaration de Golda Meïr, Première Ministre d’Israël, « Mme Meïr affirme qu’Israël
ne rendra pas tous les territoires occupés "même si un accord de paix est signé avec les pays
arabes" », Le Monde, 11 avril 1972.............................................................................................p. 303
Annexe 22 : Déclaration du général Dayan, « Israël conservera les territoires occupés où des
localités juives auront été implantées déclare le général Dayan », Le Monde, 23 août 1973......p. 307
Annexe 23a : Éric Rouleau, « La guerre d’octobre ou la diplomatie du canon. I La chance de na pas
être cru », Le Monde, 24 novembre 1973.....................................................................................p. 311
Annexe 23b : Éric Rouleau, « La guerre d’octobre ou la diplomatie du canon. II Les dédales de
l’opération "BADR" », Le Monde, 26 novembre 1973................................................................p. 315
Annexe 24 : Déclaration de Haïm Herzog, Président d’Israël, « Le Président Herzog reconnaît avoir
organisé le départ de 200 000 palestiniens en 1967 », Le Monde, 10-11 novembre 1991...........p. 319
Annexe 25 : Assemblée générale des Nations Unies, Rapport du Comité spécial chargé d’enquêter
sur les pratiques israéliennes affectant les droits de l’homme du peuple palestinien et des autres
Arabes des territoires occupés, 3 octobre 2022, A/77/501...........................................................p. 323
Annex 25 : United Nations General Assembly, Report of the Special Committee to Investigate
Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Palestinian People and Other Arabs of the
Occupied Territories, 3 October 2022, A/77/501..........................................................................p. 349
Annexe 26 : Déclaration d’Itzhak Rabin, Ministre de la Défense d’Israël, « Le gouvernement
israélien a approuvé l’installation de colons dans un quartier arabe de Jérusalem », Le Monde,
10 décembre 1991............................................................................................ ............................p. 371
Annexe 27 : Assemblée générale et Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies, Déclaration
d’indépendance de l’État de Palestine, 18 novembre 1988, A/43/827 S/20278, Annexe III, p. 13-16.
…..................................................................................................................................................p. 375
Annex 27 : United Nations General Assembly and Security Council, Declaration of Independance
of the State of Palestine, 18 November 1988, A/43/827 S/20278, Annex III, p. 13-16...............p. 381
Annexe 28 : Assemblée générale et Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies, Lettres de
reconnaissance mutuelle entre Israël et la Palestine du 9 septembre 1993, 7 mars 2001, A/55/823
S/2001/197, Annexe 1, p. 3-4.......................................................................................................p. 385
Annex 28 : United Nations General Assembly and Security Council, Letters of mutual recognition
between Israel and Palestine of 9 September 1993, 7 March 2001, A/55/823 S/2001/197, Annex 1,
p. 3-4.............................................................................................................................................p. 389
Annexe 29 : Assemblée générale et Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies, Déclaration de principes
sur des arrangements intérimaires d’autonomie, 11 octobre 1993, A/48/486 S/26560, Annexe, p.4-8.
…..................................................................................................................................................p. 391
Annex 29 : United Nations General Assembly and Security Council, Declaration of Principles on
Interim Self-Government Arrangements, 11 October 1993, A/48/486 S/26560, Annex, p. 4-8..p. 398
3
Annexe 30 : Assemblée générale et Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies, Accord intérimaire
israélo-palestinien sur la Rive occidentale et la bande de Gaza du 28 septembre 1995, 5 mai 1997,
A/51/889 S/1997/357, Annexe, p. 4-29........................................................................................p. 405
Annex 30 : United Nations General Assembly and Security Council, Israeli-Palestinian Interim
Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip of 28 September 1995, 5 May 1997, A/51/889
S/1997/357, Annex, p. 5-31..........................................................................................................p. 433
Annexe 31 : Déclaration commune israélo-palestinienne, Georges Marion, « Sans avoir abouti, le
sommet de Camp David a levé de nombreux tabous », Le Monde, 27 juillet 2000.....................p. 461
Annexe 32 : Texte des Propositions Clinton, « Les propositions de Bill Clinton aux négociateurs
palestiniens et israéliens », Le Monde, 4 janvier 2001.................................................................p. 467
Annex 32 : Clinton Proposal on Israeli-Palestinian Peace, « The Peace Puzzle: Appendices and
Resources », The United States Institute of Peace, 22 January 2013, Appendice 19...................p. 473
Annexe 33 : Jean Quatremer, « L’Europe chiffre les destructions israéliennes », Libération,
22 janvier 2002.............................................................................................................................p. 477
Annexe 34 : Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies, « Feuille de route axée sur des résultats en vue
d’un règlement permanent du conflit israélo-palestinien prévoyant deux États », 7 mai 2003,
S/2003/529, Annexe.....................................................................................................................p. 481
Annex 34 : United Nations Security Council, « A performance-base road map to a permanent two-
State solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict », 7 May 2003, S/2003/529, Annex..................p. 491
Annex 35 : Jerusalem Embassy act, 8 November 1995, Public Law 104–45, 104th Congress,
Legislative History S. 1322, Congressional Record, vol. 141, 1995............................................p. 499
Annex 36 : « Final communique of the extraordinary islamic summit conference to consider the
situation in the wake of the U.S. administration’s recognition of the city of al-Qods al-Sharif as the
so-called capital of Israel, the occupying power, and the transfer of the U. S. embassy to al-Qods »,
Organization of Islamic Cooperation, 13 December 2017, OIC/EX-CFM/2017/PAL/FC..........p. 507
Annexe 37 : Déclaration du Ministre des finances d’Israël Belazel Smotrich, « Bezalel Smotrich,
ministre ultranationaliste israélien, poursuit ses diatribes antipalestiniennes depuis Paris », Le
Monde, 20 mars 2023...................................................................................................................p. 515
Annexe 38 : Nations unies, Conseil des droits de l’homme, « Le transfert par Israël de sa propre
population dans le territoire qu’il occupe constitue un crime de guerre, et en 2022, les violences
commises par les colons israéliens ont atteint un niveau jamais enregistré, est-il indiqué au
Conseil », 28 mars 2023...............................................................................................................p. 521
Annex 38 : United Nations, Human Rights Council, « Human Rights Council Hears that the
Current Israeli Plan to Double the Settler Population in the Occupied Syrian Golan by 2027 is
Unprecedented, and that 700,000 Israeli Settlers Are Living Illegally in the Occupied West Bank »,
28 March 2023..............................................................................................................................p. 530
4
Annexe 39 : Nations unies, Conseil des droits de l’homme, Résolution 40/24, 22 mars 2019,
A/HRC/RES/40/24.......................................................................................................................p. 541
Annex 39 : United Nations, Human Rights Council, Resolution 40/24, 22 March 2019,
A/HRC/RES/40/24.......................................................................................................................p. 551
Annexe 40 : Assemblée générale des Nations Unies, Rapport de la Commission internationale
indépendante chargée d’enquêter dans le Territoire palestinien occupé, y compris Jérusalem-Est, et
en Israël, 14 septembre 2022, A/77/328.......................................................................................p. 559
Annex 40 : United Nations General Assembly, Report of the Independent International Commission
of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and Israel, 14 September
2022, A/77/328.............................................................................................................................p. 591
Annexe 41 : Assemblée générale des Nations Unies, Rapport du Rapporteur spécial sur la situation
des droits de l’homme dans les territoires palestiniens occupés depuis 1967, 23 octobre 2017,
A/72/556 (extrait : par 27-38).......................................................................................................p. 619
Annex 41 : United Nations General Assembly, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of
human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, 23 October 2017, A/72/556
(extract : par 27-38)......................................................................................................................p. 628
Annexe 42 : Nations unies, Conseil des droits de l’homme, Rapport de la Mission d’établissement
des faits de l’Organisation des Nations Unies sur le conflit de Gaza, 24 septembre 2009,
A/HRC/12/48 (ADVANCE 2) (extrait : par. 1896-1979).............................................................p. 635
Annex 42 : United Nations, Human Rights Council, Report of the United Nations Fact Finding
Mission on the Gaza Conflict, 24 September 2009, A/HRC/12/48 (ADVANCE 2) (extract :
par. 1896-1979).............................................................................................................................p. 662
Annexe 43 : Nations unies, Conseil des droits de l’homme, Rapport de la Mission d’établissement
des faits de l’Organisation des Nations Unies sur le conflit de Gaza, 23 septembre 2009,
A/HRC/12/48 (ADVANCE 1) (extrait : par. 27-55).....................................................................p. 685
Annex 43 : United Nations, Human Rights Council, Report of the United Nations Fact Finding
Mission on the Gaza Conflict, 23 September 2009, A/HRC/12/48 (ADVANCE 1) (extract :
par. 27-55).....................................................................................................................................p. 697
Annex 44 : European Union, Office of the European Union Representative (West Bank and Gaza
Strip, UNRWA), 2022 Report on Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank, including East
Jerusalem, Reporting period -January - December 2022, 15 May 2023......................................p. 707
Annexe 45 : Nations unies, Conseil économique et social, « Répercussions économiques et sociales
de l’occupation israélienne sur les conditions de vie du peuple palestinien dans le Territoire
palestinien occupé, y compris Jérusalem-Est, et de la population arabe du Golan syrien occupé »,
8 juin 2022, A/77/90–E/2022/66 (extrait : par. 25-55).................................................................p. 719
Annex 45 : General Assembly, Economic and Social Council, « Economic and social repercussions
of the Israeli occupation on the living conditions of the Palestinian people in the Occupied
Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and of the Arab population in the occupied Syrian
Golan », 8 June 2022, A/77/90–E/2022/66 (extract : par. 25-55).................................................p. 729
5
Annexe 46 : Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies, 9224e séance, « Conseil de sécurité: le
Coordonnateur spécial prévient que l’expansion des colonies israéliennes érode
« systématiquement » la solution des deux États », 19 décembre 2022, CS/15146.....................p. 737
Annex 46 : United Nations Security Council, 9224th Meeting, « Cycle of Violence, Bloodshed
between Israelis, Palestinians Untenable, Delegate Stresses at Security Council Briefing on Middle
East », 19 December 2022, CS/15146..........................................................................................p. 749
Annexe 47 : Clothilde Mraffko, « Le gouvernement israélien fait un pas important vers une
annexion de la Cisjordanie », Le Monde, 20 juin 2023................................................................p. 757
Annexe 48 : Nations unies, Conseil des droits de l’homme, Rapport de la Commission d’enquête
internationale indépendante créée en vertu de la résolution S-21/1 du Conseil des droits de
l’homme, 24 juin 2015, A/HCR/29/52 (extrait : par. 20-25)........................................................p. 763
Annex 48 : United Nations, Human Rights Council, Report of the independent commission of
inquiry established pursuant to Human Rights Council resolution S-21/1, 24 June 2015,
A/HCR/29/52 (extract : par. 20-25)..............................................................................................p. 770
Annexe 49 : Nations unies, Conseil des droits de l’homme, Rapport du Haut-Commissaire des
Nations Unies aux droits de l’homme, 15 mars 2023, A/HRC/52/76..........................................p. 775
Annex 49 : United Nations, Human Rights Council, Report of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights, 15 March 2023, A/HRC/52/76..............................................p. 797
Annexe 50 : Tableau des réfugiés selon les phases du conflit, in « Le droit au retour. Le problème
des réfugiés palestiniens », Farouk Mardam-Bey et Élias Sanbar (dir.), Arles, Actes Sud, 2002,
p. 114............................................................................................................................................p. 817
Annexe 51 : Assemblée générale des Nations unies, Rapport du Commissaire général de l’Office de
secours et de travaux des Nations Unies pour les réfugiés de Palestine dans le Proche-Orient, 1er
janvier-31 décembre 2012, A/68/13.............................................................................................p. 821
Annex 51 : United Nations General Assembly, Report of the Commissioner-General of the United
Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, 1 January-31 December
2012, A/68/13...............................................................................................................................p. 867
Annexe 52 : Nations unies, Conseil des droits de l’homme, Rapport de la Commission
internationale indépendante chargée d’enquêter dans le Territoire palestinien occupé, y compris
Jérusalem-Est et en Israël, 9 mai 2023, A/HRC/53/22 (extrait : par. 6-10)..................................p. 909
Annex 52 : United Nations, Human Rights Council, Report of the Independent International
Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and Israel,
9 May 2023, A/HRC/53/22 (extract : par. 6-10)...........................................................................p. 916
Annexe 53 : Nations unies, Comité pour l’exercice des droits inaliénables du peuple palestinien,
« Le Statut de Jérusalem », 1997..................................................................................................p. 921
Annex 53 : United Nations, Committee on the Exercice of the Inalienable Rights of the palestinian
People, « The Status of Jerusalem », 1997...................................................................................p. 977
6
Annexe 54 : Convention générale d’armistice entre le Royaume hachémite de Jordanie et Israël du
3 avril 1949, Conseil de sécurité, Procès-verbaux officiels, quatrième année, S/1302/REV.1..p. 1017
Annex 54 : General Armistice Agreement between the Hashemite Jordan Kingdom and Israel of 3
April 1949, Security Council, Official Records, Fourth year, S/1302/REV.1............................p. 1017
Annexe 55 : UNESCO, Conseil exécutif, Décision, « Palestine occupé », 201ème session, 19 avril-
5 mai 2017, 201 EX/Décisions, p. 39-41....................................................................................p. 1029
Annex 55 : UNESCO, Executive Board, Decision, « Occupied Palestine », 201th session, 19 April-
5 May 2017, 201 EX/Décisions, p. 37-41..................................................................................p. 1039
Annexe 56 : Cour internationale de Justice, Requête introductive d’instance de la Palestine,
Transfert de l’Ambassade des États-Unis à Jérusalem (Palestine c. États-Unis), 28 septembre 2018.
....................................................................................................................................................p. 1047
Annex 56 : International Court of Justice, Application Instituting Proceedings, Relocation of the
United States Embassy to Jerusalem (Palestine c. United States), 28 September 2018............p. 1059
7
8
Annexe 1 : Assemblée générale des Nations Unies, Résolution 77/247, 30 décembre 2022.
Annex 1 : United Nations General Assembly, Resolution 77/247, 30 december 2022.
9
10
Nations Unies A/RES/77/247
Assemblée générale
Distr. générale
9 janvier 2023
23-00138 (F) 110123 120123
*2300138*
Soixante-dix-septième session
Point 47 de l’ordre du jour
Pratiques et activités d’implantation israéliennes affectant
les droits du peuple palestinien et des autres Arabes
des territoires occupés
Résolution adoptée par l’Assemblée générale
le 30 décembre 2022
[sur la base du rapport de la Commission des questions politiques spéciales
et de la décolonisation (Quatrième Commission) (A/77/400, par. 14)]
77/247. Pratiques israéliennes affectant les droits humains du peuple
palestinien dans le Territoire palestinien occupé,
y compris Jérusalem-Est
L’Assemblée générale,
Rappelant la Déclaration universelle des droits de l ’homme1,
Rappelant également le Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques 2,
le Pacte international relatif aux droits économiques, sociaux et culturels 3 et la
Convention relative aux droits de l ’enfant4, et affirmant que ces instruments relatifs
aux droits humains doivent être respectés dans le Territoire palestinien occupé,
y compris Jérusalem-Est,
Réaffirmant ses résolutions sur la question, y compris sa résolution 75/98 du
10 décembre 2020, ainsi que celles qu’elle a adoptées à sa dixième session
extraordinaire d’urgence,
Rappelant les résolutions pertinentes du Conseil des droits de l ’homme,
Rappelant également les résolutions pertinentes du Conseil de sécurité et
soulignant la nécessité de les appliquer,
Ayant examiné le rapport du Comité spécial chargé d ’enquêter sur les pratiques
israéliennes affectant les droits de l’homme du peuple palestinien et des autres Arabes
__________________
1 Résolution 217 A (III).
2 Voir résolution 2200 A (XXI), annexe.
3 Ibid.
4 Nations Unies, Recueil des Traités, vol. 1577, no 27531.
A/RES/77/247
Pratiques israéliennes affectant les droits humains du peuple
palestinien dans le Territoire palestinien occupé,
y compris Jérusalem-Est
2/9 23-00138
des territoires occupés 5 , ainsi que celui du Secrétaire général sur les travaux du
Comité6,
Prenant note du rapport du Rapporteur spécial du Conseil des droits de l ’homme
sur la situation des droits de l’homme dans les territoires palestiniens occupés depuis
19677, ainsi que des autres rapports pertinents récemment établis par le Conseil des
droits de l’homme,
Prenant note également du rapport de la commission d ’enquête internationale
indépendante créée par la résolution S-30/1 du Conseil des droits de l’homme8,
Soulignant qu’il faut veiller à ce que les responsables de toutes les violations du
droit international humanitaire et du droit international des droits de l ’homme
répondent de leurs actes afin de mettre un terme à l ’impunité, de faire régner la justice,
de prévenir de nouvelles violations, de protéger les civils et de promouvoir la paix,
Prenant note du récent rapport de la Commission économique et sociale pour
l’Asie occidentale concernant les répercussions économiques et sociales de
l’occupation israélienne sur les conditions de vie du peuple palestinien dans le
Territoire palestinien occupé, y compris Jérusalem-Est, et de la population arabe du
Golan syrien occupé9,
Déplorant vivement que 55 ans se soient écoulés depuis le début de l ’occupation
israélienne et soulignant qu’il faut de toute urgence inverser les tendances négatives
sur le terrain et rétablir un horizon politique qui permette de faire avancer et
d’accélérer des négociations constructives visant à conclure un accord de paix qui
mettra totalement fin à l’occupation israélienne commencée en 1967 et à résoudre,
sans exception, toutes les questions fondamentales relatives au statut final afin de
parvenir à un règlement pacifique, juste, durable et global de la question de Palestine,
Consciente de la responsabilité qui incombe à la communauté internationale de
promouvoir les droits humains et de faire respecter le droit international, et rappelant
à cet égard sa résolution 2625 (XXV) du 24 octobre 1970,
Rappelant l’avis consultatif donné le 9 juillet 2004 par la Cour internationale de
Justice sur les conséquences juridiques de l ’édification d’un mur dans le Territoire
palestinien occupé10, et rappelant également ses résolutions sur la question,
Notant en particulier que, dans sa réponse, la Cour a notamment estimé que la
construction du mur par Israël, Puissance occupante, dans le Territoire palestinien
occupé, y compris à l’intérieur et sur le pourtour de Jérusalem-Est, et le régime qui
lui était associé étaient contraires au droit international,
Prenant note de sa résolution 67/19 du 29 novembre 2012,
Notant que la Palestine a adhéré à plusieurs instruments relatifs aux droits
humains et aux principales conventions relatives au droit humanitaire ainsi qu ’à
d’autres traités internationaux,
Réaffirmant le principe de l’inadmissibilité de l’acquisition de territoire par la
force,
__________________
5 A/77/501.
6 A/76/333.
7 A/HRC/49/87.
8 A/77/328.
9 A/77/90-E/2022/66.
10 Voir A/ES-10/273 et A/ES-10/273/Corr.1.
Pratiques israéliennes affectant les droits humains du peuple
palestinien dans le Territoire palestinien occupé,
y compris Jérusalem-Est A/RES/77/247
23-00138 3/9
Réaffirmant que la Convention de Genève relative à la protection des personnes
civiles en temps de guerre, du 12 août 1949 11, est applicable au Territoire palestinien
occupé, y compris Jérusalem-Est, et aux autres territoires arabes occupés par Israël
depuis 1967,
Réaffirmant l’obligation incombant aux États parties à l a quatrième Convention
de Genève12 en vertu des articles 146, 147 et 148 touchant les sanctions pénales, les
infractions graves et les responsabilités des Hautes Parties contractantes,
Rappelant la déclaration du 15 juillet 1999 ainsi que les déclarations des
5 décembre 2001 et 17 décembre 2014 13 , adoptées par la Conférence des Hautes
Parties contractantes à la quatrième Convention de Genève sur les mesures à prendre
pour imposer la Convention dans le Territoire palestinien occupé, y compris
Jérusalem-Est, visant à y garantir le respect de la Convention,
Réaffirmant que tous les États ont le droit et le devoir de prendre des mesures,
dans le respect du droit international et du droit international humanitaire, pour
contrer des actes de violence meurtrière perpétrés contre leur population civile afin
de protéger la vie de leurs citoyens,
Soulignant que les accords israélo-palestiniens conclus dans le cadre du
processus de paix au Moyen-Orient, y compris les accords de Charm el -Cheikh,
doivent être pleinement respectés et que la feuille de route du Quatuor en vue d ’un
règlement permanent du conflit israélo -palestinien prévoyant deux États14 doit être
mise en oeuvre,
Soulignant également que l’Accord réglant les déplacements et le passage et les
Principes convenus concernant le passage de Rafah, en date du 15 novembre 200 5,
doivent être pleinement appliqués de manière à permettre la libre circulation de la
population civile palestinienne à l’intérieur de la bande de Gaza ainsi qu’à destination
et en provenance de celle-ci,
Gravement préoccupée par les tensions et les violences récemment observées
sur l’ensemble du Territoire palestinien occupé, y compris à Jérusalem -Est,
notamment celles qui concernaient les Lieux saints à Jérusalem, dont l ’esplanade des
Mosquées, et déplorant la mort de civils innocents,
Réaffirmant que la communauté internationale s’intéresse légitimement, par
l’intermédiaire de l’Organisation des Nations Unies, à la question de la ville de
Jérusalem et à la protection de ses particularités spirituelles, religieuses et culturelles,
comme le prévoient les résolutions de l’Organisation sur la question,
Réaffirmant l’obligation de respecter le statu quo historique, la signification
particulière des Lieux saints et l’importance de la ville de Jérusalem pour les trois
religions monothéistes,
Consciente que les mesures de sécurité ne peuvent à elles seules faire cesser la
recrudescence de la tension, de l’instabilité et de la violence, et demandant que le
droit international, y compris le droit humanitaire et le droit des droits de l ’homme,
soit strictement respecté, et notamment que la protection des civils soit assurée, que
la sécurité des personnes soit mise en avant, que la désescalade soit amorcée, que
chacun fasse preuve de retenue, en s’abstenant notamment de tout acte ou propos
provocateur, et que soit instaurée une stabilité propice à la paix,
__________________
11 Nations Unies, Recueil des Traités, vol. 75, no 973.
12 Ibid.
13 A/69/711-S/2015/1, annexe.
14 S/2003/529, annexe.
A/RES/77/247
Pratiques israéliennes affectant les droits humains du peuple
palestinien dans le Territoire palestinien occupé,
y compris Jérusalem-Est
4/9 23-00138
Notant avec une vive préoccupation les violations systématiques des droits
humains du peuple palestinien qu’Israël, Puissance occupante, continue de
commettre, notamment l’usage excessif de la force et les opérations militaires
occasionnant des morts et des blessés parmi les civils palestiniens, y compris les
enfants, les femmes et les manifestants pacifiques et non violents, ainsi que les
journalistes et les membres du personnel médical et humanit aire ; l’incarcération et
la détention arbitraires de Palestiniens, parfois pendant des décennies ; le recours aux
châtiments collectifs ; le bouclage de certaines zones ; la confiscation de terres ;
l’établissement d’implantations et leur extension ; la construction, dans le Territoire
palestinien occupé, d’un mur qui s’écarte de la ligne d’armistice de 1949 ; la
destruction de biens et d’infrastructures ; le déplacement forcé de civils, notamment
les tentatives de transfert forcé de familles bédouines ; et toutes les autres mesures
qu’Israël prend pour modifier le statut juridique, le caractère géographique et la
composition démographique du Territoire palestinien occupé, y compris
Jérusalem-Est, et exigeant que ces pratiques illégales cessent,
Gravement préoccupée de voir Israël, Puissance occupante, procéder, à un
rythme sans précédent, à la démolition d ’habitations palestiniennes et de structures,
dont des écoles, fournies dans le cadre de l ’assistance humanitaire internationale, en
particulier dans Jérusalem-Est occupée et sur son pourtour, notamment en guise de
châtiment collectif, en violation du droit international humanitaire, ainsi qu ’annuler
des permis de résidence et expulser les habitants palestiniens de la ville de Jérusalem,
Déplorant les retombées négatives persistantes de la poursuite des conflits à
l’intérieur de la bande de Gaza et sur son pourtour, ainsi que le nombre élevé de
victimes pendant la période récente parmi les civils palestiniens, notamment parmi
les enfants, et toutes les vio lations du droit international, et appelant au plein respect
du droit international humanitaire et du droit international des droits de l ’homme,
ainsi que des principes de légalité, de distinction, de précaution et de proportionnalité,
Gravement préoccupée par les conditions désastreuses, sur le plan humanitaire,
et critiques, sur le plan socioéconomique et de la sécurité, qui règnent dans la bande
de Gaza, en raison notamment des bouclages prolongés et des restrictions
draconiennes à l’activité économique et à la circulation, qui correspondent de fait à
un blocus et qui aggravent la pauvreté et le désarroi de la population civile
palestinienne, ainsi que par les effets néfastes à court et à long termes, sur la situation
des droits humains, de ces conditions, des destructions généralisées et des entraves
qu’Israël, Puissance occupante, ne cesse de mettre au processus de reconstruction,
Rappelant avec une profonde préoccupation le rapport de l’équipe de pays des
Nations Unies, en date d’août 2012, intitulé « Gaza in 2020: a liveable place? »,
Rappelant la déclaration du Président du Conseil de sécurité en date du 28 juillet
201415,
Soulignant qu’il importe que toutes les parties appliquent intégralement la
résolution 1860 (2009) du Conseil de sécurité, en date du 8 janvier 2009, et sa propre
résolution ES-10/18 du 16 janvier 2009,
Soulignant également que la situation dans la bande de Gaza est insouten able et
qu’un accord de cessez-le-feu durable doit mener à une amélioration considérable des
conditions de vie du peuple palestinien dans la bande de Gaza, notamment grâce à
l’ouverture régulière et durable des points de passage, et assurer la sécurité et le
__________________
15 S/PRST/2014/13 ; voir Résolutions et décisions du Conseil de sécurité, 1 er août 2013-31 juillet
2014 (S/INF/69).
Pratiques israéliennes affectant les droits humains du peuple
palestinien dans le Territoire palestinien occupé,
y compris Jérusalem-Est A/RES/77/247
23-00138 5/9
bien-être des civils de part et d’autre, et déplorant le manque de progrès accomplis à
cet égard,
Profondément préoccupée par les informations faisant état de violations graves
des droits humains et du droit international humanitaire commises au cours des
opérations militaires successives menées dans la bande de Gaza 16, et affirmant de
nouveau qu’il est nécessaire que toutes les parties donnent sérieusement suite aux
recommandations formulées à leur intention afin que les responsabilités soient
établies et que justice soit faite,
Soulignant qu’il importe de protéger celles et ceux qui défendent les droits
humains et s’attachent à promouvoir les questions y relatives dans le Territoire
palestinien occupé, y compris Jérusalem-Est, et de les laisser travailler librement, sans
craindre d’être agressés ou harcelés,
Notant avec une profonde préoccupation la politique israélienne de bouclage et
l’imposition de restrictions draconiennes, notamment par la mise en place de
centaines d’obstacles à la circulation et de postes de contrôle et d ’un régime de
permis, qui contribuent à entraver, dans tout le Territoire palestinien occupé,
y compris Jérusalem-Est, la liberté de circulation des personnes et des biens,
notamment des articles médicaux et humanitaires, et l’accès aux projets de
coopération pour le développement et d ’assistance humanitaire financés par des
donateurs et leur suivi, et à mettre à mal la continuité territoriale et, par conséquent,
portent atteinte aux droits humains du peuple palestinien et nuisent à sa situation
socioéconomique et humanitaire, qui demeure catastrophique dans la bande de Gaza,
et aux efforts de relèvement et de développement de l ’économie palestinienne, et
appelant de ses voeux la levée complète des restrictions en la matière,
Profondément préoccupée par le maintien en détention de milliers de
Palestiniens, dont un grand nombre de femmes et d ’enfants ainsi que de représentants
élus, dans des prisons ou des centres de détention israéliens, dans des conditions
éprouvantes qui se caractérisent notamment par le manque d’hygiène, la mise au
secret, le recours fréquent à un internement administratif d ’une durée excessive sans
chef d’inculpation et sans garantie d’une procédure régulière, l’absence de soins
médicaux adaptés et les nombreuses négligences médic ales, y compris de prisonniers
malades, lesquelles risquent d’avoir des conséquences fatales, et l’interdiction de
visites familiales, qui nuit à leur bien -être, et constatant avec une vive inquiétude que
des prisonniers palestiniens font l’objet de mauvais traitements et de harcèlement et
que des cas de torture ont été signalés,
Gravement préoccupée par les grèves de la faim entreprises par des prisonniers
palestiniens pour protester contre les conditions pénibles dans lesquelles ils sont
incarcérés et détenus par la Puissance occupante, tout en prenant note des accords
conclus sur les conditions de détention dans les prisons israéliennes et en demandant
qu’ils soient appliqués sans délai et dans leur intégralité,
Rappelant l’Ensemble de règles minima des Nations Unies pour le traitement
des détenus (Règles Nelson Mandela)17 et les Règles des Nations Unies concernant le
traitement des détenues et l’imposition de mesures non privatives de liberté aux
délinquantes (Règles de Bangkok)18, et demandant que ces règles soient respectées,
Rappelant également l’interdiction faite par le droit international humanitaire
de déporter les civils des territoires occupés,
__________________
16 Voir A/63/855-S/2009/250 ; S/2015/286, annexe ; A/HRC/12/48 ; A/HRC/29/52.
17 Résolution 70/175, annexe.
18 Résolution 65/229, annexe.
A/RES/77/247
Pratiques israéliennes affectant les droits humains du peuple
palestinien dans le Territoire palestinien occupé,
y compris Jérusalem-Est
6/9 23-00138
Déplorant la pratique de rétention des dépouilles mortelles et demandant leur
restitution aux familles, lorsque cela n’a pas encore été fait, conformément au droit
international humanitaire et au droit international des droits de l ’homme, afin de
permettre à celles-ci de faire leur deuil dans la dignité selon leurs croyances et
traditions religieuses,
Soulignant qu’il importe d’empêcher tout acte de violence, de harcèlement, de
provocation et d’incitation commis par des colons israéliens extrémistes et des
groupes de colons armés, notamment envers des civils palestiniens, en particulier des
enfants, et leurs biens, y compris leurs habitations, leurs terres agricoles et leurs sites
religieux ou historiques, y compris dans Jérusalem-Est occupée, et déplorant les
violations des droits humains des Palestiniens commises à cet égard, notamment les
actes de violence au cours desquels des civils sont tués ou blessés,
Convaincue de la nécessité d’une présence internationale chargée de suivre la
situation, de concourir à mettre un terme à la violence et à protéger la population
civile palestinienne et d’aider les parties à appliquer les accords conclus, rappelant à
cet égard l’importance du mandat et la contribution positive de la Présence
internationale temporaire à Hébron, et déplorant la décision unilatérale du
Gouvernement israélien de ne pas renouveler ce mandat,
Soulignant qu’il faut que cessent immédiatement et entièrement tous les actes
de violence, y compris les attaques militaires, les destructions et les actes de terreur,
Soulignant également que la protection des civils est essentielle pour assurer la
paix et la sécurité, et qu’il faut prendre des mesures pour garantir la sécurité et la
protection de la population civile palestinienne dans l ’ensemble du Territoire
palestinien occupé, conformément aux dispositions du droit international humanitaire
et aux obligations qui en découlent,
Soulignant en outre que le droit de réunion pacifique doit être respecté,
Prenant acte du rapport du Secrétaire général sur la protection de la population
civile palestinienne 19 et des observations qui y sont formulées sur les moyens de
garantir la sécurité, la protection et le bien -être de la population civile palestinienne
se trouvant sous occupation israélienne,
Notant les efforts persistants déployés pour améliorer le secteur de la sécurité
palestinien et les progrès notables accomplis dans ce domaine, et notant que la
coopération bénéficiant à la fois aux Palestiniens et aux Israéliens se poursuit,
contribuant en particulier à promouvoir la sécurité et à renforcer la confiance,
Engageant instamment les parties à garder le calme et à faire preuve de retenue,
à s’abstenir de tout acte de provocation ou d ’incitation, ou de tout propos incendiaire,
notamment de nature à heurter les sensibilités religieuses et culturelles, y compris à
Jérusalem-Est, et à faire tout leur possible pour désamorcer les tensions et promouvoir
l’instauration de conditions garantes de la crédibilité et du succès des négociations de
paix,
Soulignant le droit qu’ont tous les peuples de la région de jouir des droits
fondamentaux consacrés par les instruments internationaux relatifs aux droits
humains,
1. Affirme de nouveau que toutes les mesures et décisions prises par Israël,
Puissance occupante, dans le Territoire palestinien occupé, y compris Jérusalem -Est,
en violation des dispositions applicables de la Convention de Genève relative à la
protection des personnes civiles en temps de guerre, du 12 août 1949, et des
__________________
19 A/ES-10/794.
Pratiques israéliennes affectant les droits humains du peuple
palestinien dans le Territoire palestinien occupé,
y compris Jérusalem-Est A/RES/77/247
23-00138 7/9
résolutions pertinentes du Conseil de sécurité, sont illégales et n ’ont aucune validité,
et exige d’Israël, Puissance occupante, qu’il applique intégralement toutes les
dispositions de la quatrième Convention de Genève de 1949 et mette fin
immédiatement à toutes les mesures et décisions prises en violation des dispositions
de la Convention ;
2. Exige d’Israël, Puissance occupante, qu’il renonce à l’ensemble des
mesures contraires au droit international ainsi qu ’aux lois, politiques et actes
discriminatoires dans le Territoire palestinien occupé qui ont pour effet de violer les
droits humains du peuple palestinien, à sav oir tuer ou blesser des civils, les détenir
ou les emprisonner arbitrairement, les déplacer de force, notamment chercher à
transférer de force des familles bédouines, transférer sa propre population dans le
Territoire palestinien occupé, y compris Jérusale m-Est, détruire ou confisquer les
biens des civils, en particulier démolir les habitations, notamment en guise de
châtiment collectif, en violation du droit international humanitaire, et entraver de
quelque manière que ce soit l’acheminement de l’aide humanitaire, et qu’il respecte
scrupuleusement le droit des droits de l ’homme et s’acquitte de ses obligations
juridiques à cet égard, y compris celles découlant des résolutions de l ’Organisation
des Nations Unies sur la question ;
3. Demande que des mesures urgentes soient prises pour assurer la sûreté et
la protection des civils palestiniens du Territoire palestinien occupé, y compris
Jérusalem-Est, conformément aux dispositions pertinentes du droit international
humanitaire et comme l’a exigé le Conseil de sécurité dans sa résolution 904 (1994)
du 18 mars 1994 ;
4. Prend acte du rapport du Secrétaire général sur la protection de la
population civile palestinienne et des observations qui y sont formulées, y compris la
possibilité d’étendre la portée des mécanismes de protection existants pour prévenir
et décourager les violations, et préconise la poursuite de l ’action menée dans le cadre
de l’Organisation pour les droits humains afin d ’assurer la protection juridique et la
sécurité de la population civile palestinienne ;
5. Demande à Israël de coopérer sans réserve avec les rapporteurs spéciaux
concernés et autres mécanismes pertinents ainsi que dans le cadre des enquêtes du
Conseil des droits de l’homme, notamment en leur facilitant l’entrée sur le Territoire
palestinien occupé, y compris Jérusalem-Est, afin qu’ils puissent y surveiller la
situation relative aux droits humains et faire rapport à ce sujet dans le cadre de leur
mandat ;
6. Exige d’Israël, Puissance occupante, qu’il mette fin à toutes ses activités
d’implantation, à la construction du mur et à toute autre mesure visant à modifier le
caractère, le statut ou la composition démographique du Territoire palestinien occupé,
y compris Jérusalem-Est et son pourtour, qui ont toutes des conséquences graves et
préjudiciables, entre autres pour les droits humains du peuple palestinien, notamment
son droit à l’autodétermination, et pour la perspective de mettre fin le plus tôt possible
à l’occupation israélienne qui a commencé en 1967 et de parvenir à un accord de paix
juste, durable et global entre les parties israélienne et palestinienne, et demande que
ses résolutions pertinentes et celles du Conseil de sécurité, notamment la
résolution 2334 (2016) du 23 décembre 2016, soient pleinement respectées et
appliquées ;
7. Appelle d’urgence l’attention sur la situation tragique des prisonniers et
détenus palestiniens dans les prisons israéliennes, notamment ceux qui font la grève
de la faim, et sur les droits que leur confère le droit international, demande que les
deux parties prennent des mesures pour continuer de libérer des prisonniers et des
détenus, et appelle au respect de l’Ensemble de règles minima des Nations Unies pour
A/RES/77/247
Pratiques israéliennes affectant les droits humains du peuple
palestinien dans le Territoire palestinien occupé,
y compris Jérusalem-Est
8/9 23-00138
le traitement des détenus (Règles Nelson Mandela) et des Règles des Nations Unies
concernant le traitement des détenues et l ’imposition de mesures non privatives de
liberté aux délinquantes (Règles de Bangkok) ;
8. Condamne tous les actes de violence, y compris les actes de terreur, les
provocations, les incitations et les destructions, notamment tout emploi de la force
par les forces d’occupation israéliennes contre des civils palestiniens en violation du
droit international, en particulier dans la bande de Gaza, y compris contre les
journalistes, le personnel médical et les agents humanitaires, lesquels ont fait un
nombre considérable de morts et de blessés, y compris parmi les femmes et les
enfants ;
9. Condamne également tous les actes de violence commis par des militants
ou des groupes armés, notamment les tirs de roquette dirigés contre des zones civiles
israéliennes, qui font des morts et des blessés ;
10. Exige de nouveau que la résolution 1860 (2009) du Conseil de sécurité soit
appliquée intégralement ;
11. Exige d’Israël, Puissance occupante, qu’il respecte les obligations
juridiques que lui impose le droit international, comme il est indiqué dans l ’avis
consultatif donné le 9 juillet 2004 par la Cour internationale de Justice et comme
l’exigent ses résolutions ES-10/15 du 20 juillet 2004 et ES-10/13 du 21 octobre 2003,
et qu’il arrête immédiatement la construction du mur dans le Territoire palestinien
occupé, y compris à l’intérieur et sur le pourtour de Jérusalem-Est, démantèle dès
maintenant la partie déjà construite, rapporte ou prive d ’effet toutes les mesures
législatives et réglementaires relatives au mur, et donne réparation pour tous les
dommages causés par la construction du mur qui est lourde de conséquences pour les
droits humains et les conditions de vie socioéconomiques du peuple palestinien ;
12. Réaffirme la nécessité de respecter l’unité, la continuité et l’intégrité de
l’ensemble du Territoire palestinien occupé et d ’y garantir la liberté de circulation des
personnes et des biens, et notamment de leur permettre d ’entrer dans Jérusalem-Est
et la bande de Gaza et d’en sortir, et de circuler entre la Cisjordanie et la bande de
Gaza et entre le Territoire palestinien et le monde extérieur ;
13. Demande à Israël, Puissance occupante, de mettre un terme aux bouclages
prolongés et aux autres restrictions à l ’activité économique et à la liberté de
circulation, y compris celles qui correspondent de fait à un blocus de la bande de Gaza
et, à cet égard, d’appliquer pleinement l’Accord réglant les déplacements et le passage
et les Principes convenus concernant le pas sage de Rafah, en date du 15 novembre
2005, afin de permettre la circulation durable et régulière des personnes et des biens
et d’accélérer les efforts, trop longtemps différés, visant à répondre aux immenses
besoins de la bande de Gaza liés à sa reconstru ction et à son relèvement économique,
en prenant note à ce sujet de l’accord tripartite conclu sous les auspices de
l’Organisation des Nations Unies ;
14. Souligne qu’il faut d’urgence remédier à la crise sanitaire qui perdure dans
la bande de Gaza, notamment en veillant à la mise en place d ’infrastructures
adéquates et à l’approvisionnement en fournitures et matériel médicaux, ainsi qu ’à
l’apport des compétences spécialisées requises pour faire face au nombre croissant de
personnes blessées durant les manifestations dans la bande de Gaza et nécessitant un
traitement complexe ;
15. Engage instamment les États Membres à continuer d’apporter une aide
d’urgence au peuple palestinien pour remédier à la crise financière et à la situation
socioéconomique et huma nitaire catastrophique, notamment dans la bande de Gaza ;
Pratiques israéliennes affectant les droits humains du peuple
palestinien dans le Territoire palestinien occupé,
y compris Jérusalem-Est A/RES/77/247
23-00138 9/9
16. Exhorte tous les États et les institutions spécialisées et organismes des
Nations Unies à continuer de soutenir le peuple palestinien et de l ’aider à exercer au
plus tôt ses droits inaliénables, notamment son droit à l’autodétermination, avec toute
la célérité voulue, alors que l’occupation israélienne est une réalité depuis plus de
55 ans et que le peuple palestinien n’exerce toujours pas ses droits humains, qui
continuent d’être bafoués ;
17. Insiste sur la nécessité de préserver et de développer les institutions et les
infrastructures palestiniennes aux fins de la prestation de services publics essentiels
à la population civile palestinienne et de la promotion des droits humains, y compris
les droits civils, politiques, économiques, sociaux et culturels, et demande
instamment à cet égard l’application de l’accord signé au Caire le 12 octobre 2017 20,
ce qui constituerait un pas important vers l ’unité palestinienne et conduirait,
y compris dans la bande de Gaza, au fonctionnement effectif, sous l ’autorité du
Président Mahmoud Abbas, du Gouvernement palestinien, conformément aux
engagements pris par l’Organisation de libération de la Palestine et aux principes
arrêtés par le Quatuor ;
18. Décide, conformément à l’Article 96 de la Charte des Nations Unies, de
demander à la Cour internationale de Justice de donner, en vertu de l ’Article 65 du
Statut de la Cour, un avis consultatif sur les questions ci -après, compte tenu des règles
et principes du droit international, dont la Charte des Nations Unies, le droit
international humanitaire, le droit international des droits de l ’homme, les résolutions
pertinentes du Conseil de sécurité et du Conseil des droits de l ’homme et les siennes
propres, et l’avis consultatif donné par la Cour le 9 juillet 2004 :
a) Quelles sont les conséquences juridiques de la violation persistante par
Israël du droit du peuple palestinien à l ’autodétermination, de son occupation, de sa
colonisation et de son annexion prolongées d u territoire palestinien occupé depuis
1967, notamment des mesures visant à modifier la composition démographique, le
caractère et le statut de la ville sainte de Jérusalem, et de l ’adoption par Israël des lois
et mesures discriminatoires connexes ?
b) Quelle incidence les politiques et pratiques d ’Israël visées au
paragraphe 18 a) ci-dessus ont-elles sur le statut juridique de l’occupation et quelles
sont les conséquences juridiques qui en découlent pour tous les États et l ’Organisation
des Nations Unies ?
19. Prie le Secrétaire général de lui rendre compte, à sa soixante -dix-huitième
session, de l’application de la présente résolution, notamment en ce qui concerne
l’applicabilité de la quatrième Convention de Genève au Territoire palestinien occupé,
y compris Jérusalem-Est, et aux autres territoires arabes occupés.
56e séance plénière (reprise)
30 décembre 2022
__________________
20 S/2017/899, annexe.
United Nations A/RES/77/247
General Assembly
Distr.: General
9 January 2023
23-00138 (E) 120123
*2300138*
Seventy-seventh session
Agenda item 47
Israeli practices and settlement activities affecting the
rights of the Palestinian people and other Arabs of the
occupied territories
Resolution adopted by the General Assembly
on 30 December 2022
[on the report of the Special Political and Decolonization Committee
(Fourth Committee) (A/77/400, para. 14)]
77/247. Israeli practices affecting the human rights of the Palestinian
people in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including
East Jerusalem
The General Assembly,
Recalling the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1
Recalling also the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 2 the
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights 3 and the Convention
on the Rights of the Child,4 and affirming that these human rights instruments must
be respected in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, inc luding East Jerusalem,
Reaffirming its relevant resolutions, including resolution 75/98 of 10 December
2020, as well as those adopted at its tenth emergency special session,
Recalling the relevant resolutions of the Human Rights Council,
Recalling also the relevant resolutions of the Security Council, and stressing the
need for their implementation,
Having considered the report of the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli
Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Palestinian People and Other Arabs of
__________________
1 Resolution 217 A (III).
2 See resolution 2200 A (XXI), annex.
3 Ibid.
4 United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 1577, No. 27531.
A/RES/77/247
Israeli practices affecting the human rights of the Palestinian
people in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including
East Jerusalem
2/9 23-00138
the Occupied Territories5 and the report of the Secretary -General on the work of the
Special Committee,6
Taking note of the report of the Special Rapporteur of the Human Rights Council
on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, 7 as
well as of other relevant recent reports of the Human Rights Council,
Taking note also of the report of the independent international commission of
inquiry established pursuant to Human Rights Council resolution S-30/1,8
Stressing the need to ensure accountability for all violations of international
humanitarian law and international human rights law in order to end impunity, ensure
justice, deter further violations, protect civilians and promote peace,
Taking note of the recent report by the Economic and Social Commission for
Western Asia on the economic and social repercussions of the Israeli occupation on
the living conditions of the Palestinian people in the Occupied Palestinian Territory,
including East Jerusalem, and the Arab population in the occupied Syrian Golan, 9
Deeply regretting that 55 years have passed since the onset of the Israeli
occupation, and stressing the urgent need for efforts to reverse the negative trends on
the ground and to restore a political horizon for advancing and accelerating
meaningful negotiations aimed at the achievement of a peace agreement that will
bring a complete end to the Israeli occupation that began in 1967 and the resolution
of all core final status issues, without excep tion, leading to a peaceful, just, lasting
and comprehensive solution of the question of Palestine,
Aware of the responsibility of the international community to promote human
rights and ensure respect for international law, and recalling in this regard i ts
resolution 2625 (XXV) of 24 October 1970,
Recalling the advisory opinion rendered on 9 July 2004 by the International
Court of Justice on the legal consequences of the construction of a wall in the
Occupied Palestinian Territory, 10 and recalling also relevant General Assembly
resolutions,
Noting in particular the Court’s reply, including that the construction of the wall
being built by Israel, the occupying Power, in the Occupied Palestinian Territory,
including in and around East Jerusalem, and its associated regime are contrary to
international law,
Taking note of its resolution 67/19 of 29 November 2012,
Noting the accession by Palestine to several human rights treaties and the core
humanitarian law conventions, as well as other international treaties,
Reaffirming the principle of the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by
force,
Reaffirming also the applicability of the Geneva Convention relative to the
Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949, 11 to the Occupied
Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and other Arab territories occupied
by Israel since 1967,
__________________
5 A/77/501.
6 A/76/333.
7 A/HRC/49/87.
8 A/77/328.
9 A/77/90-E/2022/66.
10 See A/ES-10/273 and A/ES-10/273/Corr.1.
11 United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 75, No. 973.
Israeli practices affecting the human rights of the Palestinian
people in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including
East Jerusalem A/RES/77/247
23-00138 3/9
Reaffirming further the obligation of the States parties to the Fourth Geneva
Convention12 under articles 146, 147 and 148 with regard to penal sanctio ns, grave
breaches and responsibilities of the High Contracting Parties,
Recalling the statement of 15 July 1999 and the declarations adopted on
5 December 2001 and on 17 December 201413 by the Conference of High Contracting
Parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention on measures to enforce the Convention in
the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, aimed at ensuring
respect for the Convention in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East
Jerusalem,
Reaffirming that all States have the right and the duty to take actions in
conformity with international law and international humanitarian law to counter
deadly acts of violence against their civilian population in order to protect the lives
of their citizens,
Stressing the need for full compliance with the Israeli-Palestinian agreements
reached within the context of the Middle East peace process, including the Sharm
el-Sheikh understandings, and the implementation of the Quartet road map to a
permanent two-State solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict,14
Stressing also the need for the full implementation of the Agreement on
Movement and Access and the Agreed Principles for the Rafah Crossing, both of
15 November 2005, to allow for the freedom of movement of the Palestinian civili an
population within and into and out of the Gaza Strip,
Gravely concerned by the tensions and violence in the recent period throughout
the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem and including with
regard to the holy places of Jerusalem, including the Haram al-Sharif, and deploring
the loss of innocent civilian life,
Reaffirming that the international community, through the United Nations, has
a legitimate interest in the question of the City of Jerusalem and in the protection of
the unique spiritual, religious and cultural dimensions of the city, as foreseen in
relevant United Nations resolutions on this matter,
Reaffirming also the obligation to respect the historic status quo, the special
significance of the holy sites, and the importance of the City of Jerusalem for the
three monotheistic religions,
Recognizing that security measures alone cannot remedy the escalating tensions,
instability and violence, and calling for full respect for international law, including
humanitarian and human rights law, including for the protection of civilian life, as
well as for the promotion of human security, the de -escalation of the situation, the
exercise of restraint, including from provocative actions and rhetoric, and the
establishment of a stable environment conducive to the pursuit of peace,
Expressing grave concern about the continuing systematic violation of the
human rights of the Palestinian people by Israel, the occupying Power, including that
arising from the excessive use of force and mil itary operations causing death and
injury to Palestinian civilians, including children, women and non -violent, peaceful
demonstrators, as well as journalists, medical personnel and humanitarian personnel;
the arbitrary imprisonment and detention of Palesti nians, some of whom have been
imprisoned for decades; the use of collective punishment; the closure of areas; the
confiscation of land; the establishment and expansion of settlements; the construction
__________________
12 Ibid.
13 A/69/711-S/2015/1, annex.
14 S/2003/529, annex.
A/RES/77/247
Israeli practices affecting the human rights of the Palestinian
people in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including
East Jerusalem
4/9 23-00138
of a wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory in depa rture from the Armistice Line
of 1949; the destruction of property and infrastructure; the forced displacement of
civilians, including attempts at forced transfers of Bedouin communities; and all other
actions by it designed to change the legal status, geo graphical nature and demographic
composition of the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and
demanding the cessation of all such unlawful actions,
Gravely concerned by the ongoing demolition by Israel, the occupying Power,
of Palestinian homes, as well as of structures, including schools, provided as
international humanitarian aid, in particular in and around Occupied East Jerusalem,
including if carried out as an act of collective punishment in violation of international
humanitarian law, which has escalated at unprecedented rates, and by the revocation
of residence permits and eviction of Palestinian residents of the City of Jerusalem,
Deploring the continuing and negative consequences of the conflicts in and
around the Gaza Strip and the high number of casualties among Palestinian civilians
in the recent period, including among children, and any violations of international
law, and calling for full respect for international humanitarian and human rights law
and for the principles of legality, distinction, precaution and proportionality,
Gravely concerned about the disastrous humanitarian situation and the critical
socioeconomic and security situation in the Gaza Strip, including that resulting from
the prolonged closures and severe e conomic and movement restrictions that in effect
amount to a blockade and deepen poverty and despair among the Palestinian civilian
population, and about the short- and long-term detrimental impacts of this situation
and the widespread destruction and continued impeding of the reconstruction process
by Israel, the occupying Power, on the human rights situation,
Recalling with grave concern the United Nations country team report of August
2012, entitled “Gaza in 2020: a liveable place?”,
Recalling the statement by the President of the Security Council of 28 July
2014,15
Stressing the need for the full implementation by all parties of Secur ity Council
resolution 1860 (2009) of 8 January 2009 and General Assembly resolution ES-10/18
of 16 January 2009,
Stressing also that the situation in the Gaza Strip is unsustainable and that a
durable ceasefire agreement must lead to a fundamental improvement in the living
conditions of the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip, including through the sustained
and regular opening of crossing points, and ensure the safety and well-being of
civilians on both sides, and regretting the lack of progress made in this regard,
Gravely concerned by reports regarding serious human rights violations and
grave breaches of international humanitarian law committed during the successive
military operations in the Gaza Strip, 16 and reiterating the necessity for serious
follow-up by all parties of the recommendations addressed to them towards ensuring
accountability and justice,
Stressing the need for protection of human rights defenders engaged in the
promotion of human rights issues in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including
East Jerusalem, to allow them to carry out their work freely and without fear of attacks
and harassment,
__________________
15 S/PRST/2014/13; see Resolutions and Decisions of the Security Council, 1 August 2013 –31 July
2014 (S/INF/69).
16 See A/63/855-S/2009/250; S/2015/286, annex; A/HRC/12/48; and A/HRC/29/52.
Israeli practices affecting the human rights of the Palestinian
people in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including
East Jerusalem A/RES/77/247
23-00138 5/9
Expressing deep concern about the Israeli policy of closures and the imposition
of severe restrictions, including through hundreds of obstacles to movement,
checkpoints and a permit regime, all of which obstruct the freedom of movement of
persons and goods, including medical and humanitarian goods, and the follow-up and
access to donor-funded projects of development cooperation and humanitarian
assistance, throughout the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem,
and impair the Territory’s contiguity, consequently violating the human rights of the
Palestinian people and negatively impacting their socioeconomic and humanitarian
situation, which remains dire in the Gaza Strip, and the efforts aimed at rehabilitating
and developing the Palestinian economy, and calling for the full lifting of restrictions,
Expressing grave concern that thousands of Palestinians, including many
children and women, as well as elected representatives, continue to be held in Israeli
prisons or detention centres under ha rsh conditions, including unhygienic conditions,
solitary confinement, the extensive use of administrative detention of excessive
duration without charge and denial of due process, lack of proper medical care and
widespread medical neglect, including for p risoners who are ill, with the risk of fatal
consequences, and denial of family visits, that impair their well -being, and expressing
grave concern also about the ill-treatment and harassment and all reports of torture of
any Palestinian prisoners,
Expressing deep concern about the hunger strikes by Palestinian prisoners in
protest of the harsh conditions of their imprisonment and detention by the occupying
Power, while taking note of agreements reached on conditions of detention in Israeli
prisons and calling for their full and immediate implementation,
Recalling the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of
Prisoners (the Nelson Mandela Rules) 17 and the United Nations Rules for the
Treatment of Women Prisoners and Non -custodial Measures for Women Offenders
(the Bangkok Rules),18 and calling for respect for those Rules,
Recalling also the prohibition under international humanitarian law of the
deportation of civilians from occupied territories,
Deploring the practice of withholding the bo dies of those killed, and calling for
the release of the bodies that have not yet been returned to their relatives, in line with
international humanitarian law and human rights law, in order to ensure dignified
closure in accordance with their religious be liefs and traditions,
Stressing the need for the prevention of all acts of violence, harassment,
provocation and incitement by extremist Israeli settlers and groups of armed settlers,
especially against Palestinian civilians, including children, and their properties,
including homes, agricultural lands and historic and religious sites, including in
Occupied East Jerusalem, and deploring the violation of the human rights of
Palestinians in this regard, including acts of violence leading to death and injury
among civilians,
Convinced of the need for an international presence to monitor the situation, to
contribute to ending the violence and protecting the Palestinian civilian population
and to help the parties to implement the agreements reached, in this reg ard recalling
the importance of the mandate and the positive contribution of the Temporary
International Presence in Hebron, and regretting the unilateral decision by the
Government of Israel not to renew its mandate,
__________________
17 Resolution 70/175, annex.
18 Resolution 65/229, annex.
A/RES/77/247
Israeli practices affecting the human rights of the Palestinian
people in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including
East Jerusalem
6/9 23-00138
Stressing the need for an immediate and complete cessation of all acts of
violence, including military attacks, destruction and acts of terror,
Stressing also that the protection of civilians is a critical component in ensuring
peace and security, as well as the need for measures to be taken to guarantee the safety
and protection of the Palestinian civilian population throughout the Occupied
Palestinian Territory, consistent with the provisions and obligations of international
humanitarian law,
Stressing further the need to respect the right of peaceful assembly,
Taking note of the report of the Secretary -General on the protection of the
Palestinian civilian population 19 and the observations made therein on ways and
means for ensuring the safety, protection and well -being of the Palestinian civilian
population under Israeli occupation,
Noting the continued efforts and tangible progress made in the Palestinian
security sector, and noting also the continued cooperation that benefits both
Palestinians and Israelis, in particular by promoting se curity and building confidence,
Urging the parties to observe calm and restraint and to refrain from provocative
actions, incitement and inflammatory rhetoric, especially in areas of religious and
cultural sensitivity, including in East Jerusalem, and to take every possible step to
defuse tensions and promote conditions conducive to the credibility and success of
the peace negotiations,
Emphasizing the right of all people in the region to the enjoyment of human
rights as enshrined in the international human rights covenants,
1. Reiterates that all measures and actions taken by Israel, the occupying
Power, in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, in violation
of the relevant provisions of the Geneva Convention relative to the Protec tion of
Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949, and contrary to the relevant
resolutions of the Security Council, are illegal and have no validity, and demands that
Israel, the occupying Power, comply fully with the provisions of the Fourth Gen eva
Convention of 1949 and cease immediately all measures and actions taken in violation
and in breach of the Convention;
2. Demands that Israel, the occupying Power, cease all measures contrary to
international law, as well as discriminatory legislation, policies and actions in the
Occupied Palestinian Territory that violate the human rights of the Palestinian people,
including the killing and injury of civilians, the arbitrary detention and imprisonment
of civilians, the forced displacement of civilians, including attempts at forced
transfers of Bedouin communities, the transfer of its own population into the
Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, the destruction and
confiscation of civilian property, including home demolitions, includi ng if carried out
as collective punishment in violation of international humanitarian law, and any
obstruction of humanitarian assistance, and that it fully respect human rights law and
comply with its legal obligations in this regard, including in accorda nce with relevant
United Nations resolutions;
3. Calls for urgent measures to ensure the safety and protection of the
Palestinian civilian population in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East
Jerusalem, in accordance with the relevant provisions of international humanitarian
law and as called for by the Security Council in its resolution 904 (1994) of 18 March
1994;
__________________
19 A/ES-10/794.
Israeli practices affecting the human rights of the Palestinian
people in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including
East Jerusalem A/RES/77/247
23-00138 7/9
4. Takes note of the report of the Secretary-General on the protection of the
Palestinian civilian population, notably the observation s made therein, including the
possible expansion of existing protection mechanisms to prevent and deter violations,
and calls for continued efforts within the United Nations human rights framework
regarding the legal protection and safety of the Palestinia n civilian population;
5. Calls for full cooperation by Israel with the relevant special rapporteurs
and other relevant mechanisms and inquiries of the Human Rights Council, including
the facilitation of entry to the Occupied Palestinian Territory, includ ing East
Jerusalem, for monitoring and reporting on the human rights situation therein
according to their respective mandates;
6. Demands that Israel, the occupying Power, cease all of its settlement
activities, the construction of the wall and any other measures aimed at altering the
character, status and demographic composition of the Occupied Palestinian Territory,
including in and around East Jerusalem, all of which, inter alia, gravely and
detrimentally impact the human rights of the Palestinian peopl e, including their right
to self-determination, and the prospects for achieving without delay an end to the
Israeli occupation that began in 1967 and a just, lasting and comprehensive peace
settlement between the Palestinian and Israeli sides, and calls fo r the full respect and
implementation of all relevant General Assembly and Security Council resolutions in
this regard, including Security Council resolution 2334 (2016) of 23 December 2016;
7. Calls for urgent attention to the plight and the rights, in accordance with
international law, of Palestinian prisoners and detainees in Israeli jails, including
those on hunger strike, also calls for efforts between the two sides for the further
release of prisoners and detainees, and further calls for respect for the United Nations
Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners (the Nelson Mandela Rules)
and the United Nations Rules for the Treatment of Women Prisoners and
Non-custodial Measures for Women Offenders (the Bangkok Rules);
8. Condemns all acts of violence, including all acts of terror, provocation,
incitement and destruction, especially any use of force by the Israeli occupying forces
against Palestinian civilians in violation of internation al law, particularly in the Gaza
Strip, including against journalists, medical personnel and humanitarian personnel,
which have caused extensive loss of life and vast numbers of injuries, including
among children and women;
9. Also condemns all acts of violence by militants and armed groups,
including the firing of rockets, against Israeli civilian areas, resulting in loss of life
and injury;
10. Reiterates its demand for the full implementation of Security Council
resolution 1860 (2009);
11. Demands that Israel, the occupying Power, comply with its legal
obligations under international law, as mentioned in the advisory opinion rendered on
9 July 2004 by the International Court of Justice and as deman ded in General
Assembly resolutions ES-10/15 of 20 July 2004 and ES-10/13 of 21 October 2003,
and that it immediately cease the construction of the wall in the Occupied Palestinian
Territory, including in and around East Jerusalem, dismantle forthwith the structure
situated therein, repeal or render ineffective all legislative and regulatory acts relating
thereto, and make reparations for all damage caused by the construction of the wall,
which has gravely impacted the human rights and the socioeconomic living conditions
of the Palestinian people;
12. Reiterates the need for respect for the territorial unity, contiguity and
integrity of all of the Occupied Palestinian Territory and for guarantees of the freedom
of movement of persons and goods within the Palestinian territory, including
A/RES/77/247
Israeli practices affecting the human rights of the Palestinian
people in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including
East Jerusalem
8/9 23-00138
movement into and from East Jerusalem, int o and from the Gaza Strip, between the
West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and to and from the outside world;
13. Calls upon Israel, the occupying Power, to cease its imposition of
prolonged closures and economic and movement restrictions, including those
amounting to a blockade on the Gaza Strip, and in this regard to fully implement the
Agreement on Movement and Access and the Agreed Principles for the Rafah
Crossing, both of 15 November 2005, in order to allow for the sustained and regular
movement of persons and goods and for the acceleration of long overdue and massive
reconstruction needs and economic recovery in the Gaza Strip, while noting the
tripartite agreement facilitated by the United Nations in this regard;
14. Stresses the urgent need to address the continuing health crisis in the Gaza
Strip, including by ensuring the provision of adequate infrastructure, medical supplies
and equipment, alongside expertise, to deal with the increasing caseload of injuries
requiring complex treatment in the context of the protests in the Gaza Strip;
15. Urges Member States to continue to provide emergency assistance to the
Palestinian people to alleviate the financial crisis and the dire socioeconomic and
humanitarian situation, particularly in the Gaza Strip;
16. Urges all States and the specialized agencies and organizations of the
United Nations system to continue to support and assist the Palestinian people in the
early realization of their inalienable human rights, including their right to self -
determination, as a matter of urgency, in the light of the passage of more than 55 years
of the Israeli occupation and the continued denial and violation of the human rights
of the Palestinian people;
17. Emphasizes the need to preserve and develop the Palestinian instit utions
and infrastructure for the provision of vital public services to the Palestinian civilian
population and the promotion of human rights, including civil, political, economic,
social and cultural rights, and urges in this regard the implementation of the
agreement signed in Cairo on 12 October 2017, 20 which would be an important step
towards achieving Palestinian unity and lead to the effective functioning of the
Palestinian Government, including in the Gaza Strip, under the leadership of
President Mahmoud Abbas, consistent with the Palestine Liberation Organization
commitments and the Quartet principles;
18. Decides, in accordance with Article 96 of the Charter of the United
Nations, to request the International Court of Justice, pursuant to Article 6 5 of the
Statute of the Court, to render an advisory opinion on the following questions,
considering the rules and principles of international law, including the Charter of the
United Nations, international humanitarian law, international human rights law,
relevant resolutions of the Security Council, the General Assembly and the Human
Rights Council, and the advisory opinion of the Court of 9 July 2004:
(a) What are the legal consequences arising from the ongoing violation by
Israel of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, from its prolonged
occupation, settlement and annexation of the Palestinian territory occupied since
1967, including measures aimed at altering the demographic composition, character
and status of the Holy City of Jerusalem, and from its adoption of related
discriminatory legislation and measures?
(b) How do the policies and practices of Israel referred to in paragraph 18 (a)
above affect the legal status of the occupation, and what are the legal consequences
that arise for all States and the United Nations from this status?
__________________
20 S/2017/899, annex.
Israeli practices affecting the human rights of the Palestinian
people in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including
East Jerusalem A/RES/77/247
23-00138 9/9
19. Requests the Secretary-General to report to the General Assembly at its
seventy-eighth session on the implementation of the present resolution, including
with regard to the applicability of t he Fourth Geneva Convention to the Occupied
Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and the other occupied Arab
territories.
56th (resumed) plenary meeting
30 December 2022
Annexe 2 : Charte de la Conférence Islamique, adoptée le 4 mars 1972, article II, A, paragraphe 5.
Annex 2 : Charter of the Islamic Conference, adopted on 4 March 1972, Article II, A, paragraphe 5.
29
30
CHARTE
DE L’ORGANISATION
DE COOP ERATION IS LAMIQUE
CHARTE
DE L ’ORGANISATION
DE COOP ERAT ION ISLAMIQUE
Au nom d e Di e u, l e Clément, l e Miséricordieux
Nous, Etats membres de l’Organisation de Coopération islamique ;
Rappelant la Conférence des Rois et Chefs d’Etat et de Gouvernement des Etats
Membres, tenue à Rabat, du 9 au 12 Rajab 1389 H (du 22 au 25 Septembre 1969)
ainsi que la Conférence des Ministres des Affaires étrangères, tenue à Djeddah, du 14
au 18 Moharram 1392 H (du 29 Février au 4 Mars 1972) ;
Guidés par les nobles valeurs islamiques d’unité et de fraternité, affirmant le
caractère essentiel de la promotion et du renforcement de l’unité et de la solidarité
entre les Etats Membres pour garantir leurs intérêts communs s ur la scène
internationale ;
Réaffirmant notre attachement aux principes de la Charte des Nations Unies, de la
présente Charte et du Droit International ;
Sommes déterminés :
À préserver et à promouvoir les hautes valeurs islamiques de paix, de
compassion, de tolérance, d’égalité, de justice et de dignité humaine ;
À oeuvrer à dynamiser le rôle d’avant-garde de l’Islam d ans le monde, tout
en assurant le développement durable, le progrès et la prospérité des
peuples des Etats Membres ;
À renforcer et à resserrer les liens d’unité et de solidarité entre les peuples
musulmans et les Etats Membres ;
À respecter, à sauvegarder et à défendre la souveraineté nationale,
l’indépendance et l’intégrité territoriale de tous les Etats membres ;
À contribuer à l’instauration de la paix et de la sécurité internationales, de
l’entente et du dialogue entre les civilisations, les cultures et les religions et
à promouvoir et encourager les relations d’amitié et de bon voisinage, ainsi
que le respect mutuel et la coopération ;
-5 -
19. Travailler en collaboration et en coordination dans les situations
d’urgence humanitaire telles que les catastrophes naturelles ;
20. Promouvoir la coopération entre les Etats Membres da ns les domaines
social, culturel et de l’information.
Ar ti cle 2
Les Etats membres, da ns la poursuite des objectifs énoncés à l’article 1, doivent être
guidés et inspirés par les nobles enseignements et valeurs de l’Islam et agir
conformément aux principes ci-après :
1. Tous les Etats membres s'engagent à respecter les buts et principes de la
Charte des Nations unies ;
2. Les Etats membres sont souverains, indépendants et égaux en droits et
obligations ;
3. Tous les Etats membres règlent leurs différends par des moyens pacifiques et
s’abstiennent de tout recours ou menace de recours à la force dan s leurs
relations ;
4. Tous les Etats membres s’engagent à respecter la souveraineté nationale,
l’indépendance et l’intégrité territoriale des autres Etats membres et
s’abstiennent de s’immiscer da ns leurs affaires intérieures ;
5. Tous les Etats membres s’engagent à participer au maintien de la paix et de
la sécurité internationales et à s'abstenir de toute ingérence dan s les Affaires
intérieures des autres Etats membres, comme le soulignent la présente
charte, la Charte de Nations unies, le Droit International et le droit
humanitaire international ;
6. Comme i l a été mentionné à la Charte des Nations unies, aucune disposition
de la présente charte n’autorise l’Organisation ni s e s organes à intervenir
dan s des affaires qui relèvent essentiellement de la compétence nationale
d’un Etat ou s’y rattachent.
7. Les Etats membres soutiennent et favorisent, aux niveaux national et
international, la bonne gouvernance, la démocratie, les droits humains, les
libertés fondamentales et l’Etat de droit ;
8. Les Etats membres veillent à la protection et à la sauvegarde de
l’environnement.
!1
!
Charter of the
Organisation of Islamic Cooperation
(OIC)
!5
8. To support and empower the Palestinian people to exercise their right to selfdetermination
and establish their sovereign State with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its
capital, while safeguarding its historic and Islamic character as well as the
Holy places therein;
9. To strengthen intra-Islamic economic and trade cooperation; in order to
achieve economic integration leading to the establishment of an Islamic
Common Market;
10. To exert efforts to achieve sustainable and comprehensive human development
and economic well-being in the Member States;
11. To disseminate, promote and preserve the Islamic teachings and values based
on moderation and tolerance, promote Islamic culture and safeguard Islamic
heritage;
12. To protect and defend the true image of Islam, to combat defamation of Islam
and encourage dialogue among civilisations and religions;
13. To enhance and develop science and technology and encourage research and
cooperation among Member States in these fields;
14. To promote and to protect human rights and fundamental freedoms including
the rights of women, children, youth, elderly and people with special needs as
well as the preservation of Islamic family values;
15. To emphasize, protect and promote the role of the family as the natural and
fundamental unit of society;
16. To safeguard the rights, dignity and religious and cultural identity of Muslim
communities and minorities in non-Member States;
17. To promote and defend unified position on issues of common interest in the
international fora;
18. To cooperate in combating terrorism in all its forms and manifestations,
organised crime, illicit drug trafficking, corruption, money laundering and
human trafficking;
19. To cooperate and coordinate in humanitarian emergencies such as natural
disasters;
20. To promote cooperation in social, cultural and information fields among the
Member States.
Article 2
The Member States undertake that in order to realize the objectives in Article 1, they
shall be guided and inspired by the noble Islamic teachings and values and act in
accordance with the following principles:
!6
1. All Member States commit themselves to the purposes and principles of the
United Nations Charter;
2. Member States are sovereign, independent and equal in rights and obligations;
3. All Member States shall settle their disputes through peaceful means and
refrain from use or threat of use of force in their relations;
4. All Member States undertake to respect national sovereignty, independence
and territorial integrity of other Member States and shall refrain from
interfering in the internal affairs of others;
5. All Member States undertake to contribute to the maintenance of international
peace and security and to refrain from interfering in each other’s internal
affairs as enshrined in the present Charter, the Charter of the United Nations,
international law and international humanitarian law;
6. As mentioned in the UN Charter, nothing contained in the present Charter
shall authorize the Organisation and its Organs to intervene in matters which
are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any State or related to it;
7. Member States shall uphold and promote, at the national and international
levels, good governance, democracy, human rights and fundamental freedoms,
and the rule of law;
8. Member States shall endeavour to protect and preserve the environment.
CHAPTER II
Membership
Article 3
1. The Organisation is made up of 57 States member of the Organisation of
Islamic Cooperation and other States which may accede to this Charter in
accordance with Article 3 paragraph 2.
2. Any State, member of the United Nations, having Muslim majority and
abiding by the Charter, which submits an application for membership may
join the Organisation if approved by consensus only by the Council of Foreign
Ministers on the basis of the agreed criteria adopted by the Council of Foreign
Ministers.
3. Nothing in the present Charter shall undermine the present Member States’
rights or privileges relating to membership or any other issues.
Annexe 3 : Amnesty International, « L’apartheid israélien envers le peuple palestinien, un système
cruel de domination et un crime contre l’humanité », Rapport de février 2022, p. 7.
Annex 3 : Amnesty International, « Israel's Apartheid Against Palestinians, Cruel System of
Domination and Crime Against Humanity », Report of Feburary 2022, p. 7.
37
38
L’APARTHEID ISRAÉLIEN ENVERS LE
PEUPLE PALESTINIEN
UN SYSTÈME CRUEL DE DOMINATION ET UN CRIME CONTRE
L’HUMANITÉ
RÉSUMÉ EXÉCUTIF
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Crédit photo de couverture : Des Palestiniennes se dirigent vers le poste-frontière d’Erez, seul point de
passage ouvert aux personnes entre la bande de Gaza et Israël, pour participer à une manifestation dans
le nord de la bande de Gaza, le 18 septembre 2018 © Said Khatib / AFP via Getty Images
L’édition originale de ce document a été publié en 2022
par Amnesty International Ltd
Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street
London WC1X 0DW, Royaume-Uni.
Index : MDE 15/5141/2022 FRENCH
L’édition originale a été publiée en : anglais
amnesty.org
Amnesty International est un mouvement rassemblant
10 millions de personnes qui fait appel à l’humanité en chacun
et chacune de nous et milite pour que nous puissions toutes et
tous jouir de nos droits humains. Notre vision est celle d’un
monde dans lequel les dirigeants et dirigeantes tiennent leurs
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et les dons de particuliers, Amnesty International est
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groupement religieux. Nous avons la conviction qu’agir avec
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entier peut rendre nos sociétés meilleures.
L’APARTHEID ISRAÉLIEN ENVERS LE PEUPLE PALESTINIEN
UN SYSTÈME CRUEL DE DOMINATION ET UN CRIME CONTRE L’HUMANITÉ
Amnesty International 7
Le cadre de l’apartheid, tel qu’il est défini dans le droit international, décrit de façon complète et détaillée
une situation de ségrégation, d’oppression et de domination infligée par un groupe racial sur un autre.
Amnesty International note et souligne que les systèmes d’oppression et de domination ne sont jamais
identiques. Par conséquent, il ne s’agit pas de faire valoir ou de déterminer si un quelconque système
d’oppression et de domination, tel que celui en place en Israël et dans les TPO, est par exemple identique
ou comparable au système de ségrégation, d’oppression et de domination qui a existé en Afrique du Sud
entre 1948 et 1994.
Pour déterminer si Israël a créé et perpétué un régime institutionnalisé d’oppression et de domination
systématiques, Amnesty International a analysé le contrôle exercé par Israël sur le peuple palestinien.
Amnesty International a également examiné un certain nombre de graves atteintes aux droits humains
susceptibles de répondre à la qualification de crime contre l’humanité d’apartheid si elles sont commises en
vue d’entretenir ledit système d’oppression et de domination.
VOLONTÉ D’OPPRIMER ET DE DOMINER LA POPULATION
PALESTINIENNE
Depuis sa création en 1948, Israël mène une politique explicite visant à instituer et à entretenir une
hégémonie démographique juive et à optimiser son contrôle sur le territoire au bénéfice des juifs et juives
israéliens, tout en minimisant le nombre de Palestiniens et Palestiniennes, en restreignant leurs droits et en
les empêchant de contester cette dépossession. En 1967, Israël a étendu cette politique au-delà de la Ligne
verte, en Cisjordanie et dans la bande de Gaza, qu’il occupe depuis cette date. Actuellement, tous les
territoires contrôlés par Israël restent administrés en vue de favoriser les juifs et juives israéliens au détriment
de la population palestinienne, tandis que les réfugié·e·s palestiniens demeurent exclus.
Depuis toujours, des considérations démographiques ont guidé l’élaboration des lois et des lignes de
conduite d’Israël. La démographie du nouvel État devait être modifiée au bénéfice de la population juive
israélienne, alors que les Palestinien·ne·s – en Israël ou, plus tard, dans les TPO – étaient vus comme une
entrave à l’instauration et à la perpétuation d’une majorité juive, c’est pourquoi la population palestinienne
devait être expulsée, fragmentée, ségréguée, contrôlée, dépossédée de ses biens fonciers et immobiliers, et
privée de ses droits économiques et sociaux.
La population juive israélienne forme un groupe unifié grâce à un statut juridique préférentiel ancré dans le
droit israélien, qui se manifeste par des protections et services publics quel que soit le lieu de résidence
dans les territoires sous le contrôle effectif d’Israël. L’identité juive de l’État d’Israël a été définie dans ses lois
et dans les usages de ses institutions officielles et nationales. Le droit israélien perçoit et considère l’identité
juive comme, selon le contexte, une identité religieuse, fondée sur l’ascendance, et/ou une identité nationale
ou ethnique.
Les Palestinien·ne·s sont traités différemment par l’État israélien car il leur confère un statut racisé arabe et
non-juif, et, les considère en outre comme un groupe doté de caractéristiques spécifiques différentes
d’autres groupes non-juifs. Concernant les citoyen·ne·s palestiniens d’Israël, le ministère israélien des
Affaires étrangères les qualifie officiellement de « citoyens arabes d’Israël », un terme qui englobe plusieurs
groupes majoritairement arabophones, notamment les Arabes musulmans (ce qui comprend les Bédouins),
les Arabes chrétiens, les Druzes et les Circassiens. Toutefois, dans les débats publics, les autorités et les
médias israéliens ne comprennent bien souvent que les Arabes musulmans et les Arabes chrétiens (les
deux groupes qui s’identifient généralement comme Palestinien·ne·s), lorsqu’ils parlent d’Arabes israéliens,
et ils les associent aux Palestinien·ne·s vivant dans les TPO et ailleurs, tandis qu’ils utilisent les termes
spécifiques de Druzes et de Circassiens pour désigner ces autres groupes non-juifs. Les autorités
considèrent également de manière flagrante les citoyen·ne·s palestiniens d’Israël comme faisant partie d’un
groupe distinct des Druzes et des Circassiens, car ce groupe est le seul exempt du service militaire, « en
raison de leurs affiliations familiales, religieuses et culturelles avec le monde arabe (qui a infligé de
fréquentes attaques à Israël), ainsi qu’en raison de craintes liées à d’éventuelles doubles allégeances. »
En mai 1948, la déclaration portant création d’Israël a annoncé un État juif. Si le texte garantit « une
complète égalité de droits sociaux et politiques à tous ses citoyens », ce droit n’a pas été inscrit dans les lois
fondamentales, qui ont force de documents constitutionnels en l’absence de constitution écrite.
En plus d’établir Israël comme un État juif, la déclaration de 1948 a également appelé les personnes juives
du monde entier à immigrer en Israël. En 1950, Israël a accordé à toute personne juive le droit d’immigrer
en Israël au titre de la Loi sur le retour, avant de leur accorder le droit automatique à la citoyenneté
L’APARTHEID ISRAÉLIEN ENVERS LE PEUPLE PALESTINIEN
UN SYSTÈME CRUEL DE DOMINATION ET UN CRIME CONTRE L’HUMANITÉ
Amnesty International 8
israélienne par la loi de 1952 relative à la nationalité. Les autorités israéliennes ont en partie considéré qu’il
s’agissait d’une mesure nécessaire pour empêcher toute nouvelle tentative d’extermination du peuple juif à
la suite de la Shoah, et pour apporter un refuge aux juifs et aux juives subissant des persécutions ailleurs
dans le monde. Parallèlement, des centaines de milliers de réfugié·e·s palestiniens déplacés pendant le
conflit de 1947-1949 n’ont pas été autorisés à rentrer chez eux en raison de considérations
démographiques. Le fondement de ce système d’oppression et de domination infligé à la population
palestinienne a été ancré sans équivoque dans la Loi sur l’État-nation de 2018, qui a consacré le principe
voulant que « l’État d’Israël est l’État-nation du peuple juif » et indiquant que le droit à l’autodétermination
est réservé « au peuple juif ».
Les déclarations de grandes figures politiques israéliennes, ainsi que de hauts responsables civils et
militaires, confirment par ailleurs au fil des ans qu’Israël a l’intention de perpétuer une majorité
démographique juive, et d’opprimer et dominer la population palestinienne. Depuis 1948, quelles que soient
leurs affiliations politiques, ces personnes ont publiquement souligné l’objectif fondamental de maintenir
l’identité juive de l’État d’Israël, et elles ont affiché leur intention de réduire au maximum l’accès de la
population palestinienne aux terres situées dans les zones sous le contrôle effectif d’Israël et leur jouissance
de celles-ci. Elles ont mené cela à bien en procédant à la saisie des logements et biens de Palestinien·ne·s,
et en les restreignant à vivre dans des enclaves au moyen de politiques discriminatoires d’urbanisme et de
logement. L’intention discriminatoire de dominer les citoyen·ne·s palestiniens d’Israël se manifeste aussi par
des déclarations qui revendiquent un modèle de citoyenneté distinct et inégalitaire, et le rejet du droit des
Palestinien·ne·s au regroupement familial comme outil de contrôle démographique.
L’intention de dominer et de contrôler la population palestinienne dans les TPO est tout aussi claire au vu
des politiques discriminatoires en matière de foncier, d’aménagement du territoire et de logement, et au vu
de l’entrave à toute forme de développement agricole ou industriel au profit de la population palestinienne.
Depuis l’annexion de Jérusalem-Est en 1967, les gouvernements israéliens successifs ont défini des
objectifs démographiques quant au ratio de personnes juives et de personnes palestiniennes à l’échelle de
Jérusalem tout entière, et ils ont déclaré publiquement que priver de ses droits socio-économiques la
population palestinienne de Jérusalem-Est visait délibérément à la chasser de la ville. Le démantèlement des
colonies israéliennes dans la bande de Gaza, tout en conservant par ailleurs sa mainmise sur la population
de ce territoire, a expressément été associé à des considérations démographiques et découle de l’admission
qu’Israël ne parviendrait pas à une majorité juive là-bas. Enfin, des documents officiels rendus publics par le
gouvernement israélien démontrent que sa politique d’opposition au retour de millions de réfugié·e·s
palestiniens chez eux, en vigueur de longue date, est également motivée par des considérations
démographiques.
FRAGMENTATION TERRITORIALE ET SÉGRÉGATION
LÉGALE
Lorsqu’ils ont créé Israël en tant qu’État juif en 1948, ses dirigeants ont été responsables de l’expulsion de
masse de centaines de milliers de Palestinien·ne·s et de la destruction de centaines de villages palestiniens
pouvant être qualifiées de nettoyage ethnique. Ils ont choisi de contraindre la population palestinienne à
vivre dans des enclaves au sein de l’État d’Israël et, à la suite de l’occupation militaire en 1967, en
Cisjordanie et dans la bande de Gaza. Ils ont accaparé l’immense majorité des terres et des ressources
naturelles des Palestinien·ne·s. Ils ont introduit des lois, des politiques et des pratiques qui instaurent des
discriminations cruelles et systématiques à l’encontre de la population palestinienne, ce qui aboutit à une
fragmentation géographique et politique des Palestinien·ne·s, qui vivent dans un état permanent de peur et
d’insécurité, et souvent dans la pauvreté.
Pendant ce temps, les responsables d’Israël ont ancré dans le droit et la pratique le privilège systémique des
citoyens juifs au moyen de l’affectation de terres et de ressources, ce qui leur permet de vivre dans une
richesse et un bien-être relatifs aux dépens des Palestinien·ne·s. Ils ont régulièrement étendu les colonies
dans les territoires palestiniens occupés, ce qui constitue une infraction du droit international.
En 1948, avant la création d’Israël, les Palestinien·ne·s constituaient environ 70 % de la population dans ce
qui était la Palestine sous mandat britannique et possédaient environ 90 % des terres privées. Les juifs, qui
pour beaucoup avaient émigré d’Europe, constituaient environ 30 % de la population et ils possédaient, avec
des institutions juives, environ 6,5 % des terres.
CRUEL SYSTEM OF DOMINATION AND
CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY
ISRAEL’S APARTHEID
AGAINST PALESTINIANS
Cover photo: Palestinian protesters walk towards the Erez crossing, the only passenger crossing
between Gaza and Israel, during a demonstration in the northern Gaza Strip on 18 September 2018
© Said Khatib / AFP via Getty Images
Index: MDE 15/5141/2022
Original language: English
© Amnesty International 2022
Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons
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For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org
Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this
material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence.
First published in 2022
by Amnesty International Ltd
Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street,
London WC1X 0DW, UK
amnesty.org
Amnesty International is a movement of 10 million people
which mobilizes the humanity in everyone and campaigns
for change so we can all enjoy our human rights. Our vision
is of a world where those in power keep their promises,
respect international law and are held to account. We are
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219
ISRAEL’S APARTHEID AGAINST PALESTINIANS
CRUEL SYSTEM OF DOMINATION AND CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY
Amnesty International
1248. ICTY, Prosecutor v. Krstić, Case IT-98-33, Trial Chamber judgment, 2 August 2001, para. 521.
1249. Rome Statute, Article 7(2)(d).
6. INHUMAN AND INHUMANE
ACTS AGAINST PALESTINIANS
In the process of creating and maintaining the system of oppression and domination over Palestinians
described above, individuals, acting on behalf of the State of Israel, have committed inhuman and inhumane
acts as proscribed by respectively the Apartheid Convention and the Rome Statute. An assessment of
these violations is relevant to determining whether the crime of apartheid has been committed in Israel and
the OPT as each of these serious human rights violations would constitute the crime against humanity of
apartheid if committed in the necessary context. The analysis provided in this chapter gives an overview of
some of the serious human rights violations committed within the context of the system of oppression and
domination over Palestinians to determine whether they amount to inhuman or inhumane acts. It also assists
in determining whether there has been the commission of a widespread or systematic attack on the civilian
population with the intention of creating or maintaining a system of oppression and domination.
Amnesty International has examined specifically the inhuman or inhumane acts of forcible transfer,
administrative detention, torture, unlawful killings and serious injuries, and the denial of basic rights and
freedoms or persecution committed against the Palestinian population in Israel and the OPT, and that are
associated with and enforce the system of discriminatory laws, policies and practices already discussed
in detail above. The set of acts analysed below is not exhaustive and does not imply that Israel is not
responsible for committing other inhuman or inhumane acts as defined under respectively the Apartheid
Convention and the Rome Statute.
These proscribed actions have been analysed because they demonstrate most starkly the inhuman
treatment meted out to Palestinians and illustrate other violations perpetrated against Palestinians in the
territories under Israel’s effective control.
6.1 FORCIBLE TRANSFER
6.1.1 RELEVANT CRIMES UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW
Article 7(1)(d) of the Rome Statute criminalizes “deportation or forcible transfer of population” as a crime
against humanity. Forcible transfer occurs when there is displacement within the territory of one state,
whereas deportation presumes displacement beyond state borders.1248 The crime against humanity of
forcible transfer is defined in the Rome Statute as the “forced displacement of the persons concerned by
expulsion or other coercive acts from the area in which they are lawfully present, without grounds permitted
under international law”.1249 The Apartheid Convention criminalizes “the deliberate creation of conditions
220
ISRAEL’S APARTHEID AGAINST PALESTINIANS
CRUEL SYSTEM OF DOMINATION AND CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY
Amnesty International
1250. Apartheid Convention, Article II(c).
1251. ICTY, Prosecutor v. Stakić, Case IT-97-24, Trial Chamber judgment, 22 March 2006, para. 281; ICTY, Prosecutor v. Krnojelac,
Case IT-97-25, Trial Chamber judgment, 17 September 2003, paras 229 and 233; and ICTY, Prosecutor v. Krajišnik, Case IT-00-39,
Trial Chamber judgment, 27 September 2006, paras 724 and 730. See, for example, Prosecutor v. Krstić, Case IT-98-33, Trial Chamber
judgment, 2 August 2001, paras 528-530.
1252. ICTY, Prosecutor v. Krnojelic, Case IT-02-60, Trial Chamber judgment, 17 January 2005, para. 475. See also ICTY, Prosecutor v.
Stakić, Case IT-97-24, Trial Chamber judgment, 22 March 2006, para. 281.
1253. ICTY, Prosecutor v. Krajišnik, Case IT-00-39, Trial Chamber judgment (previously cited).
1254. ICTY, Prosecutor v. Naletilić and Martinović, Case IT-98-34, Trial Chamber judgment, 31 March 2003, para. 519.
1255. ICTY, Prosecutor v. Krstić, Case IT-98-33, Trial Chamber judgment (previously cited), para. 528 and what follows.
1256. ICTY, Prosecutor v. Popović and Others, Case IT-05-88, Trial Chamber judgment, 10 June 2010, para. 900.
1257. Yutaka Arai, Amicus Brief on the Direct or Indirect Transfer of Palestinians within the Occupied Territories, 1 July 2010, available at
hamoked.org.il/files/2010/110528.pdf, p. 6.
1258. Fourth Geneva Convention, Article 49(1).
1259. Fourth Geneva Convention, Article 49(2).
1260. Eyal Benvenisti, Expert Opinion on the prohibition of Forcible Transfer in Susya Village, 30 June 2021, p. 4 (an unofficial English
translation is available at apidiakoniase.cdn.triggerfish.cloud/uploads/sites/2/2021/07/the-prohibition-of-forcible-transfer-in-susya-village.-
prof.-eyal-benvenisti.pdf).
preventing the full development of such a group or groups”, for example, through measures that make it
impossible to remain in a given community.1250
As provided by the Rome Statute, and as has been interpreted by ad hoc international criminal tribunals,
the term “forced” in the context of forcible transfer is not confined to expulsions or “physical force”. It
also includes “threat of force or coercion, such as that caused by fear of violence, duress, detention,
psychological oppression or abuse of power against such person or persons or another person, or by
taking advantage of a coercive environment”,1251 or “factors other than force itself [that] may render an
act involuntary”.1252 The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) has also ruled
that the creation of adverse living conditions, such as cutting off water, electricity and telephone services,
harassment, arrests and house searches, that made it impossible for those targeted to remain and induced
their movement, constitutes forcible transfer.1253
A key criterion for assessing the coercive and arbitrary nature of the transfer is the absence of a “genuine
wish to leave”1254 or a “genuine choice to go”1255 by the individuals displaced from the area in which they
are lawfully present. The ICTY has clarified that the lawful presence requisite “is intended to exclude only
those situations where the individuals are occupying houses or premises unlawfully or illegally and not to
impose a requirement for ‘residency’ to be demonstrated as a legal standard.”1256 Thus, the ICTY case law
has primarily focused on the coercive nature of the “unlawful transfer”, which is “crucial for diminishing the
importance of examining the lawfulness of the place of residence from which persons are removed”.1257
Additionally, the forcible transfer or deportation of the population of an occupied territory, either within or
outside the occupied territory, may constitute a war crime under Article 8(2)(a)(vii) of the Rome Statute.
Forcible transfer is absolutely prohibited under international humanitarian law.1258 Only “imperative military
reasons” or the protection of the displaced population could justify their partial or total transfer,1259 which
must be limited by the “temporariness of the transfer” and the right of the displaced population to return
immediately upon the end of hostilities.1260
6.1.2 ISRAELI POLICIES AND PRACTICES
HOME AND PROPERTY DEMOLITIONS
Across Israel and the OPT, Israel’s destruction of Palestinian homes, agricultural land and other property
is intricately linked with Israel’s long- standing policy of land appropriation for the benefit of its Jewish
population. In the Negev/Naqab in Israel, East Jerusalem and Area C of the West Bank, which are under full
Israeli control, Israeli authorities enforce planning and building regimes against the Palestinian population
that result in widespread and similar patterns of home and property demolitions, including structures
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1261. See section 5.4 “Dispossession of land and property”.
1262. ICAHD, Israel’s Demolition of Palestinian Homes: A Fact Sheet, 20 April 2021, icahd.org/2021/04/20/the-demolition-of-palestinianhomes-
by-israel-a-fact-sheet/#_edn3
1263. Amnesty International, Under the rubble: Home demolition and destruction of land and property (Index: MDE 15/033/2004), May
2004, amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/mde150332004en.pdf
1264. Israeli authorities issued a bill for demolitions over the lack of building permits. Many Palestinians cannot afford to pay the cost so end
up demolishing their own homes or properties so as not to incur those expenses as well.
1265. NCF, Mechanism for Dispossession and Intimidation: Demolition Policy in Arab Bedouin communities in the Negev/Naqab, June
2019, dukium.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/Demolition-Report-Eng.2018.pdf, pp. 11-13.
1266. NCF and Adalah, NGO Report to UN Human Right committee (previously cited), p. 4.
1267. NCF, On (In)Equality and Demolition of Homes and Structures in Arab Bedouin Communities in the Negev/Naqab (previously cited).
1268. OCHA, Data on Demolition and Displacement in the West Bank, ochaopt.org/data/demolition (accessed on 21 July 2021).
1269. B’Tselem, House Demolitions: Demolition on the pretext of unlawful construction, statistics.btselem.org/en/demolitions/pretextunlawful-
construction?stateSensor=%22west-bank%22&structureSensor=%22true%22&tab=overview&demoScopeSensor=%22false%22
(accessed on 25 August 2021).
directly linked to livelihoods, on grounds of the lack of building permits.1261 This policy coerces the transfer
of Palestinians or leaves many facing the threat of home demolition and displacement. The effect is to
concentrate Palestinians into small enclaves and reduce their demographic presence and future growth,
while disproportionally favouring the Jewish Israeli population in these areas.
As analysed above, although the legal system applied by Israel to Palestinians in Israel and East Jerusalem
differs from that imposed on Palestinians in the rest of the West Bank, Israeli authorities have enforced
a discriminatory and to a large extent similar planning and building regime against Palestinians in these
communities, where the pattern has a similar logic and aims using slightly different means (see section
5.4.4 “A discriminatory planning and zoning system”). The restrictive and discriminatory planning laws and
policies in Israel, East Jerusalem and Area C of the West Bank have made it extremely difficult or virtually
impossible for Palestinians to obtain building permits from the Israeli authorities, leaving many of them with
little choice but to build without permits, risking home demolitions and subsequent forced displacement.
Since 1948, Israel has demolished tens of thousands of Palestinian homes and other properties across
all areas under its jurisdiction and effective control.1262 This includes the destruction of more than 500
Palestinian villages in what became Israel following the 1947-49 conflict. Those affected are some of
the poorest and most marginalized communities in both Israeli and Palestinian society, often refugees or
internally displaced persons, who are forced to rely on family, friends and humanitarian actors for shelter
and livelihoods.1263 Homes and other property built with the assistance of foreign donors have been amongst
those targeted for demolitions.
Demolitions continue today and are usually carried out for three main reasons: unlicensed building, alleged
military or security needs or as punishment. As shown above (see section 5.4.4 “Discriminatory urban planning
and zoning system”), in the Negev/Naqab, where Israeli authorities refuse to recognize 35 Bedouin villages,
between 2013 and 2018 there were 7,298 demolitions in the Palestinian Bedouin communities over lack
of permits, of which 6,100 were “self-demolitions”, in which owners destroy their own homes or structures
that have demolition orders against them in order to avoid paying heavy fines and the cost of demolition to
the Israeli authorities,1264 and 1,974 were of structures intended for residential purposes, according to the
Negev Coexistence Forum for Civil Equality.1265 According to the Ministry of Public Security, demolitions of
Bedouin homes in the Negev/Naqab tripled between 2013 and 2017.1266 In 2019 alone, 2,241 structures were
demolished, either by state forces or by the owners after they received the demolition order or a warning. This
represented an increase of 146% compared to the previous year, and a 221% increase compared to 2013.1267
In East Jerusalem, Israeli authorities demolished 1,360 structures, displacing 2,462 people, over the lack
of building permits, from 1 January 2009 to 5 August 2020, according to OCHA.1268 B’Tselem, for its part,
recorded the demolition of 1,632 structures, including 1,136 housing structures and 496 non-residential
structures in East Jerusalem between 1 January 2004 and 31 July 2021, which in total displaced 3,659
Palestinians.1269 Such demolitions have been more widespread in Area C of the West Bank, where, between
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1270. OCHA, Data on Demolition and Displacement in the West Bank, ochaopt.org/data/demolition (accessed on 21 July 2021).
1271. See section 5.4 “Dispossession of land and property”.
1272. See, for example, Adalah, “Court to hear Adalah’s defense arguments against evacuation of 500 residents of Ras Jrabah”, 14 June
2020, adalah.org/en/content/view/10032.
1273. Amnesty International, “Israeli authorities must transfer planning powers to Palestinians in Area C of the occupied West Bank” (Index:
MDE 15/1430/2015), 9 April 2015, amnesty.org/en/documents/mde15/1430/2015/en
1274. OCHA, Under Threat: Demolition orders in Area C of the West Bank, 7 September 2015, ochaopt.org/content/under-threatdemolition-
orders-area-c-west-bank
1275. OCHA, “Record Number of Demolitions, including Self-Demolitions, in East Jerusalem in April 2019”, 14 May 2019, ochaopt.org/
content/record-number-demolitions-including-self-demolitions-east-jerusalem-april-2019
1276. See, for example, HaMoked, The Punitive Demolition of Homes, hamoked.org//timeline.aspx?pageID=timelinehousedemolitions
(accessed on 30 August 2021); Al-Haq, Israel’s Punitive House Demolition Policy: Collective Punishment in Violation of International Law,
19 July 2011, alhaq.org/publications/8101.html
1 January 2009 and 12 August 2020, Israeli authorities demolished or seized 5,339 structures over the lack
of building permits and as a result 7,548 people were displaced.1270
In the case of unlicensed building, Israeli authorities have consistently maintained that the demolition of
Palestinian houses is based on planning considerations and carried out in accordance with the applicable
law. When Palestinians build houses illegally (because they cannot obtain planning and building permits),1271
the houses are destroyed. However, Israeli officials have discriminated in the application of planning laws
and policies in the Negev/Naqab in Israel, East Jerusalem and Area C of the West Bank. They strictly
enforce planning prohibitions where Palestinian houses are built and freely allow amendments to plans to
promote development where Israeli authorities are setting up Jewish cities in Israel or Israeli settlements
in the OPT.1272 For instance, the Israeli Civil Administration has enforced sanctions against construction
without permits in Area C of the occupied West Bank in a discriminatory manner, issuing demolition orders
against thousands of Palestinian homes and other structures, but issuing them less often in relation to
structures built without permits by Israeli settlers.1273 For example, between 1988 and 2014, the Israeli Civil
Administration issued 14,087 demolition orders against Palestinian structures in Area C and executed nearly
20% of them. In the same period, it issued 6,948 demolition orders against structures in Israeli settlements,
and executed 12% of them.1274
Forced evictions and demolitions are usually carried out by demolition crews, accompanied by security
officials, who may arrive at any time, giving families little notice or opportunity to remove their possessions.
Recent years have shown a spike in the rate of “self-demolitions”.1275
Israel carries out its policy of home and structure demolitions based on the lack of building permits in the
context of other discriminatory laws and policies it applies to Palestinians. Some of these laws relate to the
planning and building regimes, such as the refusal to connect these communities to water and sanitation
networks or electricity grids, or provide them with schools or healthcare centres, thereby precluding
Palestinians from meaningfully exercising their rights to livelihood, adequate housing and residence. Other
policies are designed and relate to maintaining a regime of domination over Palestinians, such as Israel’s
severe restrictions on movement in the OPT, its declaration of adjacent lands as closed military areas or
“firing zones”, its expansion of settlements and its failure to protect the Palestinian population against Israeli
settlers’ attacks and intimidation. Together, these policies create a coercive environment with the aim of
forcing Palestinians in these communities to leave their homes to ensure a Jewish demographic majority
and retain Israeli control over these areas and allow for the creation and expansion of Jewish localities and
settlements, as shown above. Many Palestinians from East Jerusalem and Area C of the West Bank have left
their homes to areas adjacent to their original homes or to areas under the nominal administrative control of
the Palestinian authorities.
Within the OPT, Israel has also pursued other policies that have resulted in systematic punitive home
demolitions. Since 1967, Israel has been punitively demolishing homes of families of Palestinians suspected
or convicted of attacks against Israeli soldiers or civilians across the OPT or in Israel, regardless of whether
they are the owners of the property or not.1276 Israel’s military claims that the policy is carried out for
security and military purposes to deter other attacks, yet it stopped using the policy for lack of evidence
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1277. Israel relies on Regulation 119(1) of the Defence (emergency) Regulations of 1945, enacted during the British Mandate of Palestine, to carry
out punitive home demolitions: HaMoked, “Regulation 119 of the Defence (Emergency) Regulations, 1945”, hamoked.org/files/2015/2204_eng.pdf
1278. HCJ, Qawasmeh and Others v. Military Commander of the West Bank Area, Case HCJ 5290/14, HCJ 5295/14, HCJ 5300/14,
judgment, 7 August 2014, available at hamoked.org/files/2014/1158616_eng.pdf
1279. Fourth Geneva Convention, Article 33(1): “No protected person may be punished for an offence he or she has not personally committed.
Collective penalties and likewise all measures of intimidation or of terrorism are prohibited… Reprisals against protected persons and their
property are prohibited”. On punitive home demolitions in the OPT, see, for example, HaMoked, “The Punitive Demolition of Homes”, hamoked.
org//timeline.aspx?pageID=timelinehousedemolitions; B’Tselem, “Massive collective punishment: homes of 149 Palestinians suspected of no
wrongdoing demolished since Oct. 2015; hundreds more under threat”, 21 April 2016, btselem.org/punitive_demolitions/20160421_149_left_
homless_hundreds_threatened; OHCHR, “Palestinian homes must cease to be a target, UN human rights experts say”, 25 November 2014,
ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=15340&LangID=E; Amnesty International, “Israel/OPT: Israel Resumes Punitive
House Demolitions” (Index: MDE 15/035/2014), 21 November 2014, amnesty.org/en/documents/mde15/035/2014/en
1280. B’Tselem, House Demolitions: Demolition of houses as punishment, statistics.btselem.org/en/demolitions/demolition-as-punishment
(accessed on 30 August 2021).
1281. See, for example, Amnesty International, Israel/Gaza: Operation ‘Cast Lead’: 22 days of death and destruction (Index: MDE
15/015/2009), 2 July 2009, amnesty.org/en/documents/MDE15/015/2009/en; Amnesty International, Families Under the Rubble: Israeli
Attacks on Inhabited Homes (previously cited); Amnesty International, Nothing is immune: Israel’s destruction of landmark buildings in
Gaza (Index: MDE 15/029/2014), 9 December 2014, amnesty.org/en/documents/mde15/0029/2014/en; Amnesty International, Black
Friday: Carnage in Rafah during 2014 Israel/Gaza conflict (Index: MDE 15/2139/2015), 29 July 2015, amnesty.org/en/documents/
mde15/2139/2015/en
1282. Amnesty International, “Israel/OPT, Pattern of Israeli attacks on residential homes in Gaza must be investigated as war crimes”,
17 May 2021, amnesty.org/en/latest/press-release/2021/05/israelopt-pattern-of-israeli-attacks-on-residential-homes-in-gaza-must-beinvestigated-
as-war-crimes
1283. OCHA, “Occupied Palestinian Territory: Gaza Emergency Situation Report (as of 4 September 2014, 08:00 hrs)”, 4 September 2014,
ochaopt.org/sites/default/files/ocha_opt_sitrep_04_09_2014.pdf
1284. OCHA, “March Escalations in Gaza Result in More Displacement”, 14 May 2019, ochaopt.org/content/march-escalations-gaza-resultmore-
displacement
1285. OCHA, “Gaza Strip: Escalation of Hostilities as of 3 June 2021”, 6 June 2021, ochaopt.org/content/gaza-strip-escalation-hostilities-3-
june-2021; Amnesty International, “Israel/OPT: Pattern of Israeli attacks on residential homes in Gaza must be investigated as war crimes”, 17 May
2021, amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2021/05/israelopt-pattern-of-israeli-attacks-on-residential-homes-in-gaza-must-be-investigated-as-war-crimes
1286. OCHA, “Response to the escalation in the oPt: Situation Report No. 2 (28 May - 3 June 2021)”, 6 June 2021, ochaopt.org/content/
response-escalation-opt-situation-report-no-2-28-may-3-june-2021
of its effectiveness in 1998 (Israel reinstated it in 2001 during the second intifada) and in 2005 (Israel
reinstated its official use in 2014, but used it exceptionally i n 2009 to demolish a home and seal two
others in East Jerusalem).1277
The Supreme Court of Israel rubber-stamped the punitive home demolitions policy in 2014, and left
the administrative practice to be carried out at the discretion of the Military Commander, without court
supervision or proceedings.1278 However, this policy has been undoubtedly punitive in nature and
constitutes collective punishment, which is expressly prohibited under international law.1279 According to
B’Tselem, Israel punitively demolished 1,012 houses and sealed seven others between 1 January 2001
and 21 August 2020, effectively leaving 4,548 people homeless.1280
Additionally, the Israeli army has conducted several military operations in the OPT over the years,
which have also resulted in widespread home demolitions and the forced displacement of thousands
of Palestinians.1281 Some of these attacks involved air strikes deliberately targeting inhabited residential
buildings and family homes.1282 In the Gaza Strip, Israel’s military operation in 2014 destroyed or rendered
uninhabitable about 18,000 housing units and a further 37,650 housing units were damaged (see
section 5.5.1 “Suppression of Palestinians’ human development”).1283 With 485,000 people – or 28% of
Gaza’s population – displaced at the peak of the hostilities, the operation resulted in the largest internal
displacement in the OPT since 1967, leaving 108,000 people homeless, according to the UN. As of
February 2019, over 12,300 of these people were still displaced.1284 In its military operation in the Gaza
Strip between 10 and 21 May 2021, Israel destroyed or severely damaged 2,291 housing and commercial
units (see section 5.5.1 “Suppression of Palestinians’ human development”),1285 and, at the height of the
violence, over 113,000 Gazans were internally displaced.1286
The destruction of property in the OPT not justified by military necessity is also a violation of international
humanitarian law. The destruction of property by an occupying power is prohibited “except where such
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1287. Fourth Geneva Convention, Article 53.
1288. See, for example, list of grave breaches of the Fourth Geneva Convention, Article 147.
1289. Adalah, “Umm al-Hiran residents to Israeli Supreme Court: Stop demolition of our village”, 10 April 2018, adalah.org/en/content/
view/9460
1290. Adalah, Nomads Against Their Will: The attempted expulsion of the Arab Bedouin in the Naqab: The example of Atir–Umm al-Hieran,
September 2011, adalah.org/uploads/oldfiles/eng/publications/Nomads%20Against%20their%20Will%20English%20pdf%20final.pdf
1291. NCF, On the Map: the Arab Bedouin Villages in the Negev-Naqab: Umm al-Hiran, dukium.org/village/umm-alheiran (accessed on 21
August 2021).
1292. HRW, Off the Map: Land and Housing Rights Violations in Israel’s Unrecognized Bedouin Villages, 30 March 2008, hrw.org/
report/2008/03/30/map/land-and-housing-rights-violations-israels-unrecognized-bedouin-villages
1293. HRW, “Israel/Palestine: Bedouins Face Imminent Displacement: Government to Demolish Villagers’ Homes to Build Jewish Town”, 24
November 2016, hrw.org/news/2016/11/24/israel/palestine-bedouins-face-imminent-displacement
1294. HRW, “Israel/Palestine: Bedouins Face Imminent Displacement: Government to Demolish Villagers’ Homes to Build Jewish Town”
(previously cited).
1295. State of Israel, MoFA, “Behind the Headlines: Background on the Bedouin localities of Hiran in southern Israel”, 18 January 2017,
mfa.gov.il/MFA/ForeignPolicy/Issues/Pages/Background-on-the-Bedouin-localities-of-Hiran-in-southern-Israel-18-January-2017.aspx
destruction is rendered absolutely necessary by military operations”1287 – even with ample forewarning. In
fact, “extensive destruction and appropriation of property, not justified by military necessity and carried out
unlawfully and wantonly,” is a grave breach of the Fourth Geneva Convention and is a war crime.1288
The following case studies of home demolitions in Umm Al-Hiran in the Negev/Naqab, Silwan in East
Jerusalem and Khirbet Khumsa and Khan al-Ahmar in Area C of the West Bank are emblematic of Israel’s
long-standing policies towards Palestinians in Israel and the OPT. They illustrate the interplay between
discriminatory zoning and building regimes, land appropriation policies enabled by a supportive judiciary,
and the deliberate creation of a coercive environment through the denial of basic services, on the one hand,
and continued attacks and harassment by settlers and security forces, on the other – all intended to minimize
Palestinian presence and establish Jewish domination and control over specific areas of strategic importance.
UMM AL-HIRAN
Umm Al-Hiran is one of the 35 unrecognized Bedouin villages in the Negev/Naqab, located in the
north-east of the region and home to 350 Palestinians.1289 These Bedouin families were displaced from
their original land in Wadi Zubala in the western Negev/Naqab following the establishment of the State
of Israel. The original lands of the village had been purchased in 1940 by the JNF/KKL, which allocated
part of the lands to the Jewish kibbutz of Shuval, which was established in 1946.1290 In 1952, the Israeli
army seized the lands of the village and ordered the residents to leave. They were never allowed to
return and experienced expulsion twice again until their final resettlement in Umm Al-Hiran in 1956.1291
For decades, the residents of Umm Al-Hiran lived in dire socio-economic conditions and lacked basic
services, while waiting to return to their original place of residence or gain legal recognition of their
current location. However, in 2003, the National Council for Planning and Building approved the
founding of the Jewish settlement Hiran in place of the village of Umm Al-Hiran. The villagers began to
receive eviction and demolition orders the following year.1292
In 2009, Israeli authorities approved plans to use Umm Al-Hiran’s land to build a town “with institutions
intended to serve the religious Jewish community” to be named Hiran.1293 In May 2015, the Supreme
Court of Israel approved the plan and ruled that the land belongs to the state and that it is entitled to
withdraw its permission for Umm Al-Hiran inhabitants to live there.1294
After receiving demolition and eviction orders, the residents initiated legal proceedings to cancel the
orders before an Israeli magistrates’ court.1295 During the proceedings and in their briefs, the residents
raised several alternatives to the destruction of their village and their subsequent displacement. These
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1296. Adalah, Nomads Against Their Will: The attempted expulsion of the Arab Bedouin in the Naqab: The example of Atir–Umm al-Hieran,
September 2011, adalah.org/uploads/oldfiles/eng/publications/Nomads%20Against%20their%20Will%20English%20pdf%20final.pdf, p. 24.
1297. Supreme Court, Al-Qi’an and Others v. The State of Israel, Case PCA 3094/11, judgment, 5 May 2015 (an unofficial English
translation is available at versa.cardozo.yu.edu/sites/default/files/upload/opinions/Al-Qi%27an%20v.%20State.pdf).
1298. NCF, On the Map: the Arab Bedouin Villages in the Negev-Naqab: Umm al-Hiran (previously cited).
1299. Adalah, “No non-Jews allowed: New Israeli town of Hiran, to be built upon ruins of Bedouin village, is open to Jewish residents only
contrary to state’s representations before Supreme Court”, 8 August 2017, adalah.org/en/content/view/9186
1300. Forensic Architecture, “Killing in Umm al-Hiran”, investigation initiated 19 January 2019, forensic-architecture.org/investigation/
killing-in-umm-al-hiran
1301. Haaretz, “A ‘Special Problem’: How Israel Is Transplanting the Bedouins of Hiran”, 16 November 2013, haaretz.com/.premium-howbedouin-
land-is-taken-1.5290752 See also T’ruah, “Statement on JNF and OR Movement’s ‘Bedouin’ Fashion Show to Raise Money for
Towns that Discriminate Against the Bedouin”, 31 August 2917, truah.org/press/statement-on-jnf-and-or-movements-bedouin-fashionshow-
to-raise-money-for-towns-that-discriminate-against-the-bedouin; OR Movement, About Chiran, or1.org.il/english_settlements/chiran
(accessed on 30 August 2021).
1302. OR Movement, About Chiran (previously cited).
1303. OR Movement, About Chiran (previously cited).
included the legal recognition of their village in its current location instead of the building of a Jewish
locality; their village becoming part of the future Hiran locality; and their return to their original lands.
The different legal proceedings pertaining to Umm Al-Hiran and the eviction orders lasted 13 years.
Throughout the proceedings, Israeli authorities rejected all proposals and retained the legal argument
that the Bedouin were trespassers on state lands.1296
The legal proceedings ended on 5 May 2015 when the Israeli Supreme Court dismissed the petition
and ordered the eviction of the village in the same month.1297 The ruling was contingent on an
alternative housing solution for the residents. Israeli authorities proposed the nearby state-planned
township of Hura, 8km south-west of Umm Al-Hiran, as the alternative. However, this option was
not viable, as Hura was already overcrowded and suffering a serious housing shortage for its own
residents.
Meanwhile, the Israeli authorities began work on the new Jewish locality of Hiran in 2015.1298 Following
the court decision in May 2015, the Israeli authorities ploughed the agricultural fields of Umm Al-Hiran
and destroyed the crops. In January 2016, the court rejected a request to appeal its decision.
In 2017, Adalah uncovered a document from Hiran’s cooperative association’s bylaws that said its
“admissions committee” would permit the admittance of individuals to the town “if they meet the
following qualifications: a Jewish Israeli citizen or permanent resident of Israel who observes the Torah
and commandments according to Orthodox Jewish value.”1299
On 18 January 2017, the authorities began evictions. A large number of Israeli police, with bulldozers
and other special vehicles, stormed the village of Umm Al-Hiran before dawn. They encircled the area,
blocked the entry and exit of people and vehicles, and demolished eight houses, arresting and injuring
tens of residents. One resident, Ya’qub Abu Al-Qia’an, a 50-year-old teacher, was unlawfully killed (see
section 6.3.2 “Israeli policies and practices”).1300
According to the Negev Coexistence Forum for Civil Equality, some of the residents who had already
been evicted after their homes were destroyed sought to build homes and reside in Hura township.
The plan to build the Jewish community of Hiran is supported by the JNF/KKL and key NGOs, including
the OR Movement.1301 According to the OR Movement’s website, it hopes to settle up to 2,400 families,
or some 10,000 residents, in Hiran.1302 The website also states that Hiran has “received construction
approval from all institutions and authorities, and is now in the process of construction of the community
in practice.” It further states that over 30 families are currently living in a nearby town waiting to move
into Hiran once it is built.1303
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1304. For more information on settlement expansion in Silwan, see box in section 5.4.3 “Discriminatory allocation of expropriated
Palestinian land for Jewish settlement”.
1305. Amy Cohen, Director of International Relations and Advocacy, Ir Amim, email to Amnesty International, 28 May 2021, on file with
Amnesty International.
1306. The other five neighbourhoods are: Wadi al-Rababa, Batn al-Hawa, Wasat al-Balad, Wadi Qadoum and Ein al-Loza.
SILWAN
As mentioned above,1304 Silwan is a very densely populated part of East Jerusalem lying to the south of
the Old City, with 40,000 to 45,000 Palestinians1305 living in an area of merely 5.5km2. For decades, it has
been the target of home demolitions under Israel’s discriminatory policies relating to planning and building
in Jerusalem. Silwan comprises nine neighbourhoods, including Ras Al-Amoud, Wadi Yasul, Wadi Hilweh
and Al-Bustan.1306 Since the 1980s, it has seen intense levels of settler activity due to its strategic location.
A group of Palestinian
Bedouins pack their stuff
after Israeli security forces
demolished houses in the
unrecognized village of
Umm Al-Hiran village in
the Negev/Naqab region
of Israel, on 18 January
2017 © Mostafa Alkharouf
/ Anadolu Agency / Getty
Images
Bedouin women sit
next to the ruins of their
demolished houses in the
unrecognized Bedouin
village of Umm Al-Hiran, in
the Negev/Naqab region of
Israel, on 18 January 2017
© Active Stills
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1307. B’Tselem, East Jerusalem (previously cited).
1308. OCHA, Humanitarian Impact of Settlements in Palestinian Neighbourhoods of East Jerusalem: the Coercive Environment, 10 July
2018, ochaopt.org/content/humanitarian-impact-settlements-palestinian-neighbourhoods-east-jerusalem-coercive
1309. The two settlements are Ma’ale HaZeitim and Ma’alot David. Ma’ale HaZeitim was established in 1998, with a population of at
least 670 Israeli settlers. Ma’alot David was established in 2009 and has over 100 housing units; PASSIA, “Jerusalem 2008 – Chronology
of Events”, 2008, passia.org/media/filer_public/70/90/70905409-7c22-449b-8304-5d3521c051e1/chrono-j2008docx.pdf; OCHA,
Humanitarian Impact of Settlements in Palestinian Neighbourhoods of East Jerusalem: the Coercive Environment, 10 July 2018, ochaopt.
org/content/humanitarian-impact-settlements-palestinian-neighbourhoods-east-jerusalem-coercive
1310. According to the Israeli NGO Peace Now, the Israeli Ministry of Housing budget funds private security companies meant to protect
settlers’ complexes in Palestinian neighbourhoods in East Jerusalem. In recent years, the annual budget for East Jerusalem security
has been nearly NIS 100 million (USD 32.3 million). This amount is equivalent to spending NIS 3,000 (USD 968) each month on every
individual settler in these complexes. See Peace Now, Settlement Under the Guise of Tourism: The Elad Settler Organization in Silwan, 12
October 2020, peacenow.org.il/en/settlement-under-the-guise-of-tourism-the-elad-settler-organization-in-silwan See also Ir Amim, Shady
Dealings in Silwan (previously cited), p. 35.
1311. Al-Haq, House Demolitions and Forced Evictions in Silwan: Israel’s Transfer of Palestinian from Jerusalem, 26 August 2020, alhaq.
org/cached_uploads/download/2020/08/26/house-demolitions-and-forced-evictions-in-silwan-web-1598440511.pdf
1312. OCHA, Data on Demolition and Displacement in the West Bank, ochaopt.org/data/demolition (accessed on 21 August 2021).
1313. OCHA, Data on Demolition and Displacement in the West Bank, ochaopt.org/data/demolition (accessed on 21 August 2021).
1314. Approximately 22% of East Jerusalem is zoned as “green areas” where Palestinian construction is strictly forbidden. The zoning of
green areas has long been a common practice by Israeli authorities to stop legal Palestinian development and expansion in areas where the
state plans to build or expand Jewish-only settlements. Israeli zoning laws allow municipal authorities to zone any un-expropriated land as
a “green area”. This effectively bars Palestinian development in these areas as Palestinian residents are forbidden from building on “green
areas”. However, these areas are often re-zoned for Jewish settlement construction as well as for the construction of Jewish national or
historical parks. See ICAHD, Israel/Occupied Palestinian Territory Briefing to the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights:
47th Session, November 2011, tbinternet.ohchr.org/Treaties/CESCR/Shared%20Documents/ISR/INT_CESCR_NGO_ISR_47_9138_E.pdf;
Civic Coalition for Palestinian Rights in Jerusalem, Coalition for Jerusalem, Society of St. Yves, Catholic Center for Human Rights, Occupied
East Jerusalem: De-Palestinization and Forcible Transfer of Palestinians: a Situation of Systematic Breaches of State Obligations under
the ICCPR, 2014, tbinternet.ohchr.org/Treaties/CCPR/Shared%20Documents/ISR/INT_CCPR_CSS_ISR_18169_E.pdf; NRC, Wadi Yasul -
Silwan, East Jerusalem: NRC Displacement Monitoring Map, July 2020, nrc.no/global-figures
The increase in the Palestinian population over the decades and the impediments precluding any
development create unbearable living conditions that amount to a coercive environment. Coupled
with this, Israeli authorities have historically neglected Palestinian neighbourhoods in East Jerusalem,
deliberately avoiding investing in infrastructure and services, including roads, pavements, water and
sewerage systems, schools and cultural institutions (see sections 5.5.1 “Suppression of Palestinians’
human development” and 5.5.3 “Discriminatory provision of services”).1307
Israel has been moving its citizens into the neighbourhood since the 1980s.1308 Several hundred
settlers live inside enclaves in Wadi Hilweh and Batn Al-Hawa within heavily protected settlement
compounds.1309 The expansion of settlements in Silwan is led by two settler organizations – Elad and
Ateret Cohanim – with support, funding and protection from Israeli authorities. Palestinians do not
receive the same.1310 As outlined above, these two organizations work to displace Palestinian families
living in East Jerusalem through the Custodian of Absentee Property in order to hand over their homes to
Jewish settlers, and have initiated scores of eviction claims against Palestinians in the area.
The deliberate refusal to approve zoning plans for Silwan has made it virtually impossible for Palestinian
residents to obtain building permits. Over the years, hundreds of Palestinian homes that were
consequently built without a permit have been demolished or expropriated.1311 According to OCHA,
between January 2009 and July 2021, Israeli authorities demolished 164 structures in the Silwan
neighbourhood, resulting in the forced displacement of least 260 Palestinian residents, including 186
children.1312 More than 66% of these demolitions happened in the last four years, with 17 demolitions
taking place in 2020 alone.1313 Today, there are over 2,000 Palestinian residents of Silwan who are at
imminent risk of forcible transfer as a result of demolition orders.
In the neighbourhood of Wadi Yasul, 44 residential structures are threatened with demolition owing to
the entire area’s designation by the Jerusalem Municipality as a “green zone”,1314 an area designated for
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1315. Since the 1970s Wadi Yasul has been designated a “green area” placing dozens of Palestinian families living there at risk of
imminent demolition. See OCHA, “Wadi Yasul: a Community at Risk of Mass Displacement”, 20 June 2019, ochaopt.org/content/wadiyasul-
community-risk-mass-displacement See also Ir Amim, “Demolitions in Wadi Yasul Symbolize Politically Motivated Discrimination in
Planning”, 17 April 2019, altro.co.il/newsletters/show/11451?key=997885aa275954e6cf8be03604b1ba0a&value=18d95e8e03b04e0d28d
46e55d3db53b3290303ee:1319409
1316. OCHA, “Wadi Yasul: a Community at Risk of Mass Displacement”, 20 June 2019, ochaopt.org/content/wadi-yasul-community-riskmass-
displacement
1317. Ir Amim, The Giant’s Garden (previously cited).
1318. Al-Haq, Parallel Report to the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights on the Occasion of the Consideration of the
Third Periodic Report of Israel, 1 September 2011, tbinternet.ohchr.org/Treaties/CESCR/Shared%20Documents/ISR/INT_CESCR_NGO_
ISR_47_9141_E.pdf; and Ir Amim, The Giant’s Garden (previously cited).
1319. See section 5.3.2 “East Jerusalem”.
1320. B’Tselem, Al-Bustan Neighborhood – Garden of the King, 16 September 2014, btselem.org/jerusalem/national_parks_al_bustan_
garden_of_the_king (accessed on 29 August 2021); ACRI, “East Jerusalem Facts and Figures 2017”, updated on 24 May 2017, law.acri.
org.il/en/2017/05/24/east-jerusalem-facts-and-figures-2017
1321. Al-Haq, House Demolitions and Forced Evictions in Silwan: Israel’s Transfer of Palestinians from Jerusalem, 26 August 2020, alhaq.
org/cached_uploads/download/2020/08/26/house-demolitions-and-forced-evictions-in-silwan-web-1598440511.pdf, p. 33.
1322. In 2009, Israeli authorities rejected residents’ proposed plan to change Al-Bustan from a “green zone” to a “residential zone”. In
June 2010, the local planning committee pushed the King’s Garden plan without discussing it with the residents. Residents initiated legal
proceedings before the Jerusalem District Court to review that decision. In January 2011, the District Court dismissed their claim and in
June 2012 the Supreme Court upheld the District Court’s decision. See NRC, “Case Summary: Al Bustan – Silwan, East Jerusalem”, 12
April 2021, on file with Amnesty International.
1323. Ir Amim, “Reignited Plan For ‘King’s Garden’ Park Threatens To Displace Over 1000 Palestinians From Al Bustan, Silwan”, 25 March
2021, ir-amim.org.il/en/node/2627
public and not residential development. As a result, since 1977, Wadi Yasul’s 500 residents have been
unable to acquire proper building permits leaving their homes at risk of demolition.1315
For years, residents submitted alternative local outline plans requesting to re-zone Wadi Yasul as a
residential area. However, Israeli authorities rejected multiple versions of the plans on the grounds that
they differed from the city’s future plans, which designate the area as a “green zone”.1316 On 3 February
2020, the community appealed to the Jerusalem District Court over the continuous rejection of their
plans. A hearing was scheduled on 31 May 2020. However, the residents of Wadi Yasul agreed with the
Israeli authorities to postpone the final court hearing until December 2020 to allow the community to
meet the Jerusalem District Planning Committee to try and reach an agreement on the plans. The fate
of the majority of the structures in Wadi Yasul was thus tied to the outcome and decision of the District
Planning Committee on the proposed plan by the community.
Meanwhile, in June 2010, Elad, with government backing, published plans to expand the area
designated for tourism into Silwan, to create an area called the King’s Garden.1317 This would mean
the demolition of 88 Palestinian homes in the Al-Bustan neighbourhood and the forced eviction of
more than 1,500 people.1318 To justify this, in 2015 the Jerusalem Municipality told the Palestinian
community that all the houses in Al-Bustan had been built illegally. Yet, like other Palestinian areas in
East Jerusalem (and Area C of the West Bank), the discriminatory planning regime meant that residents
of Al-Bustan had had no choice but to build or extend homes without a permit.1319 In the meantime,
the municipality imposed fines on the homeowners, who were already living in dire poverty.1320 In 2017,
16 of the homes in Al-Bustan, housing at least 118 individuals, received demolition orders, placing
them at imminent risk of demolition.1321 Residents of Al-Bustan began to prepare an alternative plan in
order to retroactively legalize the homes with demolition orders. Israeli authorities had rejected previous
plans by Al-Bustan residents.1322 A freeze on the demolition of the 16 threatened homes was granted by
court order from June to October 2020. The community continued to send extension requests as they
prepared their alternative plan for the area. In late February 2021, the Jerusalem Municipality submitted
an objection to the community’s requests to freeze the demolition orders and asked the municipal court
to authorize demolition.1323 On 29 June 2021, Israeli authorities demolished a butcher’s shop owned
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1324. NRC, “Israeli authorities demolish shop in Silwan, 15 families at imminent risk”, 29 June 2021, nrc.no/news/2021/june/israeliauthorities-
demolish-shop-in-silwan-15-families-at-imminent-risk
1325. Reuters, “Police, Palestinians clash as Israel begins demolition in Jerusalem’s Silwan”, 29 June 2021, reuters.com/world/middle-east/
police-palestinians-clash-israel-begins-demolition-jerusalems-silwan-2021-06-29
1326. Amnesty International, interview by voice call with Mohammed Al-Rajabi, 16 October 2020.
1327. Bimkom and Ir Amim, Making Bricks Without Straw: The Jerusalem Municipality’s New Planning Policy for East Jerusalem, 1 January
2010, ir-amim.org.il/en/report/making-bricks-without-straw-jerusalem-municipality%E2%80%99s-new-planning-policy-east-jerusalem
1328. Ir Amim, Shady Dealings in Silwan (previously cited), p. 18.
1329. Settlers are accompanied by security guards from the Housing and Construction Ministry when entering and leaving the vicinity;
Haaretz, “Number of Jewish Silwan Residents Doubles in Overnight Mission”, 1 October 2018, haaretz.com/.premium-dozens-of-settlersmove-
to-silwan-1.5317563
by the Al-Rajabi family in Al-Bustan.1324 At least 13 Palestinians were injured as authorities dispersed
protesters during the demolition.1325
Mohammed Al-Rajabi, a resident of Al-Bustan whose home was demolished by Israeli authorities on 23
June 2020, described to Amnesty International the devastating effects of the demolition on his family:
I lived in the house for two months before it was demolished. I mean we were dealing with a
pandemic spreading, and normally these things take time but with us it went down really quick.
They had court orders to demolish my house within weeks of me starting to construct my house.
And since my house was in the middle of a crowded area and impossible to demolish with a
bulldozer they used a machine saw to cut my house in half… anything to make it uninhabitable.
I know that this could have been avoided if I’d got a building permit, but it’s impossible. This could
not have been avoided; it’s as if it’s been designed this way and there is no exit. My house was
going to be demolished in all cases, no matter what I do.
The municipality is asking me to pay them for the demolition also. They need NIS 100,000 [USD
32,258] to cover the expenses of my demolition. They even said that the cost is this high because
it took more manpower to accomplish than regular demolitions with machinery and bulldozers.
This is extremely hard to deal with. It might be difficult to put into words… and I sensed that it was
harder on my kids than on us. They were really excited for us to have this new home. I’m going
to keep the photos from that day and show them to my children when they grow up, so they do
not forget what happened to us. I will tell them: “You see what kind of memories I have to pass on
to you?” My plan was for them to have a warm family home close to their loved ones and family
members. Now I’m passing on the memories of their first childhood home being destroyed.1326
Israeli authorities also systematically discriminate in the enforcement of building laws against
Palestinians in Silwan, and fail to enforce the same laws or issue demolition orders against illegally
constructed structures in Israeli settlements in the area. For example, according to Bimkom, the
Israeli authorities failed to vacate the seven-storey building known as Beit Yehonatan, which the settler
group Ateret Cohanim built in 2002 without a permit on an 800m2 plot in Al-Bustan.1327 In 2007, a
court ordered the building to be sealed and vacated, but to date the municipal authorities have not
implemented the order.1328
The expansion of settlement compounds in Silwan, along with an increased presence of Israeli security
forces and private security guards to protect them, has led to rising tensions among residents,1329
which contributes to creating a coercive environment. This has led to many reported security incidents
in Silwan involving children, who are often accused of throwing stones at Israeli settlers and security
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1330. According to the UN there have been more than 560 cases of detention of children in Silwan since 2012. See OCHA, “Humanitarian
Impact of Settlements in Palestinian Neighbourhoods of East Jerusalem: the Coercive Environment”, 10 July 2018, ochaopt.org/content/
humanitarian-impact-settlements-palestinian-neighbourhoods-east-jerusalem-coercive
1331. Amnesty International, interview in person with resident of Silwan, 4 August 2018, Silwan.
1332. Amnesty International, Trigger-Happy: Israel’s Use of Excessive Force in the West Bank (previously cited); HRW, “Israel: Security
Forces Abuse Palestinian Children”, 19 July 2015, hrw.org/news/2015/07/19/israel-security-forces-abuse-palestinian-children
1333. B’Tselem, The Jordan Valley (previously cited).
personnel. Many children have been arrested.1330 For example, a 17-year-old boy told Amnesty
International in August 2018 that he had been detained three times. “There’s not one kid you see in the
streets who hasn’t at least been arrested once in this neighbourhood,” he said.1331
Arrests often lead to other forms of abuse. Over the years, Amnesty International and other organizations
have documented how Israeli security forces have used unnecessary force to arrest or detain Palestinian
children in East Jerusalem and elsewhere in the OPT.1332
Palestinian residents stand by the rubble of a shop demolished by Israeli authorities in the Silwan neighbourhood of occupied East
Jerusalem, on 29 June 2021 © Ahmad Gharabli / AFP via Getty Images
In Area C of the West Bank, Palestinian communities in the Jordan Valley have been repeatedly targeted
for demolition. According to B’Tselem, the Israeli Civil Administration demolished at least 698 Palestinian
residential units in the Jordan Valley between January 2006 and September 2017. The demolished
structures were home to at least 2,948 Palestinians, at least 1,334 of whom were children. Of these, 783
Palestinians, including 386 children, had their homes demolished at least twice. From January 2012
to September 2017, the Civil Administration additionally demolished at least 806 non-residential units,
including agricultural structures.1333
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1334. Peace Now, Settlements Map, Khirbet Humsa, peacenow.org.il/en/settlements/settlement738-en (accessed on 30 August 2021).
1335. Amnesty International, Israel/Occupied Territories: House Demolition/Forced Eviction (Index: MDE 15/029/2007), 27 April 2007,
amnesty.org/en/documents/mde15/029/2007/en; Amnesty International, “Israeli army destroys Palestinian homes”, 14 February
2008, amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2008/02/israeli-army-destroys-palestinian-homes-20080214; Amnesty International, “Palestinian
homes demolished without warning”, 11 March 2008, amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2008/03/palestinian-homes-demolished-withoutwarning-
20080311; Amnesty International, “Palestinian homes at risk in occupied West Bank”, 8 June 2009, amnesty.org/en/latest/
news/2009/06/palestinian-homes-risk-occupied-west-bank-20090608; Amnesty International, Thirsting for Justice: Palestinian Access
to Water Restricted (Index: MDE 15/028/2009), 27 October 2009, amnesty.org/en/documents/MDE15/028/2009/en, p. 5; Amnesty
International, “Israel/Occupied Palestinian Territories: Families Without Homes Following Demolition” (Index: MDE 15/028/2011), 22
June 2011, amnesty.org/en/documents/mde15/028/2011/en; Amnesty International, “Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories:
Further Information: Israeli Army Destroys Homes for Sixth Time” (Index: MDE 15/012/2013), 8 July 2013, amnesty.org/en/documents/
mde15/012/2013/en
1336. Amnesty International, Troubled Waters: Palestinians Denied Fair Access to Water (previously cited), p. 46.
1337. Kerem Navot, A Locked Green: Declaration of closed areas in the West Bank, March 2015, f35bf8a1-b11c-4b7a-ba04-05c1ffae0108.
filesusr.com/ugd/cdb1a7_5d1ee4627ac84dca83419aebf4fad17d.pdf, p. 43.
1338. Kerem Navot, A Locked Green (previously cited), p. 69; ICBS, “Population in localities, by population group, end of 2019” (previously
cited).
1339. Kerem Navot, A Locked Green (previously cited), p. 67.
1340. Kerem Navot, A Locked Green (previously cited), p. 64.
1341. Ma’an Development Center, Cultivating Dispossession: Israeli Settlements in the Jordan Valley, 2013, palestina-komitee.nl/wp-content/
uploads/2017/11/3-Cultivating-Dispossession-Israel-Settlements-in-the-Jordan-Valley-Maan-Development-Center-2013A-1.pdf, p. 13.
AREA C OF WEST BANK
Khirbet Humsa
Khirbet Humsa, a Palestinian village of approximately 177 residents, is located in the northern
Jordan Valley on land leased from the Palestinian city of Tubas in the north of the West Bank.1334 The
community earn their living as shepherds and farmers. The Israeli settlements of Ro’i, Beka’ot and
Hemdat surround the village.
Since 2007, Amnesty International has been documenting Israeli violations against residents of
Khirbet Humsa, including multiple demolition incidents and denial of water as means of expulsion.1335
Palestinians living in Khirbet Humsa and other similar communities are among the most economically
marginalized in the OPT. They face harsh winters and summer heat exceeding 400C, and recently the
Covid-19 pandemic, without access to adequate health facilities. The constant eviction of residents has
had a devastating economic and social impact, as well as taking a psychological toll on the residents.
Residents of Khirbet Humsa fear that army bulldozers may return at any time to destroy their homes.
Israeli authorities prevent Palestinian residents of Khirbet Humsa from connecting to electricity or
water grids or drilling new wells in the area. The community obtains its water by travelling and filling
a water tanker at the Ain Shibli spring, 15km away.1336 Since 1972, the land of Khirbet Humsa has
been designated as a “firing zone”, which prohibits Palestinian construction and is often used as an
instrument for mass expulsion of Palestinian Bedouins, especially those living in Area C.1337
Some 12km north-east of Khirbet Humsa lies the Israeli settlement of Hemdat, which was established
in 1997 and has a population of 296 Israeli settlers.1338 In 1999, Israeli authorities introduced an
amendment to the military order regarding Firing Zone 903, which adjusted the borders of the zone
to allow an enclave outside it for the settlement of Hemdat.1339 The redrawing of the borders privileged
Jewish Israeli settlers, allowing them to live freely in the firing zone.
Analysis of these military zones illustrates that – rather than serving a “military need” – their purpose is
to drastically reduce the ability of Palestinians to use the land while transferring as much of the land as
possible to Israeli settlers.1340 The settlement of Hemdat has large homes and, like other settlements,
is connected to the Israeli water and electricity grids. The settlement harvests dates and flowers. The
Jewish settlers have a per capita water usage of 172 litres per day.1341
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1342. OCHA, “West Bank witnesses largest demolition in years”, 4 November 2020, ochaopt.org/content/west-bank-witnesses-largestdemolition-
years; OCHA, “Occupied Palestinian Territory (oPt): Flash Update #1 Humsa - Al Bqai’a”, 5 February 2021, ochaopt.org/content/
humsa-al-bqaia-flash-update-1
1343. OHCHR, “UN experts condemn Israel’s demolition of houses in Palestinian Bedouin community”, 19 November 2020, ohchr.org/EN/
HRBodies/HRC/Pages/NewsDetail.aspx?NewsID=26522&LangID=E
1344. Amnesty International, interview by voice call with Nitham Abu Kbash, 23 March 2021.
1345. See OCHA, “West Bank witnesses largest demolition in years”, 4 November 2020, ochaopt.org/content/west-bank-witnesses-largestdemolition-
years; OCHA, “Occupied Palestinian Territory (oPt): Flash Update #1 Humsa - Al Bqai’a”, 5 February 2021, ochaopt.org/content/
humsa-al-bqaia-flash-update-1; OCHA, “Occupied Palestinian Territory (oPt): Flash Update #2 Humsa - Al Bqai’a”, 11 February 2021,
ochaopt.org/content/humsa-al-bqaia-flash-update-2; OCHA, “Occupied Palestinian Territory (oPt): Flash Update #3 Humsa - Al Bqai’a”, 17
February 2021, ochaopt.org/content/humsa-al-bqaia-flash-update-3; OCHA, “Occupied Palestinian Territory (oPt): Flash Update #5 Humsa
- Al Bqai’a”, 25 February 2021, un.org/unispal/document/humsa-al-bqaia-village-ocha-occupied-palestinian-territory-opt-flash-update-5
1346. OCHA, West Bank witnesses largest demolition in years, 4 November 2020, ochaopt.org/content/west-bank-witnesses-largestdemolition-
years; OCHA, Occupied Palestinian Territory (oPt): Flash Update #1 Humsa - Al Bqai’a, 5 February 2021, ochaopt.org/content/
humsa-al-bqaia-flash-update-1
1347. Amnesty International, interview by voice call with Nitham Abu Kbash, 23 March 2021.
On 3 November 2020, Israeli forces entered the herder community of Khirbet Humsa and demolished
or confiscated 29 residential and livelihood structures, displacing 73 people, including 41 children,
in what was the largest forced displacement incident recorded in recent years.1342 The Israeli Civil
Administration followed through with the demolitions, stating that the living structures were built illegally
in a firing zone.1343 The first tent confiscated was the home of Nitham Abu Kbash, a herder and father of
three. His residential structure was confiscated a further five times in February 2021. He told Amnesty
International:
Having lived my whole life in [Khirbet] Humsa, I have never seen it like this before. The army is
trying every single way to get rid of us. God knows how we are still here. Never did we have to deal
with what we went through [in November] last year, where every few days they would come and
demolish our homes. I know they are trying to use Humsa as an example, because if they succeed
in displacing us it can be a model for them to use elsewhere. I know the Israelis are choosing to do
their demolition campaigns during the winter, during the hardest part of the year because we are
most vulnerable. They know how hard it is to survive during the winters in the Jordan Valley. They
probably never thought we would remain resilient – that we would stay.1344
Between November 2020 and July 2021, Israeli authorities demolished or confiscated at least 210
residential and livelihood structures, displacing at least 392 residents, including 227 children.1345
Five out of six of these demolitions took place during February 2021. Many of these structures were
donated to the residents of Khirbet Humsa as part of a humanitarian response to the community’s
vulnerability to the Covid-19 pandemic as well as the severe winter conditions in the northern Jordan
Valley. Many of the residents faced repeated demolitions of their homes and livelihood structures,
sometimes only days after rebuilding them after a previous demolition or confiscation.
During demolitions on 1 February, COGAT informed the community that they must relocate to a site near
the village of Ain Shibli where their confiscated structures would be returned.1346 Nitham Abu Kbash
described the psychological impact of these demolitions on his children:
The main virus our community faces is the Israeli army, not Covid-19. My kids are always scared;
we are all always scared. When the army comes in and your children are terrorized and crying and
outside in the pouring rain, I promise you, there is no human being on this earth that is meant
to be able to handle that. The only way to describe it is as a tragedy. And what are we supposed
to do? We don’t have anywhere to go. Even when the international community, including the EU,
came to Humsa for solidarity, the army came in and confiscated our tents in front of diplomats
and EU representatives. At first we were happy that the EU came; we thought we would be safe,
that they would be able to stop the demolitions. But we were wrong; no one can protect us.1347
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1348. Amnesty International, interview by voice call with Nitham Abu Kbash, 23 March 2021.
1349. Amnesty International, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories: Stop the transfer: Israel about to expel Bedouin to expand
settlements (Index: MDE 15/001/2012), 8 February 2012, amnesty.org/en/documents/mde15/001/2012/en
1350. Jahalin Solidarity, “Bedouin Palestine Refugees: the Jahalin Tribe in the Eastern Jerusalem Periphery”, 2012, jahalin.org/wp-content/
uploads/2012/01/Factsheet-Jahalin-Tribe-1.pdf
The evictions in Khirbet Humsa hinder the community’s ability to have an adequate livelihood as their
livelihood structures for livestock are often demolished or confiscated as well. Nitham Abu Kbash said:
Because of the demolitions I have had some of my sheep die from the conditions outside when
they confiscated the tent where they live. Other times we didn’t have water to give them after they
confiscated our water tanks. What did my sheep do to deserve to die? My family survives off our
livestock; it is our only means of living. I ask anyone with a conscience to pressure the Israelis to
do one thing: to stop the demolitions and to allow us to live our life and to tend to our animals. We
are not asking for much.1348
Jahalin of Khan Al-Ahmar
The Jahalin Bedouin communities currently residing in the West Bank originate from the Tel Arad area
in the Negev/Naqab. In the 1950s, Israeli authorities forcibly displaced the Jahalin tribe from their
original lands. They subsequently moved to the West Bank and continued their traditional pastoral way
of life and established seasonal migration paths between Jerusalem and Jericho until they settled in
and around the eastern periphery of Jerusalem on lands leased from Palestinian landowners in the area
(primarily in Abu Dis, Al-Ezariyeh, Anata, Al-Tur and Al-Issawiyya).1349 In mid-1951, they registered as
Palestinian refugees with UNRWA and they are currently the largest Bedouin tribe among Palestinian
refugees in the West Bank.1350
Residents of the Khirbet Humsa community in the Jordan Valley region of the occupied West Bank collect some of their belongings that
were earlier confiscated and dumped in the area of Ein Shibli by Israeli forces, on 8 July 2021 © Active Stills
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1351. OCHA, “Tightening of coercive environment on Bedouin communities around Ma’ale Adumim settlement”, 11 March 2017, ochaopt.
org/content/tightening-coercive-environment-bedouin-communities-around-ma-ale-adumim-settlement
1352. B’Tselem, Ma’ale Adumim Area, 16 November 2013 (updated on 18 May 2014), btselem.org/maale_adumim_area (accessed on 30
August 2021), “Communities Facing Expulsion”.
1353. OCHA, “46 Bedouin Communities at Risk of Forcible Transfer in the Central West Bank: A Vulnerability Profile”, 2017, ochaopt.org/
page/46-bedouin-communities-risk-forcible-transfer-central-west-bank-vulnerability-profile (accessed on 26 August 2021).
1354. Amnesty International, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories: Stop the transfer: Israel about to expel Bedouin to expand
settlements (previously cited).
1355. Peace Now, Ma’ale Adumim, peacenow.org.il/en/settlements/settlement70-en (accessed on 26 August 2021).
1356. Peace Now, Kfar Adumim, peacenow.org.il/en/settlements/settlement56-en (accessed on 26 August 2021).
1357. Peace Now, Keidar, peacenow.org.il/en/settlements/settlement114-en (accessed on 26 August 2021).
1358. Times of Israel, “Netanyahu to initially annex 3 settlement blocs, not Jordan Valley – officials”, 10 June 2020, timesofisrael.com/
netanyahu-to-initially-annex-3-settlement-blocs-not-jordan-valley-officials
1359. B’Tselem, Ma’ale Adumim Area, 16 November 2013 (updated on 18 May 2014), btselem.org/maale_adumim_area (accessed on 30
August 2021), “Communities Facing Expulsion”.
There are currently 18 Bedouin communities that belong to the Jahalin tribe who live in and around
the eastern periphery of Jerusalem,1351 totalling more than 3,000 people, half of whom are children.1352
These communities belong to the larger group of 46 Bedouin communities in the central West Bank who
are at “a high risk” of forcible transfer by Israeli authorities, according to the UN.1353
Since 1967, the Israeli military has restricted vast expanses of the Jahalin’s grazing land by declaring
them military zones or nature reserves, confiscating land for building settlements and prohibiting the
Bedouin from using them. As a result, the Jahalin’s seasonal movement and traditional way of life
became impossible and they were forced to settle in small encampments in the eastern periphery of
Jerusalem and south of the West Bank. These areas were subsequently designated as Area C, where the
Israeli military retains full control of all civilian affairs, including planning and zoning.1354
In 1975, Israel expropriated 30,000 dunams (3,000 hectares) of the area where the Jahalin lived to
build the Ma’ale Adumim settlement. This is currently the third most populous Israeli settlement in the
West Bank with nearly 40,000 settlers.1355 In the following years, Israel expropriated yet more land,
began constructing Ma’ale Adumim, and established the Mishor Adumim industrial zone and the
settlements of Kfar Adumim, now with a population of over 4,300 Israeli settlers,1356 and Kedar, with
around 1,500 settlers.1357
In the 1990s, the area became particularly significant due to Israel’s plan to annex the settlements and
connect them to Jerusalem, known as the E1 (an abbreviation of East 1) plan. The E1 plan envisages
the expansion of around 4,000 housing units, hotels, an industrial area and a large Israeli border
police station to serve as the border police headquarters for the West Bank area. The police station was
officially opened in 2008 and much of the infrastructure is already in place. The E1 plan has not been
fully implemented by successive Israeli governments due to international opposition, mainly from the
EU and the US government. If implemented, the plan will effectively cut the geographic contiguity of the
West Bank, with a solid line of Israeli settlements dividing the northern and southern parts of the West
Bank. The E1 plan will also prevent development of the Palestinian neighbourhoods of Al-Tur and Al-
Issawiyya in East Jerusalem.
In 2004, the construction of the fence/wall in the area began, cutting off the Jahalin Bedouins from
Jerusalem. Along with the expansion of settlements, the fence/wall enclaved the Jahalin in the area and
placed them under further threat of forced displacement. When the Israeli government announced its
annexation plans in May 2020, it stated that it was highly likely to annex the Ma’ale Adumim settlements’
bloc to Israel.1358
As a result of the establishment and expansion of settlements, the Jahalin Bedouins in the area were
forcibly displaced and their homes demolished by Israeli authorities in 1994, 1997 and 1998.1359 Since
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1360. Amnesty International, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories: Stop the transfer: Israel about to expel Bedouin to expand
settlements (previously cited).
1361. OCHA, “UN officials call on Israel to abandon plans to demolish and transfer Khan al Ahmar – Abu al Helu community”, 1 June
2018, ochaopt.org/content/un-officials-call-israel-abandon-plans-demolish-and-transfer-khan-al-ahmar-abu-al-helu
1362. Amnesty International, “Israel/OPT: Israeli court approves a war crime by ruling in favour of demolishing the entire village of Khan
al-Ahmar”, 5 September 2018, amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2018/09/israel-opt-israeli-court-approves-a-war-crime-by-ruling-in-favour-ofdemolishing-
the-entire-village-of-khan-al-ahmar
1363. HCJ, Eid Hamis Jahalin and Others v. Minister of Defense and Others, Case HCJ 3287/16, judgment, 25 April 2018 (an unofficial
English translation is available at btselem.org/sites/default/files/2018-06/20180524_hcj_ruling_3287_16_khan_al_ahmar_eng.pdf).
1364. Haaretz, “Israel to Build 92 New Settlement Homes Near Bedouin Village Slated for Demolition”, 30 May 2018, haaretz.com/israelnews/.
premium-israel-to-build-92-homes-in-settlement-near-condemned-bedouin-village-1.6132947
1365. Amnesty International, interview in person with Abu Khames, 6 June 2018.
2011, Israeli authorities have proposed plans to forcibly transfer all the communities in the area. These
plans, along with home demolitions and forced evictions, have worsened social and legal conditions
and increased pressure on the Jahalin to leave. The plans had not been implemented as of end of
August 2021.
Because they lack access to grazing lands in the area, many of the Bedouin communities have
abandoned their traditional way of life and currently depend on humanitarian assistance. More than half
of the communities are food insecure; none of the communities has access to the electricity grid; and
only half are connected to water networks.1360
The village of Khan Al-Ahmar is home to approximately 180 Bedouins from the Jahalin tribe, more than
half of whom are children.1361 The village has more than 160 structures, including a school, a mosque,
kitchens, animal shelters and a clinic, mostly made of corrugated metal, wood and makeshift materials
such as tyres. The Israeli settlement of Kfar Adumim is just 2km from the village.
For years, Israel has been trying to forcibly transfer the residents of Khan Al-Ahmar, to expand
settlements in the region and has issued demolition orders against every structure in the village built
without permits. Amnesty International has documented the demolitions of at least 25 homes in Khan
Al-Ahmar over the lack of building permits between 2008 and 2018.1362
On 24 May 2018, following a nine-year legal battle against the demolition orders, the Supreme Court
of Israel ruled in favour of razing the entire community and relocating Palestinian residents elsewhere,
finding “no reason to intervene in the decision of the minister of defence to implement the demolition
orders issued against the illegal structures in Khan Al-Ahmar.”1363 A few days later, the Israeli Civil
Administration approved the construction of 92 new homes for Kfar Adumim.1364 Abu Khames, the
spokesperson and a resident of the community, told Amnesty International in June 2018:
If this was an Israeli village, the court ruling would have been completely different… If a settler
house was built nearby, the Israeli Civil Administration would open an entire road for that house,
and provide it with electricity and water, but for us, we have been struggling for years to have such
essential services provided to us, and instead we get nothing other than a Supreme Court ruling
that would displace us from our land.1365
On 4 July 2018, the Israeli army attempted to forcibly evict the residents of Khan Al-Ahmar, violently
attacking them and solidarity activists. This triggered further legal action by the community in the hope
of protecting their village by petitioning the Supreme Court. On 5 September 2018, the court upheld its
decision and rejected the community’s petition. The decision to demolish an entire community in the
OPT generated wide international condemnation including by the Prosecutor of the ICC. Seemingly as a
result of this pressure, the authorities refrained from carrying out the demolitions.
This is in turn led to a petition to the Supreme Court by Israeli settler organization Regavim, which
pushed for the demolition orders to be implemented.
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1366. Amnesty International, interview by voice call with Abu Khames, 31 March 2021.
1367. Chen Maanit, “Israel ‘Inconsistent’ on Khan al-Ahmar Eviction, Top Court Says, Granting State Yet Another Extension”, Haaretz,
29 September 2021, haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-israel-inconsistent-on-khan-al-ahmar-top-court-says-granting-anotherextension-
1.10250535
1368. Rome Statute, Article 7(2)(d). See section 5.2.2 “East Jerusalem”. See section 5.2.2 “East Jerusalem”.
1369. HaMoked, “Ministry of Interior data: 40 East Jerusalem Palestinians were stripped of their permanent residency status in 2019
as part of Israel’s “quiet deportation” policy; a significant increase compared to 2018”, 28 June 2020, hamoked.org/Document.
aspx?dID=Updates2174; see section 5.2.2, “East Jerusalem”.
1370. See section 5.3.2 “East Jerusalem”.
On 29 November 2020, the Supreme Court ruled on this petition, stating that, if the residents of Khan
Al-Ahmar did not reach a settlement with the Israeli military and civil administrations, the demolition
orders would be implemented on 15 July 2021.1366 Following the ruling, the Israeli authorities asked the
court for more time to prepare plans for the implementation of the demolition order citing Covid-19 and
considerations relating to the “diplomatic-security situation”. This prompted a second petition to the
Supreme Court by Regavim. When the court scheduled a hearing on this for 6 March 2022, it criticized
the state for “inaction and feet dragging” over the demolitions.1367
Demonstrators block an Israeli army bulldozer from preparing the ground for the demolition of the Palestinian Bedouin village of Khan Al-
Ahmar in the occupied West Bank, on 4 July 2018 © Active Stills
FORCIBLE TRANSFERS AND DEPORTATIONS IN OPT
As outlined in Chapter 5, in East Jerusalem, the revocation of the permanent residency status of thousands
of Palestinians is a central and widespread Israeli policy that results in the forcible transfer of Palestinians
“without grounds permitted under international law”.1368 Between 1967 and 2019, according to the Israeli
Ministry of Interior, Israel revoked the residency status of 14,683 Palestinians from East Jerusalem, which
had the effect of forcibly transferring them out of Jerusalem unless they remained there in conflict with Israeli
law.1369 Israel pursues this policy to ensure a Jewish majority in Jerusalem, as indicated by official planning
documents developed by the Jerusalem Municipality and statements by a range of senior Israeli officials.1370
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1371. B’Tselem, Deportation of Palestinians from the Occupied Territories: The Mass Deportation of December 1992, 3 June 1993, btselem.
org/publications/summaries/199306_deportation
1372. State of Israel, MoFA, “13 Palestinian terrorists from the Church of the Nativity to be deported-10-May-2002”, 10 May 2002, mfa.gov.
il/mfa/mfa-archive/2002/pages/13%20palestinian%20terrorists%20from%20the%20church%20of%20the%20n.aspx; Midde East Monitor,
“17 years since Palestinians deported following Church of Nativity siege”, 13 May 2019, middleeastmonitor.com/20190513-17-years-sincepalestinians-
deported-following-church-of-nativity-siege
1373. OHCHR, “UN experts condemn Israel’s designation of Palestinian human rights defenders as terrorist organisations”, 25 October
2021, ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=27702&LangID=E
1374. Amnesty International, “Israel/OPT: Further Information: NGO worker’s arbitrary detention prolonged: Salah Hammouri” (Index: MDE
15/7967/2018), 8 March 2018, amnesty.org/en/documents/mde15/7967/2018/en
1375. Amnesty International, “Israel/OPT: Palestinian NGO worker released: Salah Hammouri” (Index: MDE 15/9264/2018), 25 October
2018, amnesty.org/en/documents/mde15/9264/2018/en
1376. HRW, “Israel Detains French Human Rights Worker Without Charge”, 10 December 2017, hrw.org/news/2017/12/10/israel-detainsfrench-
human-rights-worker-without-charge
1377. Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies, “Palestine: Human Rights Organisations Send Urgent Appeal to UN Special Procedures
on the Imminent Threat of Forcible Transfer/Deportation of Salah Hammouri for “Breach of Allegiance”“, 5 October 2020, cihrs.org/
human-rights-organisations-send-urgent-appeal-to-un-special-procedures-on-the-imminent-threat-of-forcible-transfer-deportation-of-salahhammouri-
for-breach-of-allegiance/?lang=en
1378. Addameer, “The Case of Salah Hammouri: Ongoing Harassment of Human Rights Defenders”, 1 March 2021, addameer.org/sites/
default/files/campaigns/salah.pdf
Additionally, between 1967 and 1992, according to B’Tselem, Israel deported 1,522 Palestinians from the OPT as
a punitive measure, often targeting opponents of Israel’s occupation and its policies.1371 Israel stopped deporting
Palestinians after 1992 with the exception of 2002, when it deported 13 Palestinians from the OPT.1372
SALAH HAMMOURI
Salah Hammouri is a French-Palestinian lawyer who lives in the neighbourhood of Kufr Aqab in East
Jerusalem. He holds a Jerusalem residency permit and works as a field researcher for Addameer, a legal
aid and prisoners’ rights NGO, which was declared – together with five other civil society groups – as a
“terrorist organization” in October 2021. UN human rights experts condemned this move as a misuse
of counterterrorism measures and a “frontal attack on the Palestinian human rights movement, and on
human rights everywhere”.1373 The Israeli authorities have persistently harassed him and violated his rights
to freedom of movement and family, his residency rights, and his right to live in his city of birth. He is at
risk of forcible deportation as the Israeli authorities have taken action to revoke his residency status.1374
Since the second intifada in 2000, Israeli authorities have detained Salah Hammouri several times,
including twice when he was placed under administrative detention – for five months in 2004 and for 13
months in 2017.1375
In 2005, he was sentenced to seven years in prison after being convicted of planning an attack on
the former Sephardi Chief Rabbi of Israel, Ovadia Yosef. Shortly before his release, the then French
minister of foreign affairs expressed regret at the fact that the Israeli authorities refused to shorten Salah
Hammouri’s sentence given the lack of strong evidence against him.1376 He was eventually released in
December 2011, three months before the end of his sentence under a prisoner exchange deal. After his
arrest, Salah Hammouri was offered a deal (negotiated by the French consulate) of being deported to
France for 10 years instead of being imprisoned, but he refused in fear of prolonged exile.
In September 2014, Israel imposed a six-month travel ban on Salah Hammouri preventing him from
entering the West Bank and hindering his progress towards achieving a degree in law from Al-Quds
University near Abu Dis in the West Bank. The ban was renewed twice for a total of 18 months. He was
only able to go back to university after the ban was lifted.1377 During the 18 months, he was also unable
to go to his workplace at Addameer in Ramallah in the West Bank.
On 3 September 2020, the Israeli Ministry of Interior notified Salah Hammouri of its intention to revoke
his permanent residency status on the grounds of “breach of allegiance” to the State of Israel.1378 He
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1379. Addameer, “Urgent Intervention: Israeli Interior Minister Ayelet Shaked Adopts Recommendations to Revoke the Permanent
Residency of HRD Salah Hammouri”, 5 July 2021, addameer.org/ar/node/4440
1380. Amnesty International, interview by voice call with Salah Hammouri, 23 March 2021; Amnesty International, “Israel/OPT: Palestinian
NGO worker released: Salah Hammouri” (previously cited).
was given 30 days to challenge this decision by submitting a written response to the Israeli interior
minister, which would later be examined ahead of a final decision. Salah Hammouri said:
The “breach of allegiance to the State of Israel” will affect my work. We [Addameer] are already
under constant inspection by the Israeli authorities for the work we do in the field of human rights,
but with this accusation of theirs, we’ll be even put under further surveillance of every activity we
do: every visit I make to meet Palestinian prisoners, every conference I attend, and briefing I join…
The scope of their accusations is so broad it could literally include anything and hinder my work –
and anyone who does such work – in defending prisoners and Palestinians’ rights… If you ask me
what’s my worst fear in all of this, it’s having to leave my country by force with no hope of being
able to come back. In a nutshell, I do not want to leave, and I refuse to be forced to do so.
On 29 June 2021, Israeli interior minister Ayelet Shaked announced the adoption of recommendations
to revoke the permanent residency of Salah Hammouri based on “breach of allegiance”, confirming her
intentions to proceed with approving the process. Israeli attorney general Avichai Mendelblit and minister
of justice Gideon Sa’ar must still approve the revocation.1379
Israeli authorities have also banned his wife, Elsa Lefort, a French national, from entering Israel and
the OPT since 5 January 2016, citing security concerns and forcing the family to live apart. They can
only see each other when Salah Hammouri visits her in France every few months.1380 The couple’s
family reunification requests to the Israeli Ministry of Interior to allow the family to live together in the
OPT have all been rejected on security grounds because Salah Hammouri was released through a
prisoner exchange deal. The most recent application for family unification was on 20 April 2021. Salah
Hammouri told Amnesty International:
As to how all of this affects me personally, I will not say this is something we get used to, but it became
rather another daily life obstacle I have to deal with – being separated from my family, this ongoing
and never-ending uncertainty and feeling uneasy all the time. This has affected my relationship with
my son, between me being here and him in France with his mother, only meeting every few months
and over video calls. And my wife is currently pregnant, and we are awaiting a newborn, and as
much as we’re excited we are also worried. Imagine my wife gives birth in France and I’m there with
her, then they do not allow me back in the country. I have family here, friends, my work, and life.
Salah Hammouri
© Addameer
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1381. See section 6.2 “Administrative detention and torture” on other policies affecting Palestinian detainees.
1382. Addameer, “Deportation as policy: Palestinian prisoners & detainees in Israeli detention”, 18 April 2016, addameer.org/publications/
deportation-policy-palestinian-prisoners-detainees-israeli-detention; Middle East Monitor, “Church of the Nativity deportees ask to be part of
Hamas-Israel prisoner swap”, 20 April 2020, middleeastmonitor.com/20200420-church-of-the-nativity-deportees-ask-to-be-part-of-hamasisrael-
prisoner-swap
1383. Addameer, “Palestinian Political Prisoners in Israeli Prisons”, June 2016, addameer.org/sites/default/files/briefings/general_briefing_
paper_-_june_2016_1.pdf
1384. Amnesty International, “Israel must end ‘unlawful and cruel’ policies towards Palestinian prisoners”, 13 April 2017, amnesty.org/en/
latest/press-release/2017/04/israel-must-end-unlawful-and-cruel-policies-towards-palestinian-prisoners
1385. See, for example, ICJ, Advisory Opinion on the Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian
Territory, advisory opinion, 9 July 2004, paras 130-4, 136-7.
In the West Bank, excluding East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip, Israel has engaged in another systematic
and widespread policy since 1967 – the forcible transfer of Palestinian detainees, including children, to
prisons inside Israel.1381 It has also transferred prisoners from the rest of the OPT to the Gaza Strip, either as
a condition of release or as a punitive measure, which also amounts to forcible transfer.1382
As outlined above (see section 5.3.4 “Use of military rule”), since 1967, Israeli security forces have arrested
over 800,000 Palestinians in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and Gaza Strip, according to an
estimate by Addameer.1383 All but one of the 17 prisons where Palestinians from the OPT are detained are
located inside of Israel in breach of Article 76 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, which states that protected
persons accused of offences should be detained in the occupied territory. This long-standing policy is not
only unlawful but also cruel and has devastating consequences for the rights of detainees to family visits in
addition to undermining their right to education. Even though the Israeli Prison Service Regulations grant all
prisoners family visits once every two weeks, Palestinians from the OPT visit much less frequently as they are
required to apply for permits to enter Israel, which are often denied on unspecified “security” grounds.1384
6.1.3 PATTERN OF INHUMAN OR INHUMANE ACTS
Across Israel and the OPT, Israeli authorities have employed a set of interrelated discriminatory policies and
practices that have directly caused the displacement and dispossession of Palestinian communities, created
unbearable living conditions for Palestinians that have coerced their displacement, or put them at high risk of
forced displacement, amounting to a state-sanctioned policy of forcible transfer of population. These policies
have been carried out in a widespread and systematic manner, combined with violent acts. This has been
widely documented by Amnesty International and other local and international human rights organizations,
as well as by the UN, over the decades.
The process of forcible transfer is the result of organized governmental policy, as indicated by laws, formal
planning documents and statements by senior officials that have stated in some instances that such policies
are pursued to change the demographic nature of these localities to ensure a Jewish majority. Israel also
continues to deny Palestinian refugees displaced in 1948 and 1967 the right to return to their homes and
property or the right to residency or citizenship in Israel or the OPT.
The restrictions on Palestinians amount to a violation, on discriminatory grounds, of the right to freedom of
movement. In addition to the severity of the deprivation of freedom of movement, these restrictions have
led to the deprivation of a raft of other rights similarly enshrined in international law,1385 underlining the wide
reach of this crime against Palestinians in Israel and the OPT.
Israel’s discriminatory state policies, regulations and conduct against Palestinians have involved the crime
against humanity of deportation or forcible transfer in violation of fundamental rules of international law
as provided in the Rome Statute, as well as denying to members of a racial group the right to freedom
of movement as prohibited in the Apartheid Convention. Within the OPT, policies of unlawful deportation
or transfer, which are carried out neither for military necessity nor the protection of the population of the
occupied territory, also constitute war crimes under the Rome Statute.
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1386. Apartheid Convention, Article II(a)(iii).
1387. UN Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (Convention against Torture), Article
2; ICCPR, Article 4(2).
1388. See B’Tselem, Statistics on Palestinians in the custody of the Israeli security forces (previously cited).
1389. Amnesty International, Israel/Occupied Territories: Administrative detention: Despair, uncertainty and lack of due process (Index: MDE
15/003/1997), 29 April 1997, amnesty.org/en/documents/mde15/003/1997/en
1390. B’Tselem, Administrative detention: Statistics, btselem.org/administrative_detention/statistics (accessed on 30 August 2021).
1391. B’Tselem, Administrative detention: Statistics (previously cited).
6.2 ADMINISTRATIVE DETENTION AND TORTURE
6.2.1 RELEVANT CRIMES UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW
Article 7(1)(e) of the Rome Statute criminalizes “[i]mprisonment or other severe deprivation of physical
liberty in violation of fundamental rules of international law” as a crime against humanity. Similarly, the
Apartheid Convention criminalizes both the “arbitrary arrest and illegal imprisonment of the members of a
racial group”.1386
The prohibition of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment is absolute
and non-derogable, even during a declared state of emergency or armed conflict.1387 Both the Apartheid
Convention and the Rome Statute reflect this absolute prohibition of torture and other ill-treatment, and
establish that “torture” amounts to the crime against humanity of apartheid when “committed in the context
of an institutionalized regime of systematic oppression and domination by one racial group over any other
racial group or groups and committed with the intention of maintaining that regime”. Article II(a)(ii) of the
Apartheid Convention criminalizes:
… the infliction upon the members of a racial group or groups of serious bodily or mental harm, by
the infringement of their freedom or dignity, or by subjecting them to torture or to cruel, inhuman or
degrading treatment or punishment.
Under Article (7)(1)(f) of the Rome Stature, torture is defined as a crime against humanity. Torture and other
ill-treatment committed in occupied territory violates international humanitarian law and, under Article (8)(2)
(a)(ii) of the Rome Statute, is defined as a war crime.
6.2.2 ISRAELI POLICIES AND PRACTICES
ADMINISTRATIVE DETENTION
Since the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip in 1967, the Israeli authorities have made widespread
use of administrative detention to imprison thousands of Palestinians, including children, without charge or
trial under renewable detention orders.
There are no exact figures on the number of administrative detention orders issued against Palestinians
since 1967 because the Israeli authorities have not consistently made them available to NGOs or the wider
public.1388 Monitoring by Israeli and Palestinian human rights organizations shows that its use has fluctuated
over the years, rising at times of heightened tensions in the OPT. Israel held more than 5,000 Palestinians,
some repeatedly, in administrative detention between the beginning of the first intifada in December 1987
and June 1989.1389 Approximately two months after the outbreak of the second intifada, on 13 December
2000, there were only 12 administrative detainees. The number rose drastically following a major military
offensive in the West Bank codenamed “Operation Defensive Shield”, reaching 960 administrative detainees
in December 2002 and 1,119 in April 2003. Numbers remained high (between approximately 600 and 850
at any given time) until the end of 2009 when they dropped below 300 before rising again in 2014.1390 At the
end of May 2020, 352 Palestinians, including two children, all from the occupied West Bank, were held as
administrative detainees, according to information provided by the Israel Prison Service to B’Tselem.1391
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1392. B’Tselem, Administrative detention: Statistics (previously cited).
1393. In the context of an occupation, the Fourth Geneva Convention specifies that a civilian may only be interned or placed in assigned
residence if “the security of the Detaining Power makes it absolutely necessary” (Article 42) or, in occupied territory, for “imperative reasons
of security” (Article 78).
1394. Military Order 1651 went into effect on 2 May 2010, replacing and consolidating a number of Israeli military orders effective since
1967 (an unofficial English translation is available at militarycourtwatch.org/files/server/military_order_1651.pdf).
1395. Local commanders can issue administrative detention orders. These terms are not defined in the military order, and their
interpretation is left to the discretion of military commanders. See Military Order 1651, Chapter I, Article B.
1396. Military Order 1651, para. 287(b).
1397. For a good summary of these rulings, see Shiri Krebs, “Lifting the Veil of Secrecy: Judicial Review of Administrative Detentions in the
Israeli Supreme Court”, 2012, Vanderbilt Journal of Transnational Law, Volume 45, No. 3, pp. 668-669.
1398. See, for example, HCJ, Nasrallah v. Commander of Military Forces in the West Bank, Case HCJ 814/88, judgment; Ajuri v. Commander
of Military Forces in the West Bank, Case HCJ 7015/02, judgment; Sajadiya v. Minister of Defense, Case HCJ 253/88, judgment.
1399. David Kretzmer, The Occupation of Justice: The Supreme Court of Israel and the Occupied Territories, 2002, pp. 132-135.
Data made available to B’Tselem also shows that, while the vast majority of administrative detainees held
between January 2011 and July 2020 received orders lasting up to a year, many others were held for up to
two years and a minority for over that time. For example, out of 548 Palestinians administratively detained
on 21 January 2009, 330 had been held for up to a year, 176 for periods ranging between one and two
years, and 39 for periods ranging between two and three and a half years. One detainee had been in
administrative detention for a period between four and four and a half years, and two others for more than
four and a half years.1392
Administrative detention is a form of detention under which individuals are detained by state authorities
without intent to prosecute them in a criminal trial and is based on secret security grounds that the
defendant and their lawyer cannot review. Administrative detention is used to circumvent the legal
protection and due process guaranteed for all persons deprived of their liberty under international law.
While not completely prohibited under international law, the use of administrative detention is only
permitted in exceptional circumstances, subject to stringent safeguards.1393 However, Israel’s systematic
use of administrative detention against Palestinians indicates that it is used to persecute Palestinians
rather than as an extraordinary and selectively used preventative measure. This is evident given that Israel
labels Palestinians as “security detainees”, and practice and evidence have shown that this is a pretext to
persecute and deprive people of their fundamental rights and freedoms because they challenge Israel’s
occupation and its policies.
Under Military Order 1651,1394 Israeli military commanders have autonomous discretion to issue individual
temporary administrative detention orders of up to six months to detain Palestinians if there are “reasonable
grounds” to presume that an individual presents a risk to “the security of the area” or to “public security”.1395
The military commander can extend administrative detention orders indefinitely. Under Military Order 1651,
a Palestinian administrative detainee must be brought before a military judge within eight days of issue or
renewal of the detention order, or released.1396 Although administrative detainees have the right to appeal
every detention order and are entitled to legal counsel of their choice, neither the lawyer nor the detainee
is informed of the details of the evidence against them. A military judge has the power to uphold, shorten
or cancel the order. If the order is upheld, Palestinian detainees can contest the military judges’ rulings by
petitioning the Supreme Court of Israel.
The Supreme Court has issued rulings emphasizing the importance of judicial review,1397 and stating that
administrative detention may only be used as a preventative measure against an individual posing a danger
to security that no other means will prevent.1398 However, it has not set clear substantive standards for
reviewing administrative detention, has rarely examined whether military judges’ decisions conform to its
own rulings, and has been reluctant to intervene in specific cases or question the privileged intelligence
information on which detention orders are based.1399
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1400. According to an Israeli Supreme Court ruling from 2008, detention under the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law is a form
of administrative detention, and therefore restrictions that apply to the use of administrative detention under Military Order 1651 or the
Emergency Powers (Detention) Law also apply to internment under this law. The court held that the status of “unlawful combatant” does not
exist in international humanitarian law, that such persons are civilians entitled to the protections of the Fourth Geneva Convention, and that
the state must prove that the individual poses a danger or a threat. Nevertheless, the justices did not discuss the presumptions specified in
the law. In effect, the law enables the state to hold detainees indefinitely under presumptions of guilt that render the judicial review almost
meaningless. See Amnesty International, Starved of Justice: Palestinians Detained without Trial by Israel (Index: MDE 15/026/2012), 6 June
2012, amnesty.org/en/documents/mde15/026/2012/en
1401. B’Tselem and HaMoked, Without Trial: Administrative Detention of Palestinians by Israel and the Internment of Unlawful Combatants
Law, October 2009, btselem.org/sites/default/files/sites/default/files2/publication/200910_without_trial_eng.pdf
1402. B’Tselem and HaMoked, Without Trial (previously cited).
1403. B’Tselem, Administrative detention: Statistics (previously cited).
1404. Israeli authorities maintain that the use of administrative detention in the OPT is consistent with Article 78 of the Fourth Geneva
Convention, which states: “If the Occupying Power considers it necessary, for imperative reasons of security, to take safety measures
concerning protected persons, it may, at the most, subject them to assigned residence or to internment.” According to the commentary of
Jean Pictet, a leading authority on the Geneva Convention, “such measures can only be ordered for real and imperative reasons of security;
their exceptional character must be preserved.” Furthermore, “in occupied territories the internment of protected persons should be even
more exceptional than it is inside the territory of the Parties to the conflict”, and detainees can only be interned within the occupied territory,
not inside the occupying state. Israel’s practice of administrative detention over many years clearly violates these provisions. See ICRC,
Commentary on Article 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, icrc.org/ihl.nsf/COM/380-600085?OpenDocument
1405. According to responses from the Israeli Ministry of Justice to urgent appeals from Amnesty International members regarding
individuals held under administrative detention. See Amnesty International, Starved of Justice: Palestinians Detained without Trial by Israel
(previously cited).
1406. UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Report: Human rights situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East
Jerusalem, 21 February 2018, UN Doc. A/HRC/37/42; Addameer, Administrative Detention in the Occupied Palestinian Territory: a Legal
Analysis Report, 2016, addameer.org/sites/default/files/publications/administrative_detention_analysis_report_2016.pdf; Addameer,
Administrative Detention in the Occupied Palestinian Territory: Between Law and Practice, December 2010, addameer.org/sites/default/files/
en-addameer-administrative-detention-between-law-and-practice-december-2010.pdf; Amnesty International, “Israel: Release Palestinian
prisoner of conscience detained without charge or trial”, 24 May 2017, amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2017/05/israel-release-palestinianprisoner-
of-conscience-detained-without-charge-or-trial; Al-Haq, “Administrative Detention in the Occupied West Bank: Law in the Service
of Man”, 1986, alhaq.org/cached_uploads/download/alhaq_files/publications/Administrative_Detention_in_the_Occupied_West_Bank.pdf;
B’Tselem and HaMoked, Without Trial (previously cited).
1407. Military Order 101. See also HRW, Born Without Civil Rights: Israel’s Use of Draconian Military Orders to Repress Palestinians in the
West Bank, 17 December 2019, hrw.org/report/2019/12/17/born-without-civil-rights/israels-use-draconian-military-orders-repress
Since 2005, Israel has used the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law of 2002 to place Palestinians from
the Gaza Strip under administrative detention.1400 Although judicial review takes place before a civil court,
rather than a military court, the procedural safeguards under the law are weaker than those of Military Order
1651. The detainee must be brought before a district court judge within 14 days of the date of the detention
order. The judge can only cancel the order if they find that the (very malleable) conditions for it are not
satisfied. As the order is of indefinite duration, there is no provision for the judge to shorten it. Once an order
is approved, the detainee is brought before a district court judge every six months; the judge can only annul
the order if they find that release of the detainee will not harm state security (contrary to the presumption
under the law), or that there are special (unspecified) grounds for release. Decisions of the district court may
be appealed to the Supreme Court, but such cases are heard by a single Supreme Court judge who reviews
the case according to the same stipulations as the District Court. In 2008, the Supreme Court ruled that the
law was unconstitutional.1401
According to B’Tselem and HaMoked, Israel held 39 Palestinians from the Gaza Strip under this law in 2009,
releasing most of them later that year.1402 There is no clear information on how many Palestinians from Gaza
have been held under the law since then, but B’Tselem found that a Palestinian from the Gaza Strip was
held in administrative detention under the Internment of Unlawful Combatants Law from August 2014 to
April 2018.1403
Israel justifies the use of administrative detention as a necessary preventative measure used “as the
exception”,1404 when evidence against an individual “engaged in illegal acts that endanger the security
of the area and the lives of civilians” cannot be presented in ordinary criminal proceedings “for reasons
of confidentiality and protection of intelligence sources”.1405 However, evidence collected by Amnesty
International and other human rights groups over the decades indicates an intentional Israeli policy to detain
individuals, including prisoners of conscience, solely for the non-violent exercise of their right to freedom of
expression and association,1406 and punish them for their views challenging the policies of the occupation.1407
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1408. Amnesty International, Starved of Justice: Palestinians Detained without Trial by Israel (previously cited).
1409. The Emergency Powers (Detention) Law of 1979 is also used against Israeli citizens inside Israel, including Palestinian citizens of
Israel, and Palestinian residents of East Jerusalem.
1410. British Mandate Government of Palestine, Defence (Emergency) Regulations, 1945, Regulation 125, imolin.org/doc/amlid/Israel/
The_Defence_Emergency_Regulations_1945.pdf
1411. For example, in 2011, Israel issued 12 settlers with administrative detention orders for periods ranging from three months to a year.
See B’Tselem, “Restraining orders issued to settlers are unacceptable”, 3 August 2011, btselem.org/administrative-detention/3-aug-11-
restraining-orders-issued-settlers-are-unacceptable
1412. Amnesty International, interview by voice call with Ahmad Qatamesh, 28 October 2020.
Israel’s intention to crack down on dissent to the occupation is also evident by its policy to release
administrative detainees if they agree to leave the OPT and go into exile abroad for a specified time, in
contravention of international law that prohibits the forcible transfer or deportation of the population of an
occupied territory. The policy also undermines Israel’s justification of the use of administrative detention as a
necessary preventative measure against Palestinians.1408
Within the OPT, administrative detention mechanisms are discriminatory against the Palestinian population,
evident by the differential access to two bodies of Israeli laws and courts, one for Palestinians and another
for Israeli settlers.
For Israeli settlers in the West Bank, administrative detention orders are issued under civil Israeli law and
administrative detainees are brought before civilian courts. Israel relies on the provisions of the Emergency
Powers (Detention) Law of 1979 to hold Israeli settlers residing in the occupied territory under administrative
detention orders.1409 The law is also used to detain Israeli citizens and Palestinian residents of occupied East
Jerusalem. Under the law, the Israeli minister of defence must have “reasonable grounds to presume that
the security of the state or public security require the detention”.1410 Similarly to the military order applicable
to Palestinians in the West Bank, the administrative order can be issued for up to six months and renewed
indefinitely. As for the judicial review of the administrative detention order, orders against Israeli settlers
(and other Israeli citizens) must be reviewed within 48 hours by an Israeli civilian judge at a district court.
The court is also required to automatically review the order no later than three months after the first judicial
review. The detainee can appeal the decision of the district court to the Supreme Court. Proceedings at both
the district court and Supreme Court are held behind closed doors and evidence justifying the order can be
withheld from the detainee and their lawyer.
In contrast to the widespread use of administrative detention orders against Palestinians, such orders have
rarely been used against Jewish Israeli settlers. According to B’Tselem, Israel has used administrative
detention orders against Israeli citizens, including settlers, but they remain isolated cases.1411
In one emblematic case of the devastating consequences of Israel’s abusive use of administrative detention
to punish Palestinians for their legitimate non-violent political activities and their dissenting views, Ahmad
Qatamesh, an academic from Ramallah, has spent a total of more than 10 years in Israeli prisons without
charge or trial between 1992 and 2017. The repeated renewals of his administrative detention orders
have not only had a detrimental effect on his mental health but also on his family. Amnesty International
campaigned for his immediate and unconditional release as a prisoner of conscience.
AHMAD QATAMESH
Ahmad Qatamesh is a writer and university professor from Ramallah in the West Bank. Israeli authorities
have arbitrarily arrested and detained him for his peaceful expression of his political views, including
in his writing and teaching. He has spent over 10 years in administrative detention and four years in
prison on charges of membership in the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), a leftwing
political party with an armed wing, banned by Israel.1412 Israel has consistently violated his rights
to freedom of expression and association and his right to work and earn a livelihood, with a devastating
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1413. Amnesty International, “Israel and the Occupied Territories: Torture / ill-treatment: Ahmad Sulayman Musa Qatamesh” (Index: MDE
15/022/1992), 10 September 1992, amnesty.org/en/documents/mde15/022/1992/en
1414. Amnesty International, “Palestinian academic given detention extension must be released”, 25 April 2013, amnesty.org/en/pressreleases/
2013/04/palestinian-academic-given-detention-extension-must-be-released
1415. Amnesty International, “Palestinian academic given detention extension must be released” (previously cited).
1416. Amnesty International, “Israel: Release Palestinian prisoner of conscience detained without charge or trial”, 24 May 2017, amnesty.
org/en/latest/news/2017/05/israel-release-palestinian-prisoner-of-conscience-detained-without-charge-or-trial
1417. Haaretz, “Shin Bet: Dozens of Palestinian Faction Members Arrested for Planning West Bank Terror Attacks”, 18 December 2019,
haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-shin-bet-dozens-of-palestinian-faction-members-arrested-for-west-bank-terror-attack-1.8288390
impact on his life and health. Ahmed Qatamesh is also an outspoken critic of Palestinian authorities in
the West Bank and Gaza.
His first arrest was in the 1970s, when he spent four years in prison on charges related to involvement
in the PFLP. In 1992, Israeli authorities accused him of continued membership in the PFLP, which he
denied, and held him as an administrative detainee for six years without charge or trial.1413
Between April 2011 and December 2013,1414 Israeli forces held Ahmed Qatamesh in administrative
detention over allegations that he was a member of the political bureau of the PFLP.1415 He was arrested
once again on 15 May 2017 and placed in administrative detention for three months.1416
Israeli forces arrested him most recently on 24 December 2019 during a sweep of arrests of Palestinians
associated or perceived to be associated with the PFLP in the aftermath of the killing of a 17-yearold
Israeli girl, Rina Shnerb, near the West Bank settlement of Dolev on 23 August 2019.1417 On 30
December 2019, he was charged according to military law with “giving services” and “providing
a lecture” to an “illegal organization”. On 2 January 2020 a military court approved his release on
condition that he made a bail payment of NIS 7,000 (USD 2,258) and attended all court hearings.
However, on the same day he was handed an administrative detention order and kept in detention until
his release on 30 July 2020. Ten days before his release, the military court sentenced him to a fourmonth
suspended prison sentence valid for three years.
Ahmad Qatamesh’s repeated arrests, periods of imprisonment and uncertainty about lengths of
detention (due to the nature of administrative detention) have taken a toll on him and his family. He told
Amnesty International:
When I was arrested back in 1992 my daughter Haneen was only three years old, but she had to
suffer with me all the while to see her father in prison twice every month. She began to understand
the meaning of imprisonment at a very young age, yet she never really stopped raising big
questions, asking again and again, “How long will it go on for?” As the end of each renewal to the
administrative detention order approached, hopes of being reunited with family would be raised.
But all it took to destroy this hope and postpone happiness, time after time, was for the Israeli
Military Commander to issue a new administrative detention order...
When you are in administrative detention, you know the date of your detention, but not the date of
your release, which is in the hands of whoever gave the detention order. It’s a form of continuous
psychological torture for the detainee and his family, who go through the trauma all over again
when the detention order is renewed.
His wife, Suha Barghouti, told Amnesty International:
Since the very beginning of our relationship, we have suffered and continue to suffer until now
because of Ahmad’s continued arrest. Our marriage produced one child, who also suffered
terribly, and had a troubled childhood because her father wasn’t often around...
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1418. See, for example, Addameer, The Systemic Use of Torture and Ill-treatment at Israeli Interrogation Centers… Cases of Torture
Committed at al-Mascobiyya Interrogation Center, 23 January 2020, addameer.org/sites/default/files/publications/story_based_torture_final.
pdf; Addameer, “I’ve Been There”: A Study of Torture and Inhumane Treatment in al-Mascobiyeh Interrogation Center, 2018, addameer.
org/sites/default/files/publications/al_moscabiyeh_report_0.pdf; Addameer, Aggression by Special Units of Israeli Prison Service against
Prisoners and Detainees during Transfers and Raids, 13 December 2014, addameer.org/sites/default/files/publications/special_units_
of_the_ips.pdf; Public Committee Against Torture in Israel (PCATI), “Ticking Bombs”: Testimonies of Torture Victims in Israel, May 2007,
hamoked.org/files/2016/7243_eng.pdf
1419. Convention against Torture, Article 16. See also Amnesty International, Starved of Justice: Palestinians Detained without Trial by Israel
(previously cited).
1420. See CAT, Concluding Observations: Israel, 3 June 2016, UN Doc. CAT/C/ISR/CO/5, paras 22-23; CAT, Concluding Observations:
Israel, 23 June 2009, UN Doc. CAT/C/ISR/4, para. 17; CAT, Concluding Observations: Israel, 23 November 2001, UN Doc. CAT/C/XXVII/
Concl.5, para. 6(e).
The experience of being in administrative detention was not only mentally exhausting for Ahmad,
but also for us. Each time the order end date approached, we would prepare ourselves for his
release, only to then get shocked by the news of a renewal. The experience is mentally and
psychologically draining.
Palestinian administrative detainees – as well as other Palestinian prisoners held by Israel – are routinely
subjected to torture and other ill-treatment; poor prison conditions, including inadequate medical care;
detention in prisons inside Israel rather than in the OPT; and prohibitions on family visits.
Many Palestinian administrative detainees have reported they were routinely tortured and otherwise illtreated
during arrest and interrogation, especially by the Israel Security Agency.1418 The use of administrative
detention may result in arbitrary detention and, if prolonged or repeated, can amount to cruel, inhuman and
degrading treatment or punishment.1419 The UN Committee against Torture has also repeatedly concluded
that the use by Israel of administrative detention, particularly for “inordinately lengthy periods”, violates the
Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (Convention
against Torture), and called upon Israel to urgently end this practice.1420
TORTURE AND OTHER ILL-TREATMENT
Torture and other ill-treatment during arrest and interrogation of Palestinians in Israel and the OPT is
widespread. For decades, Palestinian detainees, including children, have reported torture or other illtreatment
by the Israel Security Agency, the Israel Prison Service and Israeli military forces during arrest,
transfer and interrogation. Prompt, thorough and impartial investigations by Israeli authorities into such
allegations are extremely rare.
Ahmad Qatamesh
© Private
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1421. Amnesty International, Report and Recommendations of an AI Mission to the Government State of Israel (Index: MDE 15/002/1980),
7 June 1979, amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/mde150021980en.pdf
1422. See, for example, HRW, Israeli Interrogation Methods Under Fire After Death of Detained Palestinian: Israel's Supreme Court to
Rule on Legality of Interrogation Guideline, 1 March 1992, hrw.org/legacy/reports/1992/Israel; HRW, Torture and ill-treatment: Israel's
Interrogation of Palestinians from the Occupied Territories, 1 June 1994, hrw.org/reports/pdfs/i/israel/israel946.pdf; Al-Haq, Torture
for Security: the Systematic Torture and Ill-treatment of Palestinians in Israel, 1995, alhaq.org/cached_uploads/download/alhaq_files/
publications/Torture_for_Security.pdf; Amnesty International, “Under constant medical supervision”: Torture, ill-treatment and the
health professionals in Israel and the Occupied Territories (Index: MDE 15/037/1996), 13 August 1996, amnesty.org/en/wp-content/
uploads/2021/06/mde150371996en.pdf;
1423. CAT, Consideration of Special Report of Israel: Summary Record, 4 September 1997, UN Doc. CAT/C/SR.297/Add.1.
1424. HCJ, Public Committee Against Torture in Israel v. the Government of Israel, Case HCJ 5100/94, judgment, 6 September 1999.
1425. See Guardian, “Israeli government report admits systematic torture of Palestinians”, 11 February 2000, theguardian.com/world/2000/
feb/11/israel
1426. PCATI, Publications, stoptorture.org.il/en/category/publications
1427. See B’Tselem and HaMoked, Absolute Prohibition: The Torture and Ill-Treatment of Palestinian Detainees, May 2007, btselem.org/
publications/summaries/200705_utterly_forbidden; B’Tselem and HaMoked, Kept in the Dark: Treatment of Palestinian Detainees in the
Petah Tikva Interrogation Facility of the Israel Security Agency, October 2010, btselem.org/download/201010_kept_in_the_dark_eng.pdf;
B’Tselem and HaMoked, Backed by the System: Abuse and Torture at the Shikma Interrogation Facility, December 2015, btselem.org/sites/
default/files2/201512_backed_by_the_system_eng.pdf
1428. See, for example, Addameer, The Sounds of Silence: Isolation and Solitary Confinement of Palestinians in Israeli Prisons, 13
December 2009, addameer.org/sites/default/files/publications/isolation-eng.pdf; Al-Mezan, Torture and other Forms of Cruel, Inhumane and
Degrading Treatment against the Palestinian Population in Gaza Strip by the IOF, July 2011, available at adalah.org/uploads/oldfiles/Public/
files/English/Publications/On%20Torture%20(English).pdf; Addameer, Torture Positions in Israeli Occupation Prisons, 2 September 2020,
addameer.org/sites/default/files/publications/webenglishbooklet_1.pdf
1429. See, for example, Addameer, “I’ve been There” (previously cited); Addameer, Israeli Prison Service against Prisoners and Detainees
during Transfers and Raids (previously cited); PCATI, “Ticking Bombs” (previously cited); Amnesty International, Israel: Blind to violations,
deaf to obligations: Israel’s human rights record: Amnesty International updated submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review,
September 2013 (Index: MDE 15/015/2013), 1 October 2013, amnesty amnesty.org/en/documents/mde15/015/2013/en; Amnesty
International, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories: Briefing to the Committee against Torture (Index: MDE 15/040/2008); 30
September 2008, amnesty.org/en/documents/MDE15/040/2008/en; Amnesty International, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories:
Update of the Briefing to the Committee against Torture (Index: MDE 15/014/2009), 30 September 2008, tbinternet.ohchr.org/Treaties/CAT/
Shared%20Documents/ISR/INT_CAT_NGO_ISR_42_9120_E.pdf
Widespread patterns of torture and other ill-treatment by Israeli security forces against Palestinians have
been documented for decades, particularly in the OPT. Amnesty International’s reporting on torture by
Israel began in the 1970s.1421 In the 1980s and 1990s, it and other human rights organizations recorded
widespread torture during and after the first intifada.1422 In 1997, CAT made the following damning conclusion:
… the methods of interrogation, which were described by nongovernmental
organizations on the basis
of accounts given to them by interrogatees and appear to be applied systematically, were neither
confirmed nor denied by Israel. The Committee, therefore, must assume them to be accurate. These
methods include: (1) restraining in very painful conditions, (2) hooding under special conditions, (3)
sounding of loud music for prolonged periods, (4) sleep deprivation for prolonged periods, (5) threats,
including death threats, (6) violent shaking, and (7) using cold air to chill; and are in the Committee's
view breaches of article 16 and also constitute torture as defined in article 1 of the Convention. This
conclusion is particularly evident where such methods of interrogation are used in combination, which
appears to be the standard case.1423
In 1999 the Israeli Supreme Court delivered a landmark ruling that both revealed and outlawed various
methods of torture systematically employed by the Israel Security Agency and other Israeli security forces,
overwhelmingly against Palestinian detainees and prisoners.1424 In 2000, a report by the Israeli State
Comptroller concluded that, during the first intifada, between 1988 and 1992, the Israel Security Agency
“used systematic torture against Palestinians and regularly lied about it”.1425
Despite these official conclusions and ruling, human rights organizations have continued to report
widespread torture and other ill-treatment from the 2000s to the present day. The Public Committee Against
Torture in Israel publishes yearly situation reports.1426 Other Israeli organizations have documented violations
in general and in particular interrogation facilities.1427 Palestinian organizations have done similarly, covering
Israeli practices in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.1428
Particularly harsh are methods used by the Israel Security Agency to obtain information and “confessions”,
practices well documented by Amnesty International and other human rights organizations.1429 Methods
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1430. For recent examples of Palestinian detainees subjected to torture during prolonged interrogation by Israel Security Agency Officers in
2019, see Addameer, The Systematic Use of Torture and Ill-Treatment at Israeli Interrogation Centers… Cases of Torture Committed at al-
Mascobiyya Interrogation Center, 21 January 2021, addameer.org/publications/systematic-use-torture-and-ill-treatment-israeli-interrogationcenters-
cases-torture; Amnesty International, Starved of Justice: Palestinians Detained without Trial by Israel (previously cited).
1431. See, for example, Physicians for Human Rights – Israel and PCATI, Doctoring the Evidence, Abandoning the Victim: The Involvement
of Medical Professionals in Torture and Ill-treatment in Israel, October 2011, phr.org.il/uploaded/Doctoring%20the%20Evidence%20
Abandoning%20the%20Victim_November2011.pdf
1432. According to Israel Prison Service information, from 2012 to 2015, Israel held an average of 204 Palestinian children in custody
each month. See Defense for Children International - Palestine (DCI-Palestine), “Palestinian Children Incarcerated at Higher Rate, Abuses
Routine”, 18 July 2017, dci-palestine.org/palestinian_children_incarcerated_at_higher_rate_abuses_routine; CAT, Concluding Observations:
Israel, 3 June 2016, UN Doc. CAT/C/ISR/CO/5.
1433. B’Tselem, Statistics on Palestinian Minors in the Custody of Israeli Security Forces, updated on 28 April 2020, btselem.org/statistics/
minors_in_custody (accessed on 30 August 2021).
1434. UNICEF, Children in Israeli Military detention: Observations and Recommendations, 6 March 2013, unispal.un.org/DPA/DPR/unispal.
nsf/8fedccc58951b2f485257b35004e7bf0/1ee6b43ba34634f885257b260051c8ff?OpenDocument
1435. DCI-Palestine, No Way to Treat a Child: Palestinian Children in the Israeli Military Detention System, 14 April 2016, dci-palestine.org/
palestinian_children_in_the_israeli_military_detention_system, p.8
1436. DCI-Palestine and World Organization Against Torture (OMCT), Ill-treatment and Torture of Palestinian Children in Israeli Military
Detention and Use of Excessive Force by Israeli Forces, 27 March 2016, defenceforchildren.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/DCIOMCTisrael.
pdf; DCI-Palestine, Isolated and Alone: Palestinian Children held in Solitary Confinement by Israeli Authorities for Interrogation,
2 December 2020, nwttac.dci-palestine.org/report_israels_isolation_of_palestinian_child_prisoners_amounts_to_torture
1437. Save the Children, Bound, Blindfolded and Convicted: Children held in military detention, April 2012, resourcecentre.savethechildren.
net/sites/default/files/documents/5899.pdf; Save the Children, Defenceless: The Impact of Israeli Military Detention on Palestinian Children,
2020, resourcecentre.savethechildren.net/pdf/defenceless_the_impact_of_israeli_military_detention_on_palestinian_children_0.pdf;
1438. B’Tselem and HaMoked, Unprotected: Detention of Palestinian Teenagers in East Jerusalem, October 2017, btselem.org/sites/default/
files/publications/201710_unprotected_eng.pdf, p. 30
1439. PCATI, “Torture in Israel 2021: Situation report”, stoptorture.org.il/en/torture-in-israel-today (accessed on 29 August 2021).
reported by Palestinian detainees include painful shackling and binding; immobilization in stress positions;
sleep deprivation; the use of threats, including against family members; sexual harassment; the extensive
use of prolonged solitary confinement; and verbal abuse. All these methods amount to torture or other
ill-treatment. Interrogations under torture can last for weeks, with the detainee routinely denied access to a
lawyer.1430 Torture and other ill-treatment are frequently inflicted with the complicity of medical professionals,
especially on detainees staging prolonged hunger strikes.1431
Palestinian children are among those subjected to torture and other ill-treatment, including to obtain
“confessions”, and are denied access to counsel or family visits.1432 At the end of June 2020, according
to B’Tselem, at least 151 children were held in Israeli prisons, at least two of them in administrative
detention.1433 According to UNICEF, the UN Children’s Fund, ill-treatment of Palestinian children in the
Israeli military detention system is “widespread, systematic, and institutionalized throughout the process,
from the moment of arrest until the child’s prosecution and eventual conviction and sentencing”.1434 Human
rights organizations have come to similar conclusions. Defense for Children International – Palestine
concluded in 2016: “Out of 429 West Bank children detained between 2012 and 2015, three-quarters
endured some form of physical violence following arrest.”1435 It has reported regularly on the torture and
other ill-treatment of Palestinian children, including solitary confinement, blindfolding and violent methods
of restraint.1436 Save the Children has also documented physical abuse of children in military detention
across the West Bank.1437 B’Tselem and HaMoked reported in 2017 on the abuse of hundreds of Palestinian
teenagers arrested every year in East Jerusalem:
… it is a case of a plain and clear policy followed by the various authorities: the police who carry out
the arrests; the IPS (Israel Prison Service) which keeps the1438 boys incarcerated in harsh conditions;
and finally, the courts, where judges virtually automatically extend the boys’ custodial remand, even in
cases when the arrest was unwarranted to begin with, even when the interrogation is already over, and
even in cases of boys complaining of being subjected to physical abuse.
Even though it is contrary to international law, the Israel Security Agency justifies interrogations where
detainees are tortured or otherwise ill-treated as “necessity interrogations”.1439 The Israeli Ministry of
Justice refuses to release any information on what “necessity interrogations” entail. According to the Public
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1440. PCATI, “Torture in Israel 2020: Situation report”, 2020, stoptorture.org.il/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/%D7%90%D7%A0%D7%92%
D7%9C%D7%99%D7%AA.pdf
1441. Convention against Torture, Article 2(2); CAT, Concluding Observations: Israel, 3 June 2016, UN Doc. CAT/C/ISR/CO/5, para. 14.
1442. CAT, Concluding Observations: Israel, 3 June 2016, UN Doc. CAT/C/ISR/CO/5.
1443. HCJ, Public Committee Against Torture in Israel v. the State of Israel, Case HCJ 5100/94, 6 September 1999. See, for example,
PCATI, “Ticking Bombs” (previously cited).
1444. PCATI, “Ticking Bombs” (previously cited); Amnesty International, “Israel/OPT: Legally-sanctioned torture of Palestinian detainee left
him in critical condition” (previously cited).
1445. PCATI, Torture in Israel Today, stoptorture.org.il/en/torture-in-israel-today (accessed on 29 August 2021).
1446. OHCHR, “Israel must end impunity for torture and ill-treatment – UN experts”, 8 February 2021, ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/
DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=26729&LangID=E
Committee Against Torture in Israel, at least 15 people in August and September 2019 were subjected to
“necessity interrogations”.1440 The UN Committee against Torture has expressed concern about Israel’s use
of what it termed its “necessity defence”, and has reiterated that the “prohibition of torture is absolute and
non-derogable and that no exceptional circumstances whatsoever may be invoked by a State party to justify
acts of torture”.1441
Israeli legislation does not contain an absolute prohibition on torture and does not define torture and other
ill-treatment as a crime,1442 allowing for the practice to continue with impunity. While Israel’s Supreme Court
in 1999 ruled that torture and other ill-treatment were generally prohibited, it permitted interrogators to use
what the Court described as “physical interrogation methods” in “ticking bomb” situations, and allowed
them to escape criminal liability or even investigations under the “defence of necessity”.1443 The Supreme
Court of Israel never interpreted or limited the scope of the so-called “ticking bomb” situation, leaving it to
the discretion of the Israel Security Agency to broadly interpret the situation and implicitly to continue to use
torture and other ill-treatment against Palestinian or “security suspects”.
Since the Supreme Court decision in 1999, Israeli interrogators have tortured hundreds of Palestinians, citing
the “ticking bomb” plea, and not one of them has been prosecuted.1444 According to the Public Committee
Against Torture in Israel, between 2001 and 2020, over 1,300 complaints of torture were submitted to
the Israeli Ministry of Justice, resulting in only two criminal investigations and no indictments.1445 In 2021,
several UN Special Rapporteurs called on Israel to end impunity for torture and other ill-treatment.1446
6.2.3 PATTERN OF INHUMAN OR INHUMANE ACTS
Israel’s widespread and systematic use of arbitrary arrest, administrative detention and torture on a large
scale against Palestinians, in flagrant violation of several prohibitions under international law, forms part
of the state’s policy of domination and control over the Palestinian population. Israel’s laws and policies of
administrative detention and torture have therefore involved the crimes against humanity of “imprisonment
or other severe deprivation of physical liberty” and “torture”, which are prohibited under the Rome Statute
and the Apartheid Convention. When committed in the OPT, acts of torture and other ill-treatment are also
war crimes.
6.3 UNLAWFUL KILLINGS AND SERIOUS INJURIES
6.3.1 RELEVANT CRIMES UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW
Under Article 7(1)(a) of the Rome Statute, “murder” is listed as a prohibited inhumane act, which may
constitute the crime against humanity of apartheid when committed in the context of an institutionalized
regime of systematic oppression and domination by one racial group over another, with the intention of
maintaining that regime. The Apartheid Convention also lists the “murder of members of a racial groups
or groups” as an inhuman act and a crime of apartheid when “committed for the purpose of establishing
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1447. Apartheid Convention, Article 2(a)(1).
1448. ICCPR, Article 6.
1449. HRC, General Comment 31 (previously cited), para. 18; and UN Principles on the Effective Prevention and Investigation of Extralegal,
Arbitrary and Summary Executions Principles on Extra-legal Executions), Principle 1.
1450. ICTY, Blagojević and Jokić, Case IT-02-60, Trial Chamber judgment, 17 January 2005, para. 556. See also, in particular, ICTR.
Prosecutor v. Akayesu, Case ICTR-96-4, Trial Chamber judgment, para. 589; ICTY, Prosecutor v. Delalić and Others (Čelebići Case), Case
ICTY-96-21, Trial Chamber judgment, 20 February 2001, para. 439; ICTY, Prosecutor v. Blaškić, Case IT-95-14, judgment, paras 153, 181
and 217; ICTY, Prosecutor v. Jelisić, Case IT-95-10, Trial Chamber judgment, 14 December 1999, paras 35 and 63 (in the latter case, the
Trial Chamber ruled that a perpetrator of murder must have had the intention to cause death; the foreseeable consequence theory was not
upheld).
1451. Rome Statute, Article 7(1)(k).
1452. Apartheid Convention, Article II(a)(ii).
1453. Fourth Geneva Convention, Article 147.
1454. Rome Statute, Article 8(2)(a)(i) and 8(2)(a)(iii).
1455. ICTY, Prosecutor v. Delalić and Others (Čelebići Case), Trial Chamber judgment, 20 February 2001, paras 421-422.
1456. ICTY, Prosecutor v. Delalić and Others (Čelebići Case), Trial Chamber judgment, 20 February 2001, para. 439.
1457. B’Tselem, Getting Off Scot-Free: Israel’s Refusal to Compensate Palestinians for Damages Caused by Its Security Forces, March
2017, btselem.org/publications/summaries/201703_getting_off_scot_free
and maintaining domination by one racial group of persons over any other racial group of persons and
systematically oppressing them”.1447
By using the term “murder”, both the Apartheid Convention and the Rome Statute have specified that the
killings have led to arbitrary deprivation of the right to life, which is protected under international human rights
law,1448 committed on a widespread or systematic basis as part of an “attack on a civilian population”, meaning
there is some degree of planning or policy to commit the crime.1449 Murder has been defined as the “the death
of the victim which results from an act or omission by the accused, committed with the intent either to kill or to
cause serious bodily harm with the reasonable knowledge that it would likely lead to death.”1450
Additionally, the Rome Statute criminalizes “[o]ther inhumane acts of a similar character intentionally
causing great suffering, or serious injury to body or to mental or physical health.”1451 The Apartheid
Convention prohibits the “infliction upon the members of a racial group or groups of serious bodily or mental
harm, by the infringement of their freedom or dignity… “1452
Wilful killing and wilfully causing great suffering, or serious injury to body or health. also are listed as grave
breaches under the Fourth Geneva Convention,1453 and war crimes under the Rome Statute.1454 International
criminal tribunals have clarified that the term murder has an identical meaning to the war crime of wilful
killing.1455 The ICTY found that the “mental element” (mens rea), that is intent and knowledge of the act, is
what distinguishes wilful killing from any other killing, providing that “there is demonstrated an intention on
the part of the accused to kill, or inflict serious injury in reckless disregard to human life”.1456
6.3.2 ISRAELI POLICIES AND PRACTICES
Israeli forces have killed and injured thousands of Palestinian civilians in the OPT since 1967, often in
circumstances suggesting that the killings were systematic, unlawful and arbitrary, and with near total
impunity. Recent decades have seen a mounting toll of deaths and injuries of Palestinians as a result of
shooting or other violence by Israeli soldiers outside the context of armed conflict in the OPT. In Israel,
too, there has been a pattern of killings of Palestinian citizens of Israel in law enforcement activities in
circumstances that indicate that the killings were unlawful.
According to B’Tselem, between September 2000 and February 2017 Israeli forces killed 4,868 Palestinians
in the OPT, including 1,793 children, outside the context of armed conflict.1457 Law enforcement activities
in the OPT, such as supressing protests, carrying out raids to arrest people, enforcing travel and movement
restrictions, and conducting search operations, stem from Israel’s administration of occupied territory.
In conducting such activities, Israeli forces are exercising a policing function that is governed under
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1458. In particular, the UN Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials, Eighth UN Congress on the
Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders, Havana, 27 August to 7 September 1990, UN Doc. A/CONF.144/28/Rev.1 at 112 (1990).
1459. Marco Sassòli and others, How Does Law Protect in War? Cases, Documents and Teaching Materials on Contemporary Practice in
International Humanitarian Law, 2011, Chapter 14, p. 4; OHCHR, International Legal Protection of Human Rights in Armed Conflict, 2011,
p. 66; Louise Doswald-Beck, “The right to life in armed conflict: does international humanitarian law provide all the answers?”, December
2006, International Review of the Red Cross, Volume 88, Issue 864, international-review.icrc.org/sites/default/files/irrc_864_8_0.pdf
1460. B’Tselem, Military Order 101, btselem.org/demonstrations/military_order_101 (accessed on 26 August 2021).
1461. See, for example, Amnesty International, Israel/Occupied Territories and the Palestinian Authority: Five years after the
Oslo Agreement: Human rights sacrificed for security (Index: MDE 02/004/1998), 31 August 1998, amnesty.org/en/library/info/
MDE02/004/1998/en; Amnesty International, Israel and the Occupied Territories: Excessive use of lethal force (Index: MDE 15/041/2000),
18 October 2000, amnesty.org/en/library/info/MDE15/041/2000/en; Amnesty International, Israel and the Occupied Territories: State
assassinations and other unlawful killings (Index: MDE 15/005/2001), 21 February 2001, amnesty.org/en/library/info/MDE15/005/2001/en;
Amnesty International, Israel and the Occupied Territories: Broken lives – A year of intifada (Index: MDE 15/083/2001), 13 November 2001,
amnesty.org/en/documents/mde15/083/2001/en; Amnesty International, Israel and the Occupied Territories and the Palestinian Authority:
Killing the future: Children in the line of fire (Index: MDE 02/005/2002), 29 September 2002, amnesty.org/en/library/info/MDE15/147/2002/
en; Amnesty International, Israel and the Occupied Territories: Israel must put an immediate end to the policy and practice of assassinations
(Index: MDE 15/056/2003), 3 July 2003, amnesty.org/en/library/info/MDE15/056/2003/en; Amnesty International, Israel and the Occupied
Palestinian Territories: Enduring occupation: Palestinians under siege in the West Bank (Index: MDE 15/033/2007), 4 June 2007, amnesty.
org/en/library/info/MDE15/033/2007/en; Amnesty International, Trigger-Happy: Israel’s Use of Excessive Force in the West Bank (previously
cited); Amnesty International, “One year on from protests, Gaza civilians’ devastating injuries highlight urgent need for arms embargo on
Israel” (previously cited).
1462. See, for example, B’Tselem, The Occupation’s Fig Leaf: Israel’s Military Law Enforcement as a Whitewash Mechanism, May 2016,
btselem.org/sites/default/files/publications/201605_occupations_fig_leaf_eng.pdf; Al-Haq, Al-Haq Report on Killings in 2019, 5 May 2019,
alhaq.org/cached_uploads/download/2020/04/05/palestinians-killed-in-2019-5-april-2020-1586084547.pdf
1463. UN General Assembly, Implementation of Human Rights Council resolutions S-9/1 and S-12/1, 5 April 2018, UN Doc. A/HRC/37/38,
un.org/unispal/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/A-HRC-37-38.pdf, para. 16; Al-Haq, “IOF Targets Palestinian Civilians with Lethal Force,
Killing 13 across the OPT”, 22 November 2018, alhaq.org/monitoring-documentation/6134.html; Al-Haq, Repression of Non-violent Protest
in the Occupied Palestinian Territory: Case Study on the village of al-Nabi Saleh, 2011, alhaq.org/cached_uploads/download/alhaq_files/
publications/Nabi-Saleh.pdf; Amnesty International, Trigger-Happy: Israel’s Use of Excessive Force in the West Bank (previously cited).
1464. Amnesty International, “Six Months On: Gaza’s Great March of Return”, 2018, amnesty.org/en/latest/campaigns/2018/10/gaza-greatmarch-
of-return
international human rights law.1458 Policing activities against civilians during belligerent occupation may never
be conducted like hostilities against combatants, as they do not meet the threshold of hostilities regulated
by international humanitarian law.1459 Both the Israeli army and the police, including the border police, have
authority to carry out policing activities in the OPT; in East Jerusalem, however, only the Israeli police exercise such
authority. The police, not the army, have policing powers in relation to Israeli settlers in the occupied West Bank.
In the context of Palestinian protests in the OPT, the conduct of Israeli forces appears to be intended to
stifle dissent and freedom of expression. Palestinians frequently protest against Israeli occupation, as well
as the policies and practices that underpin it, such as the blockade on Gaza, the creation and expansion
of illegal settlements, land seizures, closures, arrests and detentions. The right to peaceful protest is of
particular importance for Palestinians in the OPT, as they have no opportunity to influence the policy of the
occupying power through voting or other such means. Israeli authorities, however, view such protests as
a threat to security, and have since the beginning of its occupation criminalized them.1460 During protests,
demonstrators often resort to low-level violence, throwing stones and rocks at Israeli soldiers but without
posing any serious risk to them due to the distance and the heavily protected nature of their positions.
In return, Israeli forces use a wide variety of measures against the protesters. These include less lethal
means such as tear gas, pepper spray, stun grenades (sound bombs) and hand-held batons. However,
Israeli forces frequently resort to lethal means and fire rubber-coated metal bullets and live firearms
ammunition at protesters, causing deaths and injuries. In some cases, they have also killed or injured
demonstrators by firing tear gas directly at them from close range or by using tear gas in enclosed spaces
causing asphyxiation. In many cases, Israeli forces have used unnecessary or excessive force, unlawfully
killing hundreds of Palestinian protesters, including children, when there was no imminent threat to life and
wounding thousands more often seriously. The pattern of unlawful killings and infliction of serious injuries
against Palestinian demonstrators appears to be aimed at eliminating opposition to Israel’s policies and
practices in the OPT. Amnesty International has documented this pattern over decades.1461 Other human
rights organizations have done similarly.1462
Israeli forces regularly obstruct and prevent medical personnel from providing medical care to injured
protesters, contributing in some cases to their death.1463 They have also attacked medics seeking to assist
the wounded,1464 and human rights defenders and journalists who are present to document abuses or report
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1465. Amnesty International, Trigger Happy (previously cited); “Six Months On: Gaza’s Great March of Return” (previously cited); Amnesty
International, “Six Months On: Gaza’s Great March of Return” (previously cited).
1466. See, for example, Amnesty International, Trigger-Happy: Israel’s Use of Excessive Force in the West Bank (previously cited); B’Tselem,
The Occupation’s Fig Leaf (previously cited).
1467. Israeli forces have used tear gas against homes, sometimes injuring people inside – mainly by the asphyxiating effects of tear gas –
and have deliberately damaged property such as residents’ water storage tanks located on rooftops.
1468. See, for example, B’Tselem, The Occupation’s Fig Leaf (previously cited); B’Tselem, Crowd Control: Israel’s Use of Crowd Control
Weapons in the West Bank, January 2013, btselem.org/download/201212_crowd_control_eng.pdf
1469. Amnesty International, Trigger-Happy: Israel’s Use of Excessive Force in the West Bank (previously cited).
1470. B’Tselem, “After the Supreme Court Praised the Open-Fire Policy, the Military Admits: We killed Protestors for No Reason”, 24 July
2019, btselem.org/press_releases/20190724_military_admits_to_killing_protestors_for_no_reason; Amnesty International, “Israel/OPT:
Further Information: Gazan’s second leg saved from amputation: Yousef al-Kronz” (Index: MDE 15/8234/2018), 17 April 2018, amnesty.
org/en/documents/mde15/8234/2018/en
1471. Amnesty International, Trigger-Happy: Israel’s Use of Excessive Force in the West Bank (previously cited); Amnesty International, Lethal
force and accountability for unlawful killings by Israeli forces in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories (Index: MDE 15/4812/2016), 27
September 2016, amnesty.org/en/documents/mde15/4812/2016/en; Amnesty International, “Submission to The United Nations Independent
Commission Of Inquiry On Protests In The Occupied Palestinian Territory”, 16 November 2018, on file with Amnesty International.
1472. See, for example, Amnesty International, “Conviction of Israeli soldier must pave the way for justice for unlawful killings”, 4 January
2017, amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2017/01/conviction-of-israeli-solider-must-pave-the-way-for-justice-for-unlawful-killings
1473. B’Tselem, The Occupation’s Fig Leaf (previously cited); B’Tselem, “Follow-up: Military Police and MAG Corps investigations of civilian
Palestinian fatalities in West Bank, as of April 2011”, 30 April 2013 (updated on 26 January 2021), btselem.org/accountability/military_
police_investigations_followup
on protests, including by firing tear gas canisters and rubber-coated metal bullets at them. In some cases,
Israeli forces appear to have deliberately targeted medics, journalists and human rights defenders during
protests.1465
Also well documented is the pattern of misuse of lethal force and firearms, including intentional lethal use
of firearms, by Israeli forces against Palestinians during law enforcement operations in the OPT when there
was no imminent threat to life or without exhausting less lethal means of neutralizing a perceived threat.1466
Additionally, Israeli forces frequently and recklessly fire at or deploy less lethal weapons against bystanders,
or damage property of nearby residents.1467
The Israeli authorities treat as classified information (for security reasons) the “rules of engagement” guidance
issued to soldiers and border police to advise and instruct them as to when and in what circumstances they
may resort to force, including lethal force, and what actions, if any, they must take beforehand – for example,
to issue warnings.1468 Some details about the rules have been shared on rare occasions.1469 One such instance
was when some details came to light about the open-fire regulations during the suppression of the Great
March of Return protests in the Gaza Strip in 2018. Over a year into the protests, in July 2019, it emerged that
the Israeli military had allowed and instructed Israeli snipers to fire at protesters’ lower limbs above the knee
under their open-fire regulations. After it became clear that such regulations were leading needlessly to deaths
and devastating injuries, snipers were briefed to aim below the knee.1470
In the OPT, Israeli forces have carried out unlawful killings, caused serious injuries of Palestinians, and
damaged Palestinian property, with near total impunity. The Israeli military justice system has consistently
failed to deliver justice for Palestinian victims of unlawful killings or serious injuries and their families.1471
Amnesty International is not aware of any case in which an Israeli army soldier or member of another
security force has been convicted of wilfully causing the death of a Palestinian in the OPT since 1987.
Israeli soldiers and other security forces personnel have rarely been prosecuted at all in connection with the
killings of Palestinians in the OPT, although many of the killings appear to have been unlawful. Convictions
have been even rarer. When such convictions have occurred, soldiers have been convicted of manslaughter
or lesser offences.1472 In 2016, B’Tselem decided to stop referring cases of unlawful killings or injuries of
Palestinians during law enforcement operations to the Israeli authorities for investigations after 25 years of
doing so, because of the “ineffectuality” of the Israeli military justice system, which continues to cover up
unlawful acts and protect perpetrators, rather than provide justice for victims.1473
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1474. Former education minister Naftali Bennett responded to a question about the Israeli army using a shoot-to-kill policy on Palestinian
children along the fence that separates Gaza and Israel by saying, “They are not children ¬¬– they are terrorists. We are fooling ourselves.
I see the photos.” See Times of Israel, “Bennett says IDF should shoot to kill Gazans who cross border”, 8 October 2018, timesofisrael.
com/bennett-says-idf-should-shoot-to-kill-gazans-who-cross-border Former education minister Naftali Bennett called for Israeli soldier Elor
Azaria, convicted of manslaughter in the deliberate killing of a wounded Palestinian, to be pardoned. Bennett said, “Today a soldier who
killed a terrorist who deserved to die, who tried to slaughter [another] soldier, was placed in shackles and convicted as a criminal.” See
Haaretz, “Netanyahu Supports Pardon for Convicted Hebron Shooter Elor Azaria”, 4 January 2017, haaretz.com/israel-news/netanyahu-isupport-
pardon-for-elor-azaria-1.5481858 In a Facebook post, former minister of foreign affairs Avigdor Liberman said, “No attacker, male
or female, should make it out of any attack alive”. Avigdor Liberman, Facebook post, 13 October 2015, facebook.com/AvigdorLiberman/
posts/1072953826050898 (in Hebrew).
1475. HRW, “Israel/Palestine: Some Officials Backing ‘Shoot-to-Kill’”, 2 January 2017, hrw.org/news/2017/01/02/israel/palestine-someofficials-
backing-shoot-kill
1476. On 31 March 2018, the Israel Defense Forces spokesperson issued the following statement on its Twitter account (@
IDFSpokesperson): “Yesterday we saw 30,000 people; we arrived prepared and with precise reinforcements. Nothing was carried out
uncontrolled; everything was accurate and measured, and we know where every bullet landed”. The tweet was later removed, but a
screenshot of it is available on Al-Haq’s website. Al-Haq, “30 March: 15 Palestinians Killed, More than a Thousand Injured, as IOF Violently
Suppress Palestinian Protestors in the Gaza Strip”, 31 March 2018, alhaq.org/advocacy/topics/gaza/1206-30-march-15-palestinians-killedmore-
than-a-thousand-injured-as-iof-violently-suppress-palestinian-protestors-in-the-gaza-strip
1477. Haaretz, “Lieberman warns Gaza protesters Hamas is playing with your lives”, 30 March 2018, haaretz.com/israel-news/.premiumlieberman-
warns-gaza-protesters-hamas-is-playing-with-your-lives-1.5962232?=&ts=_1527084396406
1478. Jewish Telegraph Agency, “Israeli soldiers ‘did what was necessary’ on Gaza border, defense minister says”, 1 April 2018, jta.
org/2018/04/01/news-opinion/israeli-soldiers-necessary-gaza-border-defense-minister-says
1479. Amnesty International, “Israel/OPT: Stop the use of lethal and other excessive force and investigate deaths of Palestinian protesters”,
31 March 2018, amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2018/03/israelopt-stop-the-use-of-lethal-and-other-excessive-force-and-investigate-deaths-ofpalestinian-
protesters
1480. Amnesty International, “Israel/OPT: Gazan at imminent risk of losing his second leg: Yousef al-Kronz”, 12 April 2018, amnesty.org/en/
documents/mde15/8223/2018/en
Senior Israeli officials have contributed to a culture of impunity by arguing in specific cases that killings
and injuries during law enforcement operations were justified and carried out pursuant to orders, and that
perpetrators should not be reprimanded or prosecuted.1474 Some have even called on police and soldiers
to kill Palestinians they suspect of attacking Israelis irrespective of whether lethal force is actually strictly
necessary to protect life.1475
The pattern of unlawful killings and serious injuries inflicted by Israeli forces on Palestinians in the OPT is
illustrated by the killing and wounding of Palestinian protesters during the Great March of Return in Gaza in 2018.
GREAT MARCH OF RETURN IN GAZA
On 30 March 2018, Palestinians in Gaza, including refugees, launched the Great March of Return, a series
of weekly mass demonstrations along the fence between Gaza and Israel to demand their right to return
to their villages and towns in what is now Israel, and to press for an end to Israel’s blockade on Gaza.
Even before the protests began, senior Israeli officials publicly threatened that any Palestinian
approaching the fence would be shot, and deployed snipers near the fence.1476 In addition, Israeli officials
have threatened, endorsed or encouraged the use of lethal force against protesters. Then defence
minister Avigdor Lieberman warned protesters that they were “playing with their lives” before the
protests began.1477 He later said that Israeli soldiers on the Gaza border “did what was necessary”.1478
At least 17 Palestinians were killed and 5,500 others injured on the first day of protests on 30 March
2018.1479 During the demonstration, some Palestinian protesters approached the fence in a show of
defiance. Amnesty International documented in April 2018 that many of the serious injuries were to
the lower limbs, including the knees, causing serious bone and tissue damage, with large exit wounds
measuring 10-15mm similar to war wounds.1480 Doctors told Amnesty International that such serious
injuries would likely face further complications, infections and some form of physical disability, such
as paralysis or amputation. According to the international humanitarian organization Médecins Sans
Frontières, half of the more than 500 patients admitted to its clinics on 1-19 April 2018 were treated for
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1481. Médecins Sans Frontières, “MSF teams in Gaza observe unusually severe and devastating gunshot injuries”, 19 April 2018, msf.org/
palestine-msf-teams-gaza-observe-unusually-severe-and-devastating-gunshot-injuries
1482. See, for example, Amnesty International, “One year on from protests, Gaza civilians’ devastating injuries highlight urgent need for
arms embargo on Israel” (previously cited); Haaretz, “‘42 Knees in One Day’: Israeli Snipers Open Up About Shooting Gaza Protesters”,
6 March 2020, haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium.MAGAZINE-42-knees-in-one-day-israeli-snipers-open-up-about-shooting-gazaprotesters-
1.8632555
1483. OCHA, “Two years on: people injured and traumatized during the ‘Great March of Return’ are still struggling” (previously cited).
1484. New York Times, “A Day, a Life: When a Medic Was Killed in Gaza, Was It an Accident?”, 30 December 2018, nytimes.
com/2018/12/30/world/middleeast/gaza-medic-israel-shooting.html
injuries “where the bullet has literally destroyed tissue after having pulverized the bone”.1481 The nature
of these injuries shows that Israeli soldiers were using high-velocity military grade weapons designed to
cause maximum harm.1482
Although the demonstrations were generally peaceful, there were individuals who threw stones and
Molotov cocktails at Israeli forces and some launched incendiary kites and balloons into Israel, resulting
in some fires, including of crops.
By the end of 2019, Israeli forces had killed 214 civilians, including 46 children, and injured over 8,000
others with live ammunition. A total of 156 of those injured had to have limbs amputated, according to OCHA.
More than 1,200 patients require long-term, complex and expensive therapy and rehabilitation, and tens
of thousands more require psycho-social support, neither of which the resources in Gaza can provide.1483
Palestinian protesters run for
cover after Israeli forces launched
tear gas canisters during a
demonstration along the border
between the Gaza Strip and
Israel, east of Gaza City, in which
Palestinians were killed and
seriously injured, on 22 June 2018
© Mahmud Hams / AFP via Getty
Images
Razan Al-Najjar
On 1 June 2018, Israeli sniper fire killed 21-year-old Razan Al-Najjar, a paramedic with the Palestinian
Medical Relief Society, while she was treating injured protesters to the east of the southern city of Khan
Younis, near the fence separating the territory from Israel, during the Great March of Return protests.
She was wearing her white coat, clearly identifying her as a paramedic.
She was shot in the chest at approximately 6.45pm. According to an investigative report by the New York
Times, the sniper fired one round of live ammunition into the crowd.1484 Moments earlier, Razan Al-Najjar
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1485. According to the detailed findings of the independent international commission of inquiry on the protests in the OPT, Razan and the
other paramedics held their hands up in the air to indicate to Israeli forces that they meant no harm. See UN Human Rights Council, Report
of the detailed findings of the independent international Commission of inquiry on the protests in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, UN
Doc. A/HRC/40/CRP.2, 18 March 2019, para. 524.
1486. New York Times, “A Day, a Life: When a Medic Was Killed in Gaza, Was It an Accident?” (previously cited).
1487. Amnesty International, interview in person with Razan Al-Najjar, 16 April 2018.
1488. Israel Defense Forces, Twitter post, 5 June 2018, twitter.com/IDF/status/1004005041701818368?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp
%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1004005041701818368%7Ctwgr%5Eshare_3&ref_url=
1489. Times of Israel, “IDF launches criminal probe into killing of Gazan medic in June”, 29 October 2018, timesofisrael.com/idf-launchescriminal-
probe-into-killing-of-gazan-medic-in-june; Haaretz, “Israeli Army Opens Criminal Investigation Into Killing of Gaza Medic”, 29
October 2018, haaretz.com/israel-news/israeli-army-opens-criminal-investigation-into-killing-of-gaza-medic-1.6609021
Razan Al-Najjar (right),
a 21-year-old Palestinian
paramedic, works with a
colleague to tend to an
injured man at an emergency
medical tent after clashes
with Israeli security forces
after a demonstration near the
border between the Gaza Strip
and Israel, east of Khan Yunis,
on 1 April 2018 © Said Khatib
/ AFP via Getty Images
and three other Palestinian paramedics moved closer to the fence to provide medical assistance to two
injured protesters. All four held their hands up in the air, indicating that they meant no harm.1485 Neither
she nor her colleagues posed any threat to Israeli forces. Razan Al-Najjar was transferred to hospital,
where she was pronounced dead at approximately 7.10pm.1486
Amnesty International had interviewed Razan Al-Najjar six weeks earlier, on 16 April 2018, while
documenting cases of paramedics and medical workers who had been injured by live ammunition or
tear gas inhalation during the protests. She told Amnesty International:
I am here in the field from 7am until 10pm with my team. We paid with our own money from
our pockets for the supplies we are using. Our team yesterday was intensely targeted. We were
targeted with tear gas in this tent right here, in the middle of the tent where we are now. There are
so many critical injuries, like cases of amputations of the limbs and direct head injuries. Instead of
support or help… we get targeted instead by the Israeli army. I have been injured four times, and
even until now I am still getting injuries.1487
On 5 June 2018, during an initial examination of the killing, the Israeli military found that no shots
were deliberately or directly aimed towards Razan Al-Najjar.1488 On 29 October 2018, the Israeli Military
Advocate General rejected the findings and ordered the military police to open a criminal investigation –
almost five months after she was killed.1489 The results of the investigation have yet to be made public.
Amnesty International believes that Razan Al-Najjar was wilfully killed, a grave breach of the Geneva
Conventions and a war crime.
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1490. Amnesty International, interview by voice call with Adham al-Hajjar, 31 March 2021.
1491. Amnesty International, interview by voice call with Adham al-Hajjar, 31 March 2021.
Adham Al-Hajjar
Adham Al-Hajjar is a freelance journalist and lives in Gaza City. On 6 April 2018, while he was covering
the Great March of Return demonstrations, Israeli snipers positioned along the fence separating Gaza
from Israel shot him. The bullet hit his left knee, splintering the bone and damaging muscles and the
femoral nerve. He told Amnesty International:
I went down to the fence like any other day to cover the demonstrations at Al-Malaka. At around
2pm or 3pm I was wearing my press jacket and helmet and I remember I wanted to take a photo
of a demonstrator near the fence. I went to take the photo, and the second I lifted my camera
the next thing I remember was fainting and then realizing I was shot. I kept going in and out of
consciousness. Luckily there was another photographer who carried me to the field medic and
then to Al-Shifa Hospital. I was wearing my press jacket and clearly holding a camera, and the
snipers could see this. This same day… they killed journalist Yasser Murtaja and shot and injured
another journalist.1490
Adham Al-Hajjar has had a series of operations in Gaza, Egypt and Jordan since his injury. He continues
to suffer from partial paralysis of his foot, and requires a knee replacement and ankle surgery. He is
unable to obtain the medical help he needs in Gaza because of the debilitated health services there, and
Israel will not allow him to travel elsewhere. He told Amnesty International:
I barely sleep any more. My leg hurts
every night, the pain is always there. I
wake up in the morning and walk to my
friend’s house close by to drink coffee.
I need to do this just to leave my room
and to move around or else all I am left
with is my mind, and thinking, and it is
debilitating...
The bullet that entered my leg did
not just enter and leave my body. It
entered and stopped everything; it
stopped my life. I look back at the last
three years and ask what have I done?
Nothing. What has progressed in my
life? Nothing. Just because a soldier
pulled the trigger without thinking of
how it would devastate my life. Not just
my life, but my family’s life. Did he or
she ever think about what this would
cause? The pain, the loss. I am walking
around as a dead man, everything in
my life froze from the moment that
bullet entered my leg.1491
Adham Al-Hajjar © Private
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Over recent decades, Israeli forces and security agents have killed dozens of Palestinian citizens and
residents of Israel in law enforcement activities in circumstances that indicate that the killings were unlawful.
These have taken place in the context of the policing protests against discriminatory Israeli policies and
actions in Israel and the OPT and during other, often discriminatory, law enforcement activities. The
perpetrators of the violence have enjoyed near total impunity. This pattern is illustrated by Israeli state killings
of Palestinian citizens and residents of Israel between 2000 and 2017.
STATE KILLINGS OF PALESTINIANS IN ISRAEL, 2000-2017
Israeli forces and security agents continue to kill unlawfully Palestinian citizens of Israel, including in the
context of protests against discriminatory Israeli policies and actions in Israel and the OPT and in other,
often discriminatory, law enforcement activities. Such a pattern is possible because of the near total
impunity that perpetrators of such violations enjoy.
In 2000, Amnesty International documented the killing of 13 Palestinians, most of them citizens of
Israel, by police and other security forces in Israel and East Jerusalem between 29 September and 8
October 2000,1492 as well as the injury of hundreds of others and the arrest of more than 600 people
in protests across Israel against Israeli policies in the OPT at the beginning of the second intifada.1493
A commission of inquiry into the killings,1494 established by the Israeli government, found in 2003 that
there was no justification for the killings. Despite this, in 2008 the Israeli attorney general closed the
investigations into the killings without finding any wrongdoing or indicting any officer.1495
According to the Mossawa Center, between October 2008 and May 2021 Israeli police killed more than
45 Palestinian citizens of Israel. The organization also documented three cases of Israeli police killing
unarmed Palestinian residents of Israel in the same period. A further 15 Palestinian citizens were killed
by Jewish citizens and private security agents. The combined total of 63 does not include Palestinian
citizens killed in what the authorities classify as “security incidents”. According to the Mossawa Center,
only two police officers were convicted in cases of killings during this period.1496
An investigation by Sikha Mekomit, a Hebrew-language media organization, published in January 2019,
revealed that in the previous five years the Israeli police had killed 14 citizens of Israel, of whom nine
were Palestinians, one was of Ethiopian origin and the rest had “Middle Eastern surnames”. According
to the report, the incidents were not security related and no perpetrator was held accountable for the
killings.1497
On 7 November 2014, Israeli police shot and killed Kheir Hamdan, 22, in Kafr Kanna in northern Israel
after he had approached a police vehicle following the arrest of another man from the village. According
to Adalah, Kheir Hamdan banged on the police vehicle’s windows with an object and then ran away
1492. Amnesty International, Israel and the Occupied Territories: Broken lives – A year of intifada (previously cited).
1493. Adalah, “The October 2000 Killings (October Uprising)”, 30 September 2020, adalah.org/en/content/view/10127
1494. Following public pressure, the Israeli government established the Commission of Inquiry into the Clashes between Security Forces
and Israeli Citizens in October 2000, also known as the Or Commission, in November 2000, to “investigate the clashes with security
forces... in which Jewish and Arab Israeli citizens were killed and wounded.” The Commission’s mandate did not extend to examining acts
of torture or ill-treatment carried out on those arrested by security forces in connection with the demonstrations in Israel. See Amnesty
International, Israel and the Occupied Territories: Broken lives – A year of intifada (previously cited).
1495. Adalah, “The October 2000 Killings (October Uprising)” (previously cited).
1496. Mossawa Center, مركز مساواة يرافق عائلة منير عنبتاوي [The Mossawa Center accompanies Mounir Anabtawi’s family], 29 March 2021,
mossawa.org/?mod=articles&ID=944 (in Arabic).
1497. Sikha Mekomit, בחמש שנים ארבעה-עשר אזרחים נהרגו מירי משטרתי, אפס כתבי אישום [In five years: 14 citizens were killed by police gunfire, zero
indictments], 23 January 2019, tinyurl.com/723n6v6u (in Hebrew).
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when the officers got out. The officers shot Kheir Hamdan while he was running away and not posing
an imminent threat to lives.1498 Mahash, the internal investigation unit at the Ministry of Justice, closed
the complaint. Following a petition to the Supreme Court, the Court asked the State Attorney Office to
consider interrogating only one of the policemen who had shot Kheir Hamdan and mistreated him while
he was injured. No indictment was filed.1499
In the early morning of 18 January 2017, Israeli police shot at 47-year-old teacher Yaqoub Abu Al-
Qi’an in the village of Umm Al-Hiran in the Negev/Naqab while he was driving back from his mother’s
house during a raid by the Israeli forces to carry out demolition orders against homes and structures
in the village. As a result, Yaqoub Abu Al-Qi’an lost control of his vehicle, inadvertently striking and
killing a policeman. Even though Yaqoub Abu Al-Qi’an had already sustained a gunshot injury, the
police again opened fire on him with live ammunition, assuming that the loss of control of the car was
an intentional attack. Bleeding in the car, the police prevented paramedics from helping Yaqoub Abu
Al-Qi’an for three hours.1500 The forensic investigation concluded that he bled for about 30 minutes
before dying, indicating that he would have lived if he had received proper medical treatment. Public
statements made at the time by Israeli minister Gilad Erdan1501 and police commissioner Peretz
Ammar1502 described Yaqoub Abu Al-Qi’an as a terrorist and a radical Islamist who had wanted to kill the
policemen. The Israeli police held his body for a week and released it after a Supreme Court hearing that
allowed only a conditional burial,1503 which limited the number of people who could attend.1504
A comprehensive analysis and study of the available footage and recordings by the Forensic Architecture
group found that Yaqoub Abu Al-Qi’an was shot despite not posing any imminent threat to security
forces or others.1505 Yet, the Israeli State Prosecutor officially closed the investigation by the Israeli
police into what appears to have been an extrajudicial executio n, and cleared the officers involved
of any misconduct, even though a department in the Israeli Ministry of Justice had found police
misconduct.1506 Adalah and the Public Committee Against Torture in Israel petitioned against the
decision to close the investigation and, as of the end of August 2021, were awaiting an outcome.1507
The culture of impunity in relation to state killings in Israel sits within a broader lack of accountability
for police violence in the country. Between 2011 and 2013, according to a study by Adalah, 11,282
complaints of police harassment and brutality were filed with Mahash, the internal investigation unit at
1498. Adalah, “Adalah Statement on the Killing of Kheir Hamdan by Israeli Police”, 9 November 2014, adalah.org/en/content/view/8403
1499. HCJ, Rafat Hamdan v. State Attorney and Others, Case HCJ 4845/17, judgment, 28 December 2019. See also Haaretz, “Israel’s
High Court Orders Trial for Cop Who Killed Israeli Arab, Four Years After Case Was Closed”, 28 October 2019, haaretz.com/israel-news/.
premium-israel-s-top-court-orders-trial-for-cop-who-killed-arab-4-years-after-case-closed-1.8045402
1500. Physicians for Human Rights – Israel, “Why was Ya’qub Abu Al-Qi’an Left Bleeding to Death?”, 15 September 2019, phr.org.il/en/
why-was-yaqub-abu-al-qian-left-bleeding-to-death
1501. +972 Magazine, “The killing of a Bedouin man is a weapon in Netanyahu’s war for survival”, 9 September 2020, 972mag.com/ummal-
hiran-netanyahu-israel-police
1502. Times of Israel, “Autopsy on Bedouin driver may discredit claims of terrorism”, 21 January 2017, timesofisrael.com/autopsy-onbedouin-
driver-may-discredit-claims-of-terrorism
1503. +972 Magazine, “When the High Court has to intervene so a Palestinian family can mourn”, 24 January 2017, 972mag.com/whenthe-
high-court-has-to-intervene-so-a-palestinian-family-can-mourn
1504. NCF, “The Time has Come for Israel to Recognize the Bedouin Villages of Atir and Umm Al-Hiran”, December 2015, dukium.org/
wp-content/uploads/2015/12/Umm-al-Hiran-and-Atir-PP-Final.pdf
1505. Forensic Architecture, Killing in Umm al-Hiran, 19 January 2019, forensic-architecture.org/investigation/killing-in-umm-al-hiran
(accessed on 30 August 2021).
1506. Haaretz, “Bedouin Was Driving Slowly When Cops Killed Him as ‘Car-rammer,’ but Police Closed the Case”, 3 May 2018, haaretz.
com/israel-news/bedouin-drove-at-10-km-h-when-cops-killed-him-as-car-rammer-1.6052518
1507. Adalah, “Israel’s perception of Palestinian citizens as ‘enemy’ continues to grant blanket impunity to police for killings”, 1 October
2020, adalah.org/en/content/view/10141
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the Ministry of Justice. The report found that Mahash closed 93% of the complaints; only 3.3% of the
cases filed (373 complaints) led to disciplinary action against police officers, and only 2.7% (306 files)
led to criminal prosecution.1508
A report by the State Comptroller in 2017 found serious deficiencies with regards to accountability for
violations by police officers. It stated that while the unit receives thousands of complaints a year, many
are not investigated at all and only dozens lead to disciplinary action or criminal proceedings.1509
The persistent failure of Israeli authorities to punish the perpetrators and hold them accountable
perpetuates a culture of police violence particularly against Palestinian citizens of Israel.
1508. See, for example, Adalah, Mahash: Green Light for Police Brutality, September 2014, adalah.org/uploads/oldfiles/Public/files/English/
Newsletter/Sep-2014/Adalah-Mahash-Data-Report-Sep-2014.pdf
1509. Globes, המבקר: 6,300 תלונות על אלימות - רק 200 שוטרים הועמדו לדין [State Comptroller: 6,300 complaints of violence – only 200 police
officers were prosecuted], 5 April 2017, globes.co.il/news/article.aspx?did=1001184227&fbclid=IwAR10ZY7R6UdUVVQ6uu5qc4wtYPeiSJwYI-
NPs5jVh04lvtczPkqAb_lHoE (in Hebrew).
1510. Rome Statute, Article 7(1)(k).
1511. Fourth Geneva Convention, Article 27(1).
6.3.3 PATTERN OF INHUMAN OR INHUMANE ACTS
Patterns of excessive use of force against Palestinians during law enforcement operations, information
available about the Israeli military’s “rules of engagement”, as well as Israeli officials’ statements on
responding to such operations particularly during protests, reflect a planned and persistent policy of
shooting to kill or maim Palestinians. The policy has led to the killing of thousands of Palestinians and the
wounding of hundreds of thousands, many of whom have been left with permanent, catastrophic and often
life-changing injuries.
These practices are consistent with the inhuman and inhumane acts of “murder” and “other inhumane acts
of a similar character intentionally causing great suffering, or serious injury to body or to mental or physical
health”1510 or the “infliction upon the members of a racial group or groups of serious bodily or mental harm”
enumerated in the Rome Statute and the Apartheid Convention.
Additionally, under international humanitarian law, Palestinians in the OPT are “protected persons” entitled
to special protection and humane treatment at all times.1511 As such, the intentional and unjustified killing
and injury of Palestinians in the OPT during law enforcement operations may amount to the war crimes of
wilful killing or wilfully causing great suffering or serious injury to body or health.
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1512. Virginia Tilley, Beyond Occupation: Colonialism and International Law in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, 2012, p. 146.
1513. Rome Statute, Article 7(2)(k). While the analysis here will focus on the Rome Statute, the Apartheid Convention’s criminalization, in
Article II(c), of “denying to members of a racial group… basic human rights” roughly covers the specific violations and crimes addressed
in this section, bearing in mind that causing malnutrition involves violating “basic” human rights such as to an adequate standard of living,
including food, and to life, in particular of children.
1514. The ICC Pre-Trial Chamber distinguished the Rome Statute’s provision for “other inhumane acts” from that of previous tribunals
by stating that, unlike them, Article 7(2)(k) is not a “catch-all provision” but rather “contains certain limitations, as regards to the action
constituting an inhumane act and the consequence required as a result of that action.” See ICC, Prosecutor v. Katanga and Ngudjolo, Case
ICC-01/04-01/07, Pre-Trial Chamber, Decision on the Confirmation of Charges, 30 September 2008, para. 450.
1515. ICC, Elements of Crimes, UN Doc. PCNICC/2000/1/Add.2 (2000), Article 7(1)(k)(2).
1516. Mark Klamberg, Commentary on the Law of the International Criminal Court, 2017, p. 60.
1517. Kai Ambos and others, “Article 7 – Crimes against humanity – the crime of apartheid”, in Otto Triffterer and Kai Ambos (editors), The
Rome Statute of the ICC: A Commentary, 2016, pp. 283-4.
6.4 DENIAL OF BASIC RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS, AND
PERSECUTION
6.4.1 RELEVANT CRIMES UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW
The Apartheid Convention identifies acts listed in Article II(c), which defines the crime of apartheid, as including:
Any legislative measures and other measures calculated to prevent a racial group or groups from
participation in the political, social, economic and cultural life of the country and the deliberate creation
of conditions preventing the full development of such a group or groups, in particular by denying to
members of a racial group or groups basic human rights and freedoms, including the right to work,
the right to form recognized trade unions, the right to education, the right to leave and to return to their
country, the right to a nationality, the right to freedom of movement and residence, the right to freedom
of opinion and expression, and the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association.
The acts enumerated in Article II(c) appear to follow and complement the list of rights guaranteed under
Article 5 of the ICERD, reinforcing the fundamental responsibility of states parties in guaranteeing the
enjoyment of these rights through the prohibition and elimination of racial discrimination in all its forms.
Further, the list of acts is intended to be “illustrative and inclusive rather than comprehensive and exclusive”,
meaning that not all these rights need to be violated in order to establish the crime of apartheid. Other
prohibited acts found in Article 5 of the ICERD might be considered if they are relevant to preventing
“participation” and “full development” of the racial group.1512
The Rome Statute provides that crimes against humanity (which include apartheid) may involve “… other
inhumane acts of a similar character [to those provided elsewhere in Article 7(1)] intentionally causing great
suffering, or serious injury to body or to mental or physical health.”1513 This provision, which was included in
the statutes of previous international tribunals,1514 is designed to ensure that acts not explicitly criminalized in
Article 7(1) but similar to them in “nature and gravity”1515 are not excluded.1516
Several scholars have maintained that for the purposes of acts constituting the crime of apartheid, the acts
listed in Article II(c) of the Apartheid Convention may fall under Article 7(1)(k) (“other inhumane acts”) of
the Rome Statute, in conjunction with its Article 7(1)(j) (“apartheid”). In this context, experts on the Rome
Statute have explained why these acts enumerated in Article II(c) may be considered, in the context of
apartheid, as crimes against humanity:
Although some may contend that some of the other acts listed in Article II, such as the denial of the
right to work or to education, although of course, very serious deprivations, are not of the same nature
as the acts listed in Article 7, para.1, this contention overlooks the devastating impact on the lives of
those denied these rights recognized by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and guaranteed by
the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and on society deprived of the full
potential of its members.1517
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1518. Rome Statute, Article 7(2)(g).
1519. Rome Statute, Article 7(1)(h).
1520. Apartheid Convention, Article II(c).
The “intentional and severe deprivation of fundamental rights contrary to international law by reason of the
identity of the group or collectivity”1518 on “political, racial, national, ethnic, cultural, religious, gender… or
other grounds that are recognized as impermissible under international law”1519 constitutes the crime against
humanity of persecution, as per the Rome Statute, when committed in the context of other Rome Statute crimes.
6.4.2 ISRAELI POLICIES AND PRACTICES
hAs analysed in Chapter 5, Israel imposes a wide range of discriminatory and exclusionary laws, policies and
practices against the civilian Palestinian population that have clear – and foreseeable – consequences for the
enjoyment of human rights and amount to “deliberate creation of conditions preventing the full development”
of Palestinian communities in Israel and more acutely in the OPT. Some of these discriminatory laws extend to
Palestinian refugees, who were formerly citizens of British mandate Palestine, and their descendants, residing
in the OPT or outside Israel and the OPT. While some of the violations are the direct result of official policy and
conduct, others result from more “downstream” and indirect consequences, where policies severely impede the
enjoyment of other rights, including economic, social and cultural rights.
The systematic denial of the right to a nationality and severe restrictions imposed by Israel on movement
and residence, including the right to leave and to return to one’s country, go beyond what is justifiable under
international law. Their sweeping application has targeted the Palestinian population in a discriminatory
manner on the basis of their racialized identity as Palestinians. Thus, these restrictions obstruct Palestinians’
participation in political, social, economic and cultural life in Israel and the OPT and deliberately prevent their
full development as a group. These restrictions further undermine the enjoyment of a host of basic rights
and freedoms, including the rights to freedom of opinion and expression, freedom of peaceful assembly
and association, livelihood, work, health, food and education, as has been demonstrated in this report.
Beyond that, Israel has also imposed laws and policies that have restricted the enjoyment of these rights and
contributed to the “deliberate creation of conditions preventing the full development” of Palestinians.
Israel denies Palestinian refugees outside Israel and the OPT the right to citizenship and prevents them from
returning to their homes. This is a serious violation of Palestinian refugees’ “right to leave and to return to their
country, the right to a nationality, the right to freedom of movement and residence”1520 and, committed as it has
been as part of the system of oppression and domination, the violation amounts to an inhuman or inhumane
act under respectively the Apartheid Convention and the Rome Statute. In addition, by violating these rights
Israel prevents Palestinian refugees from “participating in the political, social, economic and cultural life of the
country,” which appears intended to ensure that Palestinians with the right to vote remain a minority within Israel.
The case of Mustafa Al-Kharouf, who together with his family has been trying to legalize his status in East
Jerusalem for over 22 years, first as a child and then as an adult, exemplifies the wide-ranging impact of
Israel’s discriminatory citizenship and status policies on the fundamental rights of those affected who are
unable to lead a normal life.
MUSTAFA AL-KHAROUF
Mustafa Al-Kharouf is a Palestinian photojournalist who was born to an Algerian mother and a
Palestinian Jerusalemite father. He lives in occupied East Jerusalem with his wife, Tamam Al-Kharouf,
and their children Asia, Iyad and Iyas. Israel denies Mustafa Al-Kharouf the right to live in Jerusalem and
maintains a threat to deport him. Israel’s measures deny him his right to reside within his own country,
freedom of movement, access to health, and the right to work.
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1521. Amnesty International, “Israel/OPT: Palestinian photojournalist at imminent risk of being ripped away from his family”, 23 May 2019,
amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2019/05/israelopt-palestinian-photojournalist-at-imminent-risk-of-being-ripped-away-from-his-family
1522. Amnesty International, “Israel/OPT: Stateless Palestinian Released on Bail: Mustafa al-Kharouf” (Index: MDE 15/1336/2019), 5
November 2019, amnesty.org/en/documents/mde15/1336/2019/en
Mustafa Al-Kharouf moved to East Jerusalem with his family from Algeria when he was 12. Soon after
the family returned to East Jerusalem, they submitted family unification requests with Israeli authorities,
requesting a legal status to reside in the city. However, they were subjected to the “centre of life”
condition that the Israeli authorities have applied in a discriminatory manner to Palestinian Jerusalemites
since 1988. Mustafa Al-Kharouf’s family had to wait six years before meeting that condition. By the time
they met the condition, Mustafa Al-Kharouf had turned 18 and his family was unable to apply for child
registration or family unification on his behalf, rendering him stateless.
Mustafa Al-Kharouf then started a long legal battle with the Israeli Ministry of Interior to validate
his legal status in East Jerusalem. He holds a temporary Jordanian travel document, which Jordan
issues for stateless Palestinians living in East Jerusalem. He was also granted a temporary work visa
by Israeli authorities on humanitarian grounds, but this was only valid from 27 October 2014 to 1
October 2015.
In June 2016, the Israeli Ministry of Interior refused to renew his work visa citing “security reasons”.
His lawyer, Adi Lustigman, from the Israeli human rights organization HaMoked, believed that the
ministry’s rejection was related to his work as a photojournalist documenting human rights abuses by
the Israeli authorities in East Jerusalem. In May 2017, Mustafa Al-Kharouf’s lawyer filed an appeal at a
court of appeal. After negotiations, the Ministry of Interior allowed him to submit an application for family
unification and to stay at his home in East Jerusalem until a decision was made. However, the ministry
rejected his application for family unification on 23 December 2018. The decision, according to his
lawyer, was based on an unsupported claim that Mustafa Al-Kharouf is an activist with Hamas and that
he is engaged in illegal activity.1521
On 21 January 2019, Mustafa Al-Kharouf’s lawyer appealed the decision rejecting the family unification
request. A few hours later, at approximately 1am on 22 January 2019, Israeli police and immigration
inspectors, acting on a Ministry of Interior deportation order, raided his home and arrested him. He
was held in Givon prison in the Negev/Naqab inside Israel, in contravention of international law. On 3
April 2019, an Israeli district court rejected Mustafa Al-Kharouf’s appeal regarding the family unification
request. However, the court gave an interim order not to deport him so he could bring his case before
the Supreme Court.
During the night of 21-22 July 2019, Israeli immigration authorities took Mustafa Al-Kharouf from
Givon prison and attempted to deport him to Jordan through the Allenby/King Hussein crossing,
but Jordanian authorities refused him entry. He was then taken to the Wadi Araba crossing, where
Jordanian authorities again refused him entry. This deportation attempt lasted over half of a day during
which Mustafa Al-Kharouf’s whereabouts were unknown to either his family or his lawyer. Mustafa Al-
Kharouf’s lawyer was later informed that he was being taken back to Givon prison to be held in custody
“pending deportation”.
On 25 September 2019, the Israeli Tribunal for Review of Custody of Illegal Aliens ruled that Mustafa
Al-Kharouf must be released if he was not deported within a month. On 24 October 2019, Mustafa
Al-Kharouf was released from detention after spending nine months in prison. Under the terms of
his release he had only 21 days to obtain a legal status to reside in East Jerusalem or else leave the
country.1522 His lawyer asked for an extension.
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1523. A temporary residence permit issued under Article 2(a)(5) of the Entry into Israel Law. It is used for asylum seekers.
1524. Amnesty International, interview by voice call with Tamam Al-Kharouf, 22 March 2021.
1525. Amnesty International, interview by voice call with Mustafa Al-Kharouf, 20 April 2021.
1526. Amnesty International, interview by voice call with Mustafa Al-Kharouf, 2 June 2021.
Mustafa Al-Kharouf currently holds a temporary permit of residence that must be renewed every three
months.1523 The visa allows him to travel between East Jerusalem, the rest of the West Bank and Israel,
but he is unable to work or access healthcare under Israel’s national health insurance schemes. As each
expiry date approaches the anxiety heightens for him and his family. His wife, Tamam Al-Kharouf, told
Amnesty International:
It hasn’t been easy. I thought the worst part was over when he was finally released from prison, but
it is not. Mustafa hasn’t been handling this well; my husband is still being treated as if he was a
visitor and not a resident of his city… He’s been accused of being an activist for Hamas, whatever
this means. And these were the grounds they relied on to reject our family reunification request
once again… To be honest, I am a little at ease because his deportation is no longer an option
since the countries they want to deport him to are refusing to allow it. I mean now, our worst-case
scenario is that we move to a place like Kufr Aqab, which is problematic to be honest. It will be
difficult for Mustafa, as I’ll be able to move freely, while he will be limited and stuck – regarding
commuting, accessing health facilities, and being able to do his job as a photojournalist.1524
Mustafa Al-Kharouf told Amnesty International:
There is no way out. I try to normalize my situation as much as possible or else I will go crazy or
depressed. I do everything with an expiry date on it, whether they are my visas, my activities, my
movement. According to my release terms, I have to be home by 10pm and could leave only after
5am every day. I never put myself in a position of risk; this risk would entail being caught and sent
back to prison just because that day an Israeli authority figure might stop me randomly at a “flying
checkpoint” or during a random search and ask for my papers… and require me having to explain
my situation from scratch for them for hours and hours. I avoid these situations; I rarely ever go
to the West Bank just so I don’t have to deal with soldiers at Qalandia checkpoint. I’ve left one big
prison to enter another or if we’re being more accurate, I was always in prison – it just changed
form a little.1525
Mustafa Al-Kharouf and his family last submitted a family reunification request in May 2020. The
Ministry of Interior rejected it in December 2020 again based on allegations that he posed a “security
threat” to Israel. The family appealed, but on 30 May 2021 Mustafa Al-Kharouf’s lawyer notified him
that this had been rejected on security grounds based on secret information. He spoke to Amnesty
International after receiving the news:
I do not understand this logic, or lack of it. I could understand them beating me, shooting me,
detaining me, as they have done, due to my work, but cannot understand the rationale of holding
secret evidence against me and keeping on flipping my life upside-down every few months just
because they can. I want to tell my lawyer to ask them to make sure that I am the person in
question, to double-check if they have me mixed up with someone else, or to ask them to at least
let me know how they’ve affiliated me with Hamas for example, or am doing work that somehow
displeases the State of Israel. I wish I could get to meet face to face with whoever it is sitting
behind a desk and making these irrational decisions about my life. I need some kind of logic to
understand my situation, because none of this makes any sense.1526
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Mustafa Al-Kharouf hugs his wife and their daughter in the company of his mother after 10 months of detention in an Israeli jail, on 24
October 2019 © Faiz Abu Rmeleh / Anadolu Agency via Getty Images
6.4.3 PATTERN OF INHUMAN OR INHUMANE ACTS
Israeli authorities’ intent to commit the crime against humanity of persecution is evident from their longstanding
discriminatory laws, policies and practices against the Palestinian population in the OPT that
have resulted in numerous restrictions on fundamental rights, including arbitrarily restricting Palestinians’
freedom of movement and residence in their communities, their right to family life, and their rights to access
livelihoods, housing, food, water, essential healthcare services and education. These serious violations have
been committed in the context of the multiple commission of crimes under the Rome Statute within the
territory of Israel and the OPT. In almost every instance, the persecution faced by the Palestinian population
tracks the acts of persecution enumerated in Article II(c) of the Apartheid Convention.
Amnesty International has therefore concluded that, at least as regards the denial of human rights of the
Palestinian population through years of deliberate discriminatory and exclusionary policies and official Israeli
statements that are reflected in practice, Israeli authorities have committed the crime against humanity
of, or other inhumane act similar to, “persecution” within the meaning of the Rome Statute and “denial
of basic human rights” that “prevent the racial group or groups from participation in the political, social,
economic and cultural life of the country and the deliberate creation of conditions preventing [its or their] full
development” under the Apartheid Convention.
6.5 SECURITY CONSIDERATIONS AND INTENT TO
COMMIT APARTHEID
Israeli authorities justify on security grounds many of the policies presented in this report, including
policies of land confiscation, denial of building and planning permits, residency revocations, restrictions
of movement, and violations of civil and political rights. It is true that the State of Israel has an obligation
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1527. In other words, the differential treatment is not proportionate to any legitimate aim of the state (including the legitimate aim of
ensuring the security of the state and its nationals).
under international law to protect all persons within its jurisdiction and control from violence, and therefore
has a duty to ensure security within all territories that it controls. In the context of an international armed
conflict and a military occupation there may be circumstances where treating different groups differently is
based on lawful grounds and this may therefore occur in a manner that does not infringe the prohibition of
discrimination. Indeed, as set out above, international humanitarian law allows, and in certain circumstances
requires, nationals of the occupying power and the occupied population to be treated differently. However,
security-related policies must comply with international law, including by ensuring any limitations or
restrictions to rights are necessary and proportionate to the security threat. As this report illustrates, Israeli
authorities have, on the contrary, pursued policies that deliberately discriminate against Palestinians over a
prolonged period and in a particularly cruel manner in ways that have no reasonable basis in security, but
which can be explained much more readily as consequent to an intent to control the Palestinian people and
exploit their resources.
Firstly, many of the violations that are documented in this report simply have no justification in security or
“defence”. The prolonged and cruel discriminatory denial of Palestinians’ access to their land and property
that was seized in a violent and discriminatory manner has no security rationale. There is no security basis for
the effective segregation of Palestinian citizens of Israel through discriminatory laws on planning and access to
housing. The denial of their rights to claim their property and homes seized under the authority of racist laws,
or to move into and reside wherever they wish, including in what have been designated as exclusively Jewish
communities, is more likely to lead to security challenges than to encourage harmonious relations.
Other violations against the rights of Palestinian citizens of Israel also fall short of a link to security. Arbitrary
and discriminatory interference with the rights of Palestinian citizens of Israel to marry and extend rights of
residence to their spouses and children, in the absence of evidence that particular individuals pose a threat,
cannot be justified on security grounds.1527 There is no security justification for the bifurcation of nationality
and citizenship within Israel and the limitations that this imposes on Palestinians in exercising their rights.
The real reason for these violations and the intention for the differential action must be sought elsewhere.
Secondly, and as seen above, differential treatment in occupied territories cannot be tolerated where the
intention of the difference is to privilege the nationals of the occupying power to the lasting detriment of
the occupied population. As established above, certain limitations on human rights may be permissible in
situations of occupation, and thus administrative detention in East Jerusalem, the rest of the West Bank or
the Gaza Strip may be justifiable under international law if conducted in good faith and adhering to the law of
occupation. However, this justification for the differential treatment cannot extend to the settlement of Jewish
Israelis, whether with the tacit consent or active support of the State of Israel, in the occupied territories. It
cannot extend to the murders, the targeted killings, the torture, the deportation and other forcible transfer of
populations that have been perpetrated in the OPT and documented in this report.
Thirdly, while some policies that have the effect of discriminating against Palestinians may have been
designed to fulfil legitimate security objectives, they have been implemented in a blanket manner and for
prolonged periods, thus failing to comply with international law. For example, this report details Israel’s
policies towards Palestinians in Gaza following the withdrawal of settlers and troops in 2005 and during the
time the territory has been under the de facto administration of Hamas. The report illustrates how policies
of sweeping, severe and long-term restrictions on freedom of movement, for example, have no security
justification. Meanwhile, certain policies, such as the creation of access-restricted zones around Gaza, both
on land and in the sea, may have been designed for a legitimate security purpose, namely to prevent Hamas
from using these areas to launch attacks against Israelis. However, their implementation over a prolonged
period has resulted in systematic violations of human rights. This report shows that the policy to maintain
these zones has resulted in systematic violations of human rights with severe impact on the livelihoods of
Palestinians, particularly farmers and fishermen who are violently denied access to agricultural land and
fishing waters within them.
265
ISRAEL’S APARTHEID AGAINST PALESTINIANS
CRUEL SYSTEM OF DOMINATION AND CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY
Amnesty International
1528. ICTR, Prosecutor v. Akayesu, Case ICTR-96-4, Trial Chamber judgment, 2 September 1998, para. 580.
1529. Rome Statute, Article 7(2)(a).
The report provides other examples of such Israeli policies, including the declaration of closed military
zones, the use of administrative detention, and the imposition of certain restrictions on movement such as
travel bans and blocking access to certain areas. Taken out of context, these could be seen as grounded in
legitimate security concerns. However, examined in the context of systematic discrimination and oppression,
and in the light of the mass human rights violations these policies have entailed, it becomes clear that the
element of genuine security considerations has been far outweighed by the clear, and illegitimate, intent
to dominate and oppress. The report demonstrates that these policies, while justified by Israel on security
grounds, have consistently been implemented in a grossly disproportionate and discriminatory manner,
resulting in mass, systematic violation of Palestinians’ human rights.
Consequently, security is not a viable explanation for the prolonged and cruel discrimination to which
Palestinians have been subjected. Instead, the evidence of widespread, systematic and cruel violations
documented in this report leads to the conclusion that the intention is to ensure Jewish Israeli domination over
and oppression of Palestinians in all areas under Israel’s control. This intention can be inferred from Israel’s
systematic privileging of Jewish Israelis over Palestinians in all geographical territories under its control, by its
discriminatory denial of the right of return to all Palestinian refugees, by the illegal settlement of its citizens
in the occupied territories and its exploitation of the resources there, and by its illegal annexation of East
Jerusalem and extension of lesser rights to Palestinians living there compared to Israeli citizens.
6.6 CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY OF APARTHEID
This chapter has demonstrated that Palestinians have been subjected to acts proscribed under customary
international law and by both the Apartheid Convention and the Rome Statute, in Israel and the OPT and in
all situations where Israel exercises control over Palestinians’ enjoyment of their rights. Where these serious
human rights violations are committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed at a civilian
population pursuant to or in furtherance of a state or organizational policy, and with the intention to maintain
the systematic, cruel and prolonged control of the Palestinians to the benefit of Jewish Israelis, these amount
to crimes against humanity of apartheid.
The evidence set out demonstrates that multiple (indeed a multitude) of proscribed acts have been committed
in Israel and the OPT and against Palestinians whose rights are under the control of Israel. These serious
human rights violations have been committed in the context of a system of oppression and domination of the
Palestinian people by the Israeli state for the benefit of Jewish Israelis with the intention of maintaining that
regime. By their very nature, such discriminatory, segregationist laws, policies and practices are systematic.
Further, the attack is widespread because the crimes have been committed in a way that is “massive,
frequent, [and] carried out collectively with considerable seriousness and directed against a multiplicity of
victims”.1528 The attack against the Palestinian population is therefore both widespread and systematic.
Considering among other things the legally mandated nature of many of these inhuman and inhumane acts
and the failure of Israeli courts to provide remedies or to end these violations, the only logical inference is
that these violations have been committed as part of an attack directed at the civilian population “pursuant
to or in furtherance of a State or organizational policy to commit such attack”.1529 The nature of the
proscribed acts documented in this chapter make it clear that these violations have been “planned, directed
or organized” by the Israeli authorities and indeed that many of these violations have been committed on
the basis of and with reference to Israeli laws and official policies, and thus by their very nature have been
committed in furtherance of a state policy. The only conclusion, after careful consideration of the factual
findings, is that they form part of a widespread as well as systematic attack directed against the Palestinian
population, and that the crimes committed within the context of this attack constitute crimes against
humanity as defined in international law.
92
Annex 4 : Basic-Law Israël : « Israël, The Nation-State of the Jewish People », 19 july 2018,
English translation by the Knesset.
93
94
BASIC-LAW: ISRAEL - THE NATION STATE OF THE JEWISH PEOPLE
(Originally adopted in 5778-2018
Basic principles 1. (a) The Land of Israel is the historical homeland of the
Jewish People, in which the State of Israel was
established.
(b) The State of Israel is the nation state of the Jewish
People in which it realizes its natural, cultural, religious
and historical right to self-determination.
(c) The realization of the right to national selfdetermination
in the State of Israel is exclusive to the
Jewish People.
The symbols of the
State
2. (a) The name of the State is "Israel"
(b) The State flag is white, with two light-blue stripes close
to the edges, and a light-blue Star of David in the
centre.
(c) The State emblem is a seven-branched menorah with
olive leaves on both sides, and the word "Israel"
beneath it.
(d) The national anthem is "Hatikvah".
(e) Details regarding the State symbols shall be prescribed
This unofficial English translation of the basic law includes all the amendments adopted
through May 1, 2022.
For the full and updated legislative history of the official law (in Hebrew), please see the
relevant page in the National Legislation Database.
Special thanks to Dr. Sheila Hattis Rolef for the translation.
by law.
The capital of the State 3. The complete and united Jerusalem is the capital of Israel.
Language 4. (a) Hebrew is the language of the State.
(b) Arabic has a special status in the State. Regulation of
the use of Arabic in state institutions or in contacts with
them shall be prescribed by law.
(c) Nothing in this article shall compromise the status
given to the Arabic language in practice, before this
basic-law came into force.
Ingathering of the
exiles
5. The State shall be open to Jewish immigration, and the
ingathering of the exiles.
The connection to the
Jewish People
6. (a) The State shall strive to secure the welfare of members
of the Jewish People and of its citizens, who are in
straits and in captivity, due to their Jewishness or due to
their citizenship.
(b) The State shall act in the Diaspora, to strengthen the
affinity between the State and members of the Jewish
People.
(c) The State shall act to preserve the cultural, historical,
and religious heritage of the Jewish People among Jews
of the Diaspora.
Jewish settlement 7. The State views the development of Jewish settlement as a
national value, and shall act to encourage and promote its
establishment and consolidation.
Official calendar 8. The Hebrew calendar is the official calendar of the State, and
side by side with it, the Gregorian calendar shall be used as an
official calendar. The use of the Hebrew calendar and the
Gregorian calendar shall be prescribed by law.
Independence Day and
memorial days
9. (a) Independence Day is the official national holiday of the
State.
(b) Memorial Day for the Fallen in Israel's Wars, and the
Remembrance Day for the Holocaust and Martyrdom,
are official memorial days of the State.
Days of rest and
statutory holidays
10. The Sabbath and the Jewish holidays are the established days
of rest in the State. Those who are not Jewish have the right to
keep days of rest on their days of rest and holidays. Details
regarding this matter shall be presdcribed by law.
Rigidity 11. This basic-law may not be changed save by means of a basiclaw,
adopted by a majority of the Knesset Members.
98
Annex 5 : Letter n° 4 from McMahon to Husayn, 14 October 1915, Translation, The Hussein-
McMahon Correspondence, Jewish Virtual Library, American-Israeli Cooperative Enterprise.
99
100
Jewish Virtual Library
American-Israeli Cooperative Enterprise
Pre-State Israel: The Hussein-McMahon
Correspondence
(July 15 - August 1916)
Letter No. 4
Translation of a letter from McMahon to Husayn, October 24, 1915
I have received your letter of the 29th Shawal, 1333, with much pleasure and your
expressions of friendliness and sincerity have given me the greatest satisfaction.
I regret that you should have received from my last letter the impression that I regarded the
question of the limits and boundaries with coldness and hesitation; such was not the case,
but it appeared to me that the time had not yet come when that question could be discussed
in a conclusive manner.
I have realised, however, from your last letter that you regard this question as one of vital
and urgent importance. I have, therefore, lost no time in informing the Government of Great
Britain of the contents of your letter, and it is with great pleasure that I communicate to you
on their behalf the following statement, which I am confident you will receive with
satisfaction:-
The two districts of Mersina and Alexandretta and portions of Syria lying to the west of the
districts of Damascus, Homs, Hama and Aleppo cannot be said to be purely Arab, and
should be excluded from the limits demanded.
With the above modification, and without prejudice of our existing treaties with Arab chiefs,
we accept those limits.
As for those regions lying within those frontiers wherein Great Britain is free to act without
detriment to the interest of her ally, France, I am empowered in the name of the Government
of Great Britain to give the following assurances and make the following reply to your
letter:-
1. Subject to the above modifications, Great Britain is prepared to recognize and support the
independence of the Arabs in all the regions within the limits demanded by the Sherif of
Mecca.
2. Great Britain will guarantee the Holy Places against all external aggression and will
recognise their inviolability.
3. When the situation admits, Great Britain will give to the Arabs her advice and will assist
them to establish what may appear to be the most suitable forms of government in those
various territories.
4. On the other hand, it is understood that the Arabs have decided to seek the advice and
guidance of Great Britain only, and that such European advisers and officials as may be
required for the formation of a sound form of administration will be British.
5. With regard to the vilayets of Bagdad and Basra, the Arabs will recognise that the
established position and interests of Great Britain necessitate special administrative
arrangements in order to secure these territories from foreign aggression, to promote the
welfare of the local populations and to safeguard our mutual economic interests.
I am convinced that this declaration will assure you beyond all possible doubt of the
sympathy of Great Britain towards the aspirations of her friends the Arabs and will result in
a firm and lasting alliance, the immediate results of which will be the expulsion of the Turks
from the Arab countries and the freeing of the Arab peoples from the Turkish yoke, which
for so many years has pressed heavily upon them.
I have confined myself in this letter to the more vital and important questions, and if there
are any other matters dealt with in your letter which I have omitted to mention, we may
discuss them at some convenient date in the future.
It was with very great relief and satisfaction that I heard of the safe arrival of the Holy
Carpet and the accompanying offerings which, thanks to the clearness of your directions and
the excellence of your arrangements, were landed without trouble or mishap in spite of the
dangers and difficulties occasioned by the present sad war. May God soon bring a lasting
peace and freedom to all peoples!
I am sending this letter by the hand of your trusted and excellent messenger, Sheikh
Mohammed Ibn Arif Ibn Uraifan, and he will inform you of the various matters of interest,
but of less vital importance, which I have not mentioned in this letter.
(Compliments)
(Signed) A. H. McMAHON
Annex 6 : The Anglo-French Declaration of 7 November 1918, 145 Parliamentary Debates H.C
(5th Series) 36, 1921, in John Norton Moore, The Arab-Israeli conflict, Vol. III, Documents,
Princeton University Press, 1974, p. 38.
103
104

Annexe 7 : Société des Nations, Mandat pour la Palestine, 12 août 1922, C.529 M. 314.
Annex 7 : League of Nations, Mandate for Palestine, 12 August 1922, C.529 M. 314.
107
108
C. 529. M. 314. 1922. vi
[Communiqué au Conseil
et aux Membres de la Société.
G enève, le 12 a o û t 1922.
SOCIETE DES NATIONS
MANDAT POUR LA PALESTINE
LEAGUE OF NATIONS
MANDATE FOR PALESTINE
SOCIETE DES NATIONS.
MANDAT POUR LA PALESTINE
Le Conseil de la Société des Nations :
Considérant que les Principales Puissances Alliées sont d’accord en vue de
donner effet aux dispositions de l'article 22 du Pacte de la Société des Nations,
pour confier à un Mandataire choisi par les dites Puissances l’administration du
territoire de la Palestine, qui faisait autrefois partie, de l’Empire ottoman, dans des
frontières à fixer par les dites Puissances ;
Considérant que les Principales Puissances Alliées ont, en outre, convenu
que le Mandataire serait responsable de la mise à exécution de la déclaration
originairement faite le 2 novembre 1917 par le Gouvernement britannique et
adoptée par les dites Puissances, en faveur de l ’établissement en Palestine d’un
foyer national pour le peuple juif, étant bien entendu que rien ne sera fait qui puisse
porter préjudice aux droits civils et religieux des communautés non juives en Palestine,
non plus qu’aux droits et au statut politique dont jouissent les Juifs
dans tout autre pays :
Considérant que cette déclaration comporte la reconnaissance des liens
historiques du peuple juif avec la Palestine et des raisons de la reconstitution de
son foyer national en ce pays ;
Considérant que les Puissances Alliées ont choisi Sa Majesté Britannique
comme Mandataire pour la Palestine ;
Considérant que les termes du mandat sur la Palestine ont été formulés de la
façon suivante et soumis à l’approbation du Conseil de la Société ;
Considérant que Sa Majesté Britannique a accepté le mandat pour la Palestine
et s ’est, engagée à l’exercer au nom de la Société des Nations, conformément aux
dispositions ci-dessous ;
Considérant qu’aux termes de. l’article 22 ci-dessus mentionné (paragraphe 8),
il est prévu que si le degré d’autorité, de contrôle ou d’administration à exercer
par le Mandataire n ’a pas fait l’objet d’urfe Convention antérieure entre les Membres
de la Société, il sera expressément statué sur ces points par le Conseil ;
Confirmant le dit mandat, a statué sur ses termes comme suit :
Article 1.
Le Mandataire aura pleins pouvoirs de législation et d ’administration, sous
réserve des limites qui peuvent être fixées par les termes du présent mandat.
Article 2.
Le Mandataire assumera la responsabilité d ’instituer dans le pays un état
de choses politique, administratif et économique de nature à assurer l’établissement
du foyer national pour le peuple juif, comme il est prévu au préambule, et à
assurer également le développement d’institutions de libre gouvernement, ainsi
que la sauvegarde des droits civils et religieux de tous les habitants de la Palestine
à quelque race ou religion qu’ils appartiennent.
Article 3.
Le Mandataire favorisera les autonomies locales dans toute la mesure où les
circonstances s’y prêteront.
S. D. N. 550 ex. 8/22. lmp. Réunies S. A. Lausanne.
Article 4.
Un organisme juif convenable sera officiellement reconnu et aura le droit
de donner des avis à l’Administration de la Palestine et de coopérer avec elle
dans toutes questions économiques, sociales et autres, susceptibles d’affecter
l ’établissement du foyer national juif et les intérêts de la population juive en
Palestine, et, toujours sous réserve du contrôle de l ’Administration, d’aider et
de participer au développement du pays.
L’organisation sioniste sera reconnue comme étant l ’organisme visé ci-dessus,
pour autant que, de l ’avis du Mandataire, son organisation et sa constitution
seront jugés convenables. D’accord avec le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté Britannique,
elle prendra toutes mesures nécessaires pour assurer la coopération de
tous les Juifs disposés à collaborer à la constitution du foyer national juif.
Article 5.
Le Mandataire garantit la Palestine contre toute perte ou prise à bail de tout
ou partie du territoire et contre l’établissement de tout contrôle d’une Puissance
étrangère.
Article 6.
Tout en veillant à ce qu'il ne soit pas porté atteinte aux droits et à la situation
des autres parties de la population, l ’Administration de la Palestine facilitera
l ’immigration juive dans des conditions convenables et de concert avec
l’organisme juif mentionné à l’article 4, elle encouragera l’établissement intensif
des Juifs sur les terres du pays, y compris les domaines de l’Eta t et les terres
incultes inutilisées pour les services publics.
Article 7.
L’Administration de la Palestine assumera la responsabilité d’édicter une
loi sur la nationalité. Cette loi comportera des clauses destinées à faciliter aux
Juifs qui s’établiront en Palestine d’une façon permanente l’acquisition de la
nationalité palestinienne.
Article 8.
Les privilèges et immunités des étrangers, y compris la juridiction et la protection
consulaires, tels qu’ils étaient autrefois pratiqués dans l’Empire ottoman,
en vertu des Capitulations et des usages, seront sans application en Palestine.
A moins que les Puissances, dont les ressortissants jouissaient de ces privilèges
et immunités au 1er août 1914, n’aient préalablement renoncé au rétablissement
de ces privilèges et immunités, ou n’aient consenti à leur non application
pendant une certaine période, ceux-ci seront à la fin du mandat et sans
délai rétablis intégralement ou avec telle modification qui aurait été convenue
par les Puissances intéressées.
Article 9.
Le Mandataire assumera la responsabilité de veiller à l’institution en Palestine
d’un système judiciaire assurant, tan t aux étrangers qu’aux indigènes, la
garantie complète de leurs droits.
Le respect du statut personnel des diverses populations et communautés
et de leurs intérêts d’ordre religieux sera entièrement garanti. En particulier, le
Mandataire exercera le contrôle de l ’administration des Wakoufs, en parfaite
conformité avec les lois religieuses et la volonté des fondateurs.
Article 10.
En attendant la conclusion de conventions spéciales d’extradition, les traités
d’extradition en vigueur entre le Mandataire et d ’autres Puissances étrangères
seront appliqués à la Palestine.
Article 11.
L Administration de la Palestine prendra toutes mesures nécessaires pour
sauvegarder les intérêts de la communauté concernant le développement du
pays et, sous réserve des obligations internationales acceptées par le Mandataire,
elle aura pleins pouvoirs pour décider quant à la propriété ou au contrôle public
de toutes les ressources naturelles du pays, ou des travaux et services d’utilité
publique déjà établis ou à y établir. Elle introduira un régime agraire adapté aux
besoins du pays, en ayant égard, entre autres choses, aux avantages qu’il pourrait
y avoir à encourager la colonisation intense et la culture intensive de la
terre.
L’Administration pourra, dans la mesure 01 elle n’agira pas directement,
s’entendre avec l’organisme juif mentionné à l’artic e 4, pour effectuer ou exploiter,
dans des conditions justes et équitables, tous travaux et services d’utilité publique
et pour développer toutes les ressources naturelles du pays. Dans ces accords, il sera
entendu qu’aucun des bénéfices distribués directement ou indirectement par
cet organisme ne devra dépasser un taux raisonnable d’intérêt sur le capital et
que tout excédent de bénéfice sera utilisé par lui au profit du pays et d’une manière
approuvée par l ’Administration.
Article 12.
Les relations extérieures de la Palestine, ainsi que la délivrance des exequatur
aux consuls des Puissances étrangères seront du ressort du Mandataire.
Le Mandataire aura aussi le droit d’étendre sa protection diplomatique et consulaire
aux ressortissants de la Palestine se trouvant hors des limites de ce territoire.
Article 13.
Tout en maintenant l’ordre et la bienséance publics, le Mandataire assume
toute responsabilité au sujet des Lieux Saints, des édifices et des sites religieux en
Palestine, y compris celle de préserver les droits existants, d’assurer le libre
accès des Lieux Saints, des édifices et des sites religieux, et le libre exercice du
culte. Il ne sera responsable, pour toutes les questions qui s’y réfèrent, que visà-
vis de la Société des Nations, étant entendu que rien dans cet article n ’empêchera
le Mandataire de faire avec l’Administration tel arrangement qu’il jugera nécessaire,
en vue d ’exécuter les dispositions du présent article, et étant entendu aussi
que rien dans le présent mandat ne pourra être interprété comme l ’autorisant à
toucher aux immeubles ou à intervenir dans l’administration des sanctuaires
purement musulmans, dont les privilèges sont garantis.
Article 1 1.
Une Commission spéciale sera nommée par la Puissance mandataire, à l ’effet
d’étudier, définir et régler tous droits et réclamations concernant les Lieux Saints,
ainsi que les différentes communautés religieuses en Palestine. Le mode de nomination
des membres de la Commission, sa composition et ses fonctions, seront
soumis à l ’approbation du Conseil de la Société, et la Commission ne sera pas nommée
et n ’entrera pas en fonctions avant cette approbation.
Article 15.
Le Mandataire garantira à tous la plus complète liberté de conscience, ainsi
que le libre exercice de toutes les formes de culte compatibles avec l ’ordre public
et les bonnes moeurs. Il n’y aura aucune inégalité de traitement entre les habitants
de la Palestine, du fait des différences de race, de religion ou de langue. Personne
ne sera exclu de la Palestine, à raison seulement de ses convictions religieuses.
Il ne sera porté aucune atteinte au droit des communautés de conserver
leurs écoles en vue de l’instruction et de l ’éducation de leurs membres dans leur
propre langue, à condition de se conformer aux prescriptions générales sur l ’instruction
publique que pourrait édicter l’Administration.
— 6 -
Article 16.
Le Mandataire devra assirer le contrôle des institutions religieuses ou
charitables de toutes confessions, en Palestine qui peut être exigé pour le maintien
de l ’ordre public et la bonne administration. Sous réserve de ce contrôle, on ne
pourra prendre en Palestine aucune mesure qui mettrait obstacle à l’oeuvre de
ces institutions ou qui constituerait une intervention dans cette oeuvre et l ’on
ne pourra faire de distinctions entre les représentants ou les membres de ces institutions
du fait de leur religion ou de leur nationalité.
Article 17.
L'Administration de la Palestine peut organiser par recrutement volontaire
les forces nécessaires au maintien de la paix et de l’ordre, ainsi qu’à la défense
du pays, sous le contrôle du Mandataire, mais elle n’aura pas le droit de faire usage
de ces forces à d’autres fins que celles énoncées ci-dessus, à moins que le Mandataire
ne l’y autorise. L’Administration de la Palestine ne lèvera ni entretiendra de force
militaire, navale ou aérienne qu’aux fins susdites.
Aucune disposition de cet article n ’empêchera l’Administration de la Palestine
de participer aux frais d’entretien des forces militaires du Mandataire en
Palestine.
Le Mandataire disposera en tout temps du droit d’utiliser les ports, voies
ferrées et moyens de communication de Palestine, pour le passage des forces
armées et le transport du combustible et des approvisionnements.
Article 18.
Il appartiendra au Mandataire de faire en sorte qu’aucune discrimination
ne soit faite en Palestine entre les nationaux d’un E ta t quelconque Membre de
la Société des Nations (y compris les compagnies constituées selon les lois de cet
Etat) et les nationaux de la Puissance mandataire ou de tout autre Etat, ni en
matière d’impôts, de commerce ou de navigation, ni dans l’exercice des industries
ou professions, ni dans le traitement accordé aux navires marchands ou aux
aéronefs civils. De même, il ne sera imposé en Palestine aucun traitement différentiel
entre les marchandises originaires ou à destination d’un quelconque des
dits Etats ; il y aura dans des conditions équitables liberté de transit à travers
le territoire sous mandat.
Sous réserve des stipulations ci-dessus et des autres stipulations du mandat,
l’Administration de la Palestine pourra, sur le conseil du Mandataire, établir
les impôts et les droits de douane qu’elle jugera nécessaires et prendre les mesures
qui lui paraîtront les plus propres à assurer le développement des ressources
naturelles du pays et à sauvegarder les intérêts de la population locale. Elle
pourra également, sur le conseil du Mandataire, conclure un accord douanier spécial
avec un E ta t quelconque dont le territoire en 1914 faisait intégralement
partie de la Turquie d’Asie ou de l’Arabie.
Article 19.
Le Mandataire devra adhérer, au nom de l’Administration de la Palestine,
à toutes conventions internationales générales conclues, ou à conclure avec l’approbation
de la Société des Nations, sur les sujets suivants : traite des esclaves,
trafic des armes et munitions, trafic des stupéfiants, égalité commerciale, liberté
de transit et de navigation, navigation aérienne, communications postales, télégraphiques
ou par télégraphie sans fil, propriété littéraire, artistique ou industrielle.
Article 20.
Autant que les conditions sociales, religieuses et autres le permettront, le
Mandataire collaborera au nom de l’Administration de la Palestine aux mesures
d’utilité commune, qui seraient adoptées par la Société des Nations, pour prévenir
et combattre les maladies, y compris celles des animaux et des plantes.
Article 21.
Le Mandataire élaborera et mettra en vigueur, dans un délai de douze mois
à dater de ce jour, une loi sur les antiquités conforme aux dispositions ci-après.
Cette loi assurera aux ressortissants de tous les Membres de la Société des Nations
l ’égalité de traitement en matière de fouilles et recherches archéologiques.
1.
Par « antiquités », on devra entendre toute oeuvre ou produit de l’activité
humaine antérieurs à l’année 1700.
2 .
La législation sur la protection des antiquités devra procéder plutôt par
encouragements que par menaces.
Toute personne qui, ayant fait la découverte d’une antiquité sans avoir
l’autorisation visée au paragraphe 5, signale cette découverte à l’autorité compétente,
devra recevoir une rémunération proportionnée, à la valeur de la découverte.
3.
Aucune antiquité ne pourra être aliénée qu’en faveur de l’autorité compétente,
à moins que celle-ci renonce à en faire l’acquisition.
Aucune antiquité ne pourra sortir du pays sans une licence délivrée par la
dite autorité.
4.
Toute personne qui, par malice ou négligence, détruit ou détériore une antiquité
devra être passible d ’une pénalité à fixer.
5.
Tout déplacement de terrain ou fouilles en vue de trouver des antiquités
seront interdits, sous peine d’amende, si ce n’est aux personnes munies d ’une
autorisation de l’autorité compétente.
6.
Des conditions équitables seront fixées pour permettre d'exproprier temporairement,
ou à titre permanent, les terrains pouvant présenter un intérêt historique
ou archéologique.
7.
L’autorisation de procéder à des fouilles ne sera accordée qu’à des personnes
présentant des garanties suffisantes d’expérience archéologique. L’Administration
de la Palestine ne devra pas, en accordant ces autorisations, agir de façon à
éliminer, sans motifs valables, les savants d’aucune nation.
9.
Le produit des fouilles pourra être réparti entre la personne ayant procédé
à la fouille et l’autorité compétente, dans la proportion fixée par celle-ci. Si, pour
des raisons scientifiques, la répartition paraît impossible, l’inventeur devra recevoir
une équitable indemnité au lieu d’une partie du produit de la fouille.
Article 22.
L’anglais, l’arabe et l ’hébreu seront les langues officielles de la Palestine.
Toutes indications ou inscriptions arabes sur les timbres ou la monnaie figureront
également en hébreu et réciproquement.
Article 23.
L’Administration de la Palestine reconnaîtra les jours saints des différentes
communautés comme jours de repos légal pour les dites communautés.
Article 24.
Le Mandataire adressera au Conseil de la Société des Nations un rapport
annuel, répondant à ses vues, sur les mesures prises pendant l’année pour l ’application
du mandat. Les textes de toutes les lois et de tous les règlements promulgués
pendant l’année seront annexés au dit rapport.
Article 25.
Dans les territoires s’étendant entre le Jourdain et la frontière orientale
de la Palestine, telle qu’elle sera définitivement fixée, le Mandataire aura la faculté,
avec le consentement du Conseil de la Société des Nations, de retarder ou de suspendre
l’application des stipulations du présent mandat qu’il jugera inapplicables
à raison des conditions locales existantes, et de prendre, en vue de l’administration
de ces territoires, toutes les mesures q u ’il estimera convenables, pourvu
qu’aucune de ces mesures ne soit incompatible avec les stipulations des articles
15, 16 et 18.
Article 26.
Le Mandataire accepte que tout différend, quel qu’il soit, qui viendrait à
s ’élever entre lui et un autre Membre de la Société des Nations, relatif à l’interprétation
ou à l'application des dispositions du mandat et qui ne serait pas susceptible
d’être réglé par des négociations, soit soumis à la Cour permanente de
Justice internationale, prévue par l’article 14 du Pacte de la Société des Nations.
Article 27.
Le consentement du Conseil de la Société des Nations sera nécessaire pour
toutes modifications à apporter aux termes du présent mandat.
Article 28.
Au cas où prendrait fin le mandat conféré par le présent acte au Mandataire,
le Conseil de la Société prendra toutes les dispositions nécessaires pour
sauvegarder à perpétuité, sous la garantie de la Société, les droits garantis par les
articles 13 et 14 et usera de toute son influence pour que le Gouvernement de
Palestine, sous la garantie de la Société, assume pleinement toutes les obligations
financières, légitimement contractées par l ’Administration de la Palestine, pendant
la durée du mandat, y compris les droits des fonctionnaires à des pensions
ou à des gratifications.
Le présent acte sera déposé en original aux archives de la Société et des exemplaires
certifiés conformes seront transmis par le Secrétaire général de la Société
des Nations à tous les Membres de la Société.
Fait à Londres, le vingt-quatrième jour de juillet mil neuf cent vingt-deux.
Exemplaire certifié conforme :
S e c r é t a i r e g é n é r a l .
LEAGUE OF NATIONS.
MANDATE FOR PALESTINE
The Council of the League of Nations :
Whereas the Principal Allied Powers have agreed, for the purpose of giving
effect to the provisions of Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations,
to entrust to a Mandatory selected by the said Powers the administration of the
territory of Palestine, which formerly belonged to the Turkish Empire, within
such boundaries as may be fixed by them ; and
Whereas the Principal Allied Powers have also agreed that the Mandatory
should be responsible for putting into effect the declaration originally made on
November 2nd, 1917, by the Government of His Britannic Majesty, and adopted
by the said Powers, in favour of the establishment in Palestine of a national
home for the Jewish people, it being clearly understood th a t nothing should be
done which might prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish
communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews
in any other country ; and
Whereas recognition has thereby been given to the historical connection
of the Jewish people with Palestine and to the grounds for reconstituting their
national home in th a t country ; and
Whereas the Principal Allied Powers have selected His Britannic Majesty
as the Mandatory for Palestine ; and
Whereas the mandate in respect of Palestine has been formulated in the
following terms and submitted to the Council of the League for approval ; and
Whereas His Britannic Majesty has accepted the mandate in respect of
Palestine and undertaken to exercise it 011 behalf of the League of Nations in
conformity with the following provisions ; and
Whereas by the afore-mentioned Article 22 (paragraph 8), it is provided
th a t the degree of authority, control or administration to be exercised by the
Mandatory, not having been previously agreed upon by the Members of the
League, shall be explicitly defined by the Council of the League of Nations ;
Confirming the said mandate, defines its terms as follows :
Article 1.
The Mandatory shall have full powers of legislation and of administration,
save as they may lie limited by the terms of this mandate.
Article 2.
The Mandatory shall be responsible for placing the country under such
political, administrative and economic conditions as will secure the establishment
of the Jewish national home, as laid down in the preamble, and the
development of self-governing institutions, and also for safeguarding the civil
and religious rights of all the inhabitants of Palestine, irrespective of race and
religion.
Article 3.
The Mandatory shall, so far as circumstances permit, encourage local
autonomy.
- 4 —
Article 4.
An appropriate Jewish agency shall be recognised as a public body for the
purpose of advising and co-operating with the Administration of Palestine in
such economic, social and other matters as may affect the establishment of the
Jewish national home and the interests of the Jewish population in Palestine,
and, subject always to the control of the Administration, to assist and take part
in the development of the country.
The Zionist organisation, so long as its organisation and constitution are
in the opinion of the Mandatory appropriate, shall be recognised as such agency.
I t shall take steps in consultation with His Britannic Majesty’s Government to
secure the co-operation of all Jews who are willing to assist in the establishment
of the Jewish national home.
Article 5.
The Mandatory shall be responsible for seeing th a t no Palestine territory
shall be ceded or leased to, or in any way placed under the control of, the Government
of any foreign Power.
Article 6.
The Administration of Palestine, while ensuring th a t the rights and position
of other sections of the population are not prejudiced, shall facilitate Jewish
immigration under suitable conditions and shall encourage, in co-operation with
the Jewish agency referred to in Article 4, close settlement by Jews on the land,
including State lands and waste lands not required for public purposes.
Article 7.
The Administration of Palestine shall be responsible for enacting a nationality
law. There shall be included in this law provisions framed so as to facilitate
the acquisition of Palestinian citizenship by Jews who take up their permanent
residence in Palestine.
Article 8.
The privileges and immunities of foreigners, including the benefits of consular
jurisdiction and protection as formerly enjoyed by Capitulation or usage
in the Ottoman Empire, shall not be applicable in Palestine.
Unless the Powers whose nationals enjoyed the afore-mentioned privileges
and immunities on August 1st, 1914, shall have previously renounced the right
to their re-establishment, or shall have agreed to their non-application for a
specified period, these privileges and immunities shall, at the expiration of the
mandate, be immediately re-established in their entirety or with such modifications
as may have been agreed upon between the Powers concerned.
Article 9.
The Mandatory shall be responsible for seeing that the judicial system established
in Palestine shall assure to foreigners, as well as to natives, a complete
guarantee of their rights.
Respect for the personal status of the various peoples and communities
and for their religious interests shall be fully guaranteed. In particular, the
control and administration of Wakfs shall be exercised in accordance with religious
law and the dispositions of the founders.
Article 10.
Pending the making of special extradition agreements relating to Palestine,
the extradition treaties in force between the Mandatory and other foreign Powers
shall apply to Palestine.
Article 11.
The Administration of Palestine shall lake all necessary measures to safeguard
the interests of the community in connection with the development of the
country, and, subject to any international obligations accepted by the Mandatory,
shall have full power to provide for public ownership or control of any of the
natural resources of the country or of the public works, services and utilities
established or to be established therein. It shall introduce a land system appropriate
to the needs of the country, having regard, among other things, to the
desirability of promoting the close settlement and intensive cultivation of the
land.
The Administration may arrange with the Jewish agency mentioned in
Article 4 to construct or operate, upon fair and equitable terms, any public
works, services and utilities, and to develop any of the natural resources of the
country, in so far as these matters are not directly undertaken by the Administration.
Any such arrangements shall provide th a t 110 profits distributed
by such agency, directly or indirectly, shall exceed a reasonable rate of interest
on the capital, and any further profits shall be utilised by it for the benefit of the
country in a manner approved by the Administration.
Article 12.
The Mandatory shall be entrusted with the control of the foreign relations
of Palestine and the right to issue exequaturs to consuls appointed by foreign
Powers. He shall àlso be entitled to afford diplomatic and consular protection
to citizens of Palestine when outside its territorial limits.
Article 13.
All responsibility in connection with the Holy Places and religious buildings
or sites in Palestine, including th a t of preserving existing rights and of securing
free access to the Holy Places, religious buildings and sites and the free exercise
of worship, while ensuring the requirements of public order and decorum, is
assumed by the Mandatory, who shall be responsible solely to the League of
Nations in all matters connected herewith, provided that nothing in this article
shall prevent the Mandatory from entering into such arrangements as he may
deem reasonable with the Administration for the purpose of carrying the provisions
of this article into effect ; and provided also that nothing in this mandate
shall be construed as conferring upon the Mandatory authority to interfere with
the fabric or the management of purely Moslem sacred shrines, the immunities
of which are guaranteed.
Article 14.
A special Commission shall be appointed by the Mandatory to study, define
and determine the rights and claims in connection with the Holy Places and
th e rights and claims relating to the different religious communities in Palestine.
The method of nomination, the composition and the functions of this Commission
shall be submitted to the Council of the League for its approval, and the Commission
shall not be appointed or enter upon its functions without the approval
of the Council.
Article 15.
The Mandatory shall see that complete freedom of conscience and the free
exercise of all forms of worship, subject only to the maintenance of public order
and morals, are ensured to all. No discrimination of any kind shall be made
between the inhabitants of Palestine 011 the ground of race, religion or language.
No person shall be excluded from Palestine. 011 the sole ground of his religious
belief.The right of each community to maintain its own schools for the education
of its own members in its own language, while conforming to such educational
requirements of a general nature as the Administration may impose, shall not be
denied or impaired.
- 6
Article 16.
The Mandatory shall be responsible for exercising such supervision over
religious or eleemosynary bodies of all faiths in Palestine as may be required
for the maintenance of public order and good government. Subject to such
supervision, no measures shall be taken in Palestine to obstruct or interfere with
the enterprise of such bodies or to discriminate against any representative or
member of them on the ground of his religion or nationality.
Article 17.
The Administration of Palestine may organise on a voluntary basis the
forces necessary for the preservation of peace and order, and also for the defence
of the country, subject, however, to the supervision of the Mandatory, but shall
not use them for purposes other than those above specified save with the consent
of the Mandatory. Except for such purposes, no military, naval or air forces
shall be raised or maintained by the Administration of Palestine.
Nothing in this article shall preclude the Administration of Palestine from
contributing to the cost of the maintenance of the forces of the Mandatory in
Palestine.
The Mandatory shall be entitled at all times to use the roads, railways and
ports of Palestine for the movement of armed forces and the carriage of fuel and
supplies.
Article 18.
The Mandatory shall see th at there is 110 discrimination in Palestine against
the nationals of any State Member of the League of Nations (including companies
incorporated under its laws) as compared with those of the Mandatory or of any
foreign State in matters concerning taxation, commerce or navigation, the exercise
of industries or professions, or in the treatment of merchant vessels or civil
aircraft. Similarly, there shall be no discrimination in Palestine against goods
originating in or destined for any of the said States, and there shall be freedom
of transit under equitable conditions across the mandated area.
Subject as aforesaid and to the other provisions of this mandate, the Administration
of Palestine may, on the advice of the Mandatory, impose such taxes
and customs- duties as it may consider necessary, and take such steps as it may
think best to promote the development of the natural resources of the country
and to safeguard the interests of the population. I t may also, on the advice of
the Mandatory, conclude a special customs agreement with any State the territory
of which in 1914 was wholly included in Asiatic Turkey or Arabia.
Article 19.
The Mandatory shall adhere on behalf of the Administration of Palestine to
any general international conventions already existing, or which may be concluded
hereafter with the approval of the League of Nations, respecting the slave traffic,
the traffic in arms and ammunition, or the traffic in drugs, or relating to commercial
equality, freedom of transit and navigation, aerial navigation and postal,
telegraphic and wireless communication or literary, artistic or industrial property.
Article ‘20.
The Mandatory shall co-operate on behalf of the Administration of Palestine,
so far as religious, social and other conditions may permit, in the execution of
any common policy adopted by the I,eague of Nations for preventing and combating
disease, including diseases of plants and animals.
Article 21.
The Mandatory shall secure the enactment within twelve months from this
date, and shall ensure the execution of a Law of Antiquities based on the following
- 7 -
rules. This law shall ensure equality of treatment in the matter of excavations
and archaeological research to the nationals of all States Members of the League
of Nations.
(1)
“Antiquity ” means any construction or any product of human activity
earlier than the year 1700 p .d .
(2)
The law for the protection of antiquities shall proceed by encouragement
rather than by threat.
Any person who, having discovered an antiquity without being furnished
with the authorisation referred to in paragraph 5, reports the same to an official
of the competent Department, shall be rewarded according to the value of the
discovery.
(3)
No antiquity may be disposed of except to the competent Department,
unless this Department renounces the acquisition of any such antiquity.
No antiquity may leave the country without an export licence from the said
Department.
(4)
Any person who maliciously or negligently destroys or damages an antiquity
shall be liable to a penality to be fixed.
(5)
No clearing of ground or digging with the object of finding antiquities shall
be permitted, under penalty of fine, except to persons uthorised by the competent
Department.
(6)
Equitable terms shall be fixed for expropriation, temporary or permanent,
of lands which might be of historical or archaeological interest.
(7)
Authorisation to excavate shall only be granted to persons who show sufficient
guarantees of archaeological experience. The Administration of Palestine
shall not, in granting these authorisations, act in such a way as to exclude scholars
of any nation without good grounds.
(8)
The proceeds of excavations may be divided between the excavator and the
competent Department in a proportion fixed by th a t Department. If division
seems impossible for scientific reasons, the excavator shall receive a fair indemnity
in lien of a part of the find.
Article 22.
English, Arabic and Hebrew shall be the official languages of Palestine-
Any statement or inscription in Arabic on stamps or money in Palestine shall be
repeated in Hebrew and any statement or inscription in Hebrew shall be repeated
in Arabic.
Article 23.
The Administration of Palestine shall recognise the holy days of the respective
communities in Palestine as legal days of rest for the members of such
communities.
- 8 -
Article 24.
The Mandatory shall make to the Council of the League of Nations an annual
report to the satisfaction of the Council as to the measures taken during the year
to carry out the provisions of the mandate. Copies of all laws and regulations
promulgated or issued during the year shall be communicated with the report.
Article 25.
In the territories lying between the Jordan and the eastern boundary of
Palestine as ultimately determined, the Mandatory shall be entitled, with the consent
of the Council of the League of Nations, to postpone or withhold application
of such provisions of this mandate as he may consider inapplicable to the
existing local conditions, and to make such provision for the administration of
the territories as he may consider suitable to those conditions, provided th a t no
action shall be taken which is inconsistent with the provisions of Articles 15, 16
and 18.
Article 26.
The Mandatory agrees that, if any dispute whatever should arise between
the Mandatory and another Member of the League of Nations relating to the
interpretation or the application of the provisions of the mandate, such dispute,
if it cannot be settled by negotiation, shall be submitted to the Permanent Court
of International Justice provided for by Article 14 of the Covenant of the League
of Nations.
Article 27.
The consent of the Council of the League of Nations is required for any
modification of the terms of this mandate.
Article 28.
In the event of the termination of the mandate hereby conferred upon the
Mandatory, the Council of the League of Nations shall make such arrangements
as may be deemed necessary for safeguarding in perpetuity, under guarantee
of the League, the rights secured by Articles 13 and 14, and shall use its influence
for securing, under the guarantee of the League, th a t the Government of Palestine
will fully honour the financial obligations legitimately incurred by the Administration
of Palestine during the period of the mandate, including the rights
of public servants to pensions or gratuities.
The present instrument shall be deposited in original in the archives of the
League of Nations and certified copies shall be forwarded by the Secretary-General
of the League of Nations to all Members of the League.
Done a t London the twenty-fourth day of July, one thousand nine hundred
and twenty-two.
Certified true copy :
S e g r e t a r y - G e n e r a l .
Imprimé
pour la " SOCIÉTÉ DES NATIONS
par les
IMPRIMERIES RÉUNIES S. A.
Lausanne (Suisse).
Printed
for the "LEAGUE OF NATIONS"
by
IMPRIMERIES REUNIES S. A.
Lausanne ( Switzerland)
Annexe 8 : Échange de notes des 14 et 15 mai 1906 entre la Turquie et la Grande-Bretagne
concernant le maintien du statut quo dans la Péninsule du Sinaï, in Heinrich Triepel, Nouveau
Recueil général de traités, tome V, Leipzig, Librairie Theodor Weicher, 1912, p. 880-882.
123
124

Annexe 9a : Convention entre la France et la Grande-Bretagne du 23 décembre 1920 concernant les
mandats sur la Palestine, la Mésopotamie, la Syrie et le Liban, in Heinrich Triepel, Nouveau
Recueil général de traités, tome XII, Leipzig, Librairie Theodor Weicher, tome XII, 1923, p. 582-
586.
129
130

Annexe 9b : Échange de Notes entre la France et la Grande-Bretagne du 7 mars 1923 afin de
ratifier le Rapport de la Commission désignée pour fixer le tracé de la frontière entre le Liban et la
Syrie d’une part, et la Palestine d’autre part de la Méditerranée à El Hammé, in Heinrich Triepel,
Nouveau Recueil général de traités, tome XII, Leipzig, Librairie Theodor Weicher, tome XVII,
1927, p. 208-215.
137
138

Annexe 10 : Gouvernement du Royaume-Uni, Livre Blanc : Déclaration de politique générale sur
la Palestine, 23 mai 1939.
Annex 10 : Government of Great Britain, White Paper: Palestine Statement of Policy, 23 May
1939.
149
150
www.monbalagan.com
White Papers 1939
Full text
In the statement on Palestine, issued on 9
November, 1938, His Majesty's Government
announced their intention to invite representatives
of the Arabs of Palestine, of certain neighboring
countries and of the Jewish Agency to confer with
them in London regarding future policy. It was
their sincere hope that, as a result of full, free and
frank discussions, some understanding might be
reached. Conferences recently took place with Arab
and Jewish delegations, lasting for a period of
several weeks, and served the purpose of a
complete exchange of views between British
Ministers and the Arab and Jewish representatives.
In the light of the discussions as well as of the
situation in Palestine and of the Reports of the
Royal Commission and the Partition Commission,
certain proposals were formulated by His Majesty's
Government and were laid before the Arab and
Jewish Delegations as the basis of an agreed
settlement. Neither the Arab nor the Jewish
delegation felt able to accept these proposals, and
the conferences therefore did not result in an
agreement. Accordingly His Majesty's Government
are free to formulate their own policy, and after
careful consideration they have decided to adhere
generally to the proposals which were finally
submitted to and discussed with the Arab and
Jewish delegations.
The Mandate for Palestine, the terms of which
were confirmed by the Council of the League of
Nations in 1922, has governed the policy of
successive British Governments for nearly 20 years.
It embodies the Balfour Declaration and imposes
on the Mandatory four main obligations. These
obligations are set out in Article 2, 6 and 13 of the
Mandate. There is no dispute regarding the
interpretation of one of these obligations, that
touching the protection of and access to the Holy
Places and religious building or sites. The other
three main obligations are generally as follows:
Livre blanc de 1939
Texte intégral
Dans la déclaration sur la Palestine, publiée le
9 novembre 1938, le gouvernement de Sa Majesté a
annoncé son intention d'inviter des représentants
des Arabes de Palestine, de certains pays voisins et
de l'Agence juive à s'entretenir avec eux à Londres
sur la politique future. Ils espéraient sincèrement
qu'à l'issue de discussions franches, libres et
approfondies, ils parviendraient à une certaine
compréhension. Des conférences ont récemment eu
lieu avec des délégations arabes et juives, d'une
durée de plusieurs semaines, et ont permis un
échange de vues complet entre les ministres
britanniques et les représentants arabes et juifs. A
la lumière des discussions ainsi que de la situation
en Palestine et des rapports de la Commission
royale et de la Commission de partage, certaines
propositions ont été formulées par le
Gouvernement de Sa Majesté et ont été présentées
aux délégations arabe et juive comme base d'un
règlement convenu. Ni la délégation arabe ni la
délégation juive ne se sont senties en mesure
d'accepter ces propositions, et les conférences n'ont
donc pas abouti à un accord. En conséquence, le
Gouvernement de Sa Majesté est libre de formuler
sa propre politique et, après mûre réflexion, il a
décidé d'adhérer d'une manière générale aux
propositions qui ont finalement été soumises aux
délégations arabe et juive et examinées avec elles.
Le mandat pour la Palestine, dont les termes ont
été confirmés par le Conseil de la Société des
Nations en 1922, a régi la politique des
gouvernements britanniques successifs pendant
près de 20 ans. Elle incarne la Déclaration Balfour
et impose au Mandataire quatre obligations
principales. Ces obligations sont énoncées aux
articles 2, 6 et 13 du Mandat. Il n'y a pas de
différend quant à l'interprétation de l'une de ces
obligations, qui concerne la protection et l'accès
aux Lieux Saints et aux édifices ou sites religieux.
Les trois autres obligations principales sont
généralement les suivantes :
2 / 17
www.monbalagan.com
To place the country under such political,
administrative and economic conditions as will
secure the establishment in Palestine of a national
home for the Jewish People. To facilitate Jewish
immigration under suitable conditions, and to
encourage, in cooperation with the Jewish Agency,
close settlement by Jews on the Land.
To safeguard the civil and religious rights of all
inhabitants of Palestine irrespective of race and
religion, and, whilst facilitating Jewish
immigration and settlement, to ensure that the
rights and position of other sections of the
population are not prejudiced.
To place the country under such political,
administrative and economic conditions as will
secure the development of self governing
institutions.
The Royal Commission and previous commissions
of Enquiry have drawn attention to the ambiguity
of certain expressions in the Mandate, such as the
expression `a national home for the Jewish people',
and they have found in this ambiguity and the
resulting uncertainty as to the objectives of policy a
fundamental cause of unrest and hostility between
Arabs and Jews.
His Majesty's Government are convinced that in
the interests of the peace and well being of the
whole people of Palestine a clear definition of
policy and objectives is essential.
The proposal of partition recommended by the
Royal Commission would have afforded such
clarity, but the establishment of self supporting
independent Arab and Jewish States within
Palestine has been found to be impracticable. It has
therefore been necessary for His Majesty's
Government to devise an alternative policy which
will, consistent with their obligations to Arabs and
Jews, meet the needs of the situation in Palestine.
Their views and proposals are set forth below under
three heads, Section I, "The Constitution", Section
II. Immigration and Section III. Land.
Placer le pays dans des conditions politiques,
administratives et économiques propres à assurer
l'établissement en Palestine d'un foyer national
pour le peuple juif. Faciliter l'immigration juive
dans des conditions appropriées et encourager, en
coopération avec l'Agence juive, l'installation de
Juifs sur le territoire.
Sauvegarder les droits civils et religieux de tous les
habitants de Palestine, sans distinction de race ou
de religion, et, tout en facilitant l'immigration et la
colonisation juives, veiller à ce que les droits et la
situation des autres groupes de la population ne
soient pas lésés.
Placer le pays dans des conditions politiques,
administratives et économiques propres à assurer
le développement d'institutions autonomes.
La Commission royale et les commissions
d'enquête précédentes ont attiré l'attention sur
l'ambiguïté de certaines expressions du mandat,
comme l'expression " un foyer national pour le
peuple juif ", et elles ont trouvé dans cette
ambiguïté et l'incertitude qui en résulte quant aux
objectifs de la politique une cause fondamentale de
troubles et de ressentiment entre Arabes et Juifs.
Le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté est convaincu que,
dans l'intérêt de la paix et du bien-être de
l'ensemble de la population de Palestine, une
définition claire de la politique et des objectifs est
essentielle.
La proposition de partition recommandée par la
Commission royale2 aurait apporté une telle clarté,
mais la création d'États arabes et juifs
indépendants et autonomes en Palestine s'est
avérée impraticable. Il a donc été nécessaire que le
Gouvernement de Sa Majesté élabore une politique
alternative qui, conformément à ses obligations
envers les Arabes et les Juifs, réponde aux besoins
de la situation en Palestine. Leurs vues et
propositions sont présentées ci-après sous trois
titres, Section I, "L'Acte constitutif", Section II.
Immigration et Section III. Terre.
2 Commission Peel, 1937
3 / 17
www.monbalagan.com
Section I. "The Constitution"
It has been urged that the expression "a national
home for the Jewish people" offered a prospect that
Palestine might in due course become a Jewish
State or Commonwealth. His Majesty's
Government do not wish to contest the view, which
was expressed by the Royal Commission, that the
Zionist leaders at the time of the issue of the
Balfour Declaration recognised that an ultimate
Jewish State was not precluded by the terms of the
Declaration. But, with the Royal Commission, His
Majesty's Government believe that the framers of
the Mandate in which the Balfour Declaration was
embodied could not have intended that Palestine
should be converted into a Jewish State against the
will of the Arab population of the country. That
Palestine was not to be converted into a Jewish
State might be held to be implied in the passage
from the Command Paper of 1922 which reads as
follows
"Unauthorized statements have been made to the
effect that the purpose in view is to create a wholly
Jewish Palestine. Phrases have been used such as
that `Palestine is to become as Jewish as England
is English.' His Majesty's Government regard any
such expectation as impracticable and have no such
aim in view. Nor have they at any time
contemplated .... the disappearance or the
subordination of the Arabic population, language
or culture in Palestine. They would draw attention
to the fact that the terms of the (Balfour)
Declaration referred to do not contemplate that
Palestine as a whole should be converted into a
Jewish National Home, but that such a Home
should be founded IN PALESTINE."
But this statement has not removed doubts, and
His Majesty's Government therefore now declare
unequivocally that it is not part of their policy that
Palestine should become a Jewish State.
Section I. "Constitution"
Il a été avancé l'expression "un foyer national pour
le peuple juif" offrait la perspective de voir la
Palestine devenir un État ou un Commonwealth
juif. Le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté ne souhaite
pas mettre en cause le point de vue, exprimé par la
Commission royale, selon laquelle les dirigeants
sionistes lors de la Déclaration Balfour estimaient
qu'un État juif n'était pas définitivement exclu par
les termes de la Déclaration. Mais, en accord avec
la Commission royale, le gouvernement de Sa
Majesté estime que les auteurs du mandat dans
lequel la Déclaration Balfour a été incorporée ne
pouvaient pas avoir l'intention de transformer la
Palestine en un État juif contre la volonté de la
population arabe du pays. Que la Palestine ne
devait pas être convertie en un État juif pourrait
être considéré comme implicite dans le passage du
document de commandement de 1922 qui se lit
comme suit
"Des déclarations non autorisées ont été faites à
l'effet que le but en vue est de créer une Palestine
entièrement juive. On a utilisé des expressions
telles que : "La Palestine doit devenir aussi juive
que l'Angleterre est anglaise. Le Gouvernement de
Sa Majesté considère qu'une telle attente est
irréalisable et n'a pas cet objectif en vue. Ils n'ont
jamais non plus envisagé... la disparition ou la
subordination de la population, de la langue ou de
la culture arabe en Palestine. Ils attirent l'attention
sur le fait que les termes de la Déclaration (Balfour)
à laquelle il est fait référence n'envisagent pas que
la Palestine dans son ensemble soit convertie en un
foyer national juif, mais qu'un tel foyer soit fondé
EN PALESTINE."
Mais cette déclaration n'a pas levé les doutes, et le
Gouvernement de Sa Majesté déclare donc
maintenant sans équivoque qu'il n'est nullement
dans ses intentions de transformer la Palestine en
un Etat juif, selon trois chefs, Section I, "La
Constitution", Section II. Immigration et Section
III. Terre.
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They would indeed regard it as contrary to their
obligations to the Arabs under the Mandate, as well
as to the assurances which have been given to the
Arab people in the past, that the Arab population of
Palestine should be made the subjects of a Jewish
State against their will.
The nature of the Jewish National Home in
Palestine was further described in the Command
Paper of 1922 as follows
"During the last two or three generations the Jews
have recreated in Palestine a community now
numbering 80,000, of whom about one fourth are
farmers or workers upon the land. This community
has its own political organs; an elected assembly for
the direction of its domestic concerns; elected
councils in the towns; and an organisation for the
control of its schools. It has its elected Chief
Rabbinate and Rabbinical Council for the direction
of its religious affairs. Its business is conducted in
Hebrew as a vernacular language, and a Hebrew
press serves its needs. It has its distinctive
intellectual life and displays considerable economic
activity. This community, then, with its town and
country population, its political, religious and
social organisations, its own language, its own
customs, its own life, has in fact `national'
characteristics.
When it is asked what is meant by the development
of the Jewish National Home in Palestine, it may be
answered that it is not the imposition of a Jewish
nationality upon the inhabitants of Palestine as a
whole, but the further development of the existing
Jewish community, with the assistance of Jews in
other parts of the world, in order that it may
become a centre in which the Jewish people as a
whole may take, on grounds of religion and race, an
interest and pride. But in order that this
community should have the best prospect of free
development and provide a full opportunity for the
Jewish people to display its capacities, it is
essential that it should know that it is in Palestine
as of right and not on sufferance.
Il considérerait en effet qu'il est contraire à leurs
obligations envers les Arabes en vertu du Mandat,
ainsi qu'aux assurances qui ont été données au
peuple arabe dans le passé, que la population arabe
de Palestine doivent être soumise à un Etat juif
contre son gré.
La nature du foyer national juif en Palestine a été
décrite plus en détail dans le livre blanc de 1922
comme suit
"Au cours des deux ou trois dernières générations,
les Juifs ont recréé en Palestine une communauté
qui compte aujourd’hui 80 000 membres, dont
environ un quart sont des agriculteurs ou des
ouvriers agricoles. Cette communauté a ses propres
organes politiques, une assemblée élue pour la
direction de ses affaires domestiques, des conseils
élus dans les villes et une organisation pour le
contrôle de ses écoles. Elle a son Grand Rabbinat et
son Conseil rabbinique élus pour la direction de ses
affaires religieuses. Ses activités se déroulent en
hébreu, langue vernaculaire, et une presse
hébraïque répond à ses besoins. Elle a une vie
intellectuelle particulière et une activité
économique considérable. Cette communauté,
donc, avec sa population urbaine et rurale, ses
organisations politiques, religieuses et sociales, sa
propre langue, ses propres coutumes, sa propre vie,
a en fait des caractéristiques " nationales ".
Lorsqu’on demande ce que signifie le
développement du foyer national juif en Palestine,
on peut répondre que ce n'est pas une nationalité
juive imposée à tous les habitants de Palestine,
mais du développement de la communauté juive
existante, avec l'aide des juifs d'autres parties du
monde, afin qu'elle devienne un centre où le peuple
juif dans son ensemble puisse y trouver intérêt et
fierté, pour des raisons religieuses et raciales. Mais
pour que cette communauté ait les meilleures
perspectives de libre développement et donne au
peuple juif la possibilité de montrer ses capacités, il
est essentiel qu'elle sache qu'elle est en Palestine de
plein droit et non suite à ses souffrances.
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That is the reason why it is necessary that the
existence of a Jewish National Home in Palestine
should be internationally guaranteed, and that it
should be formally recognised to rest upon ancient
historic connection."
His Majesty's Government adhere to this
intepretation of the (Balfour) Declaration of 1917
and regard it as an authoritative and
comprehensive description of the character of the
Jewish National Home in Palestine. It envisaged
the further development of the existing Jewish
community with the assistance of Jews in other
parts of the world. Evidence that His Majesty's
Government have been carrying out their
obligation in this respect is to be found in the facts
that, since the statement of 1922 was published,
more than 300,000 Jews have immigrated to
Palestine, and that the population of the National
Home has risen to some 450,000, or approaching a
third of the entire population of the country. Nor
has the Jewish community failed to take full
advantage of the opportunities given to it. The
growth of the Jewish National Home and its
acheivements in many fields are a remarkable
constructive effort which must command the
admiration of the world and must be, in particular,
a source of pride to the Jewish people.
In the recent discussions the Arab delegations have
repeated the contention that Palestine was included
within the area in which Sir Henry McMahon, on
behalf of the British Government, in October, 1915,
undertook to recognise and support Arab
independence. The validity of this claim, based on
the terms of the correspondence which passed
between Sir Henry McMahon and the Sharif of
Mecca, was thoroughly and carefully investigated
by the British and Arab representatives during the
recent conferences in London. Their report, which
has been published, states that both the Arab and
the British representatives endeavoured to
understand the point of view of the other party but
that they were unable to reach agreement upon an
interpretation of the correspondence.
C'est la raison pour laquelle il est nécessaire que
l'existence d'un foyer national juif en Palestine soit
garantie au niveau international et qu'il soit
officiellement reconnu comme reposant sur un lien
historique ancien".
Le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté adhère à cette
interprétation de la Déclaration (de Balfour) de
1917 et la considère comme une description
officielle et complète du caractère du foyer national
juif en Palestine. Elle envisageait le développement
de la communauté juive existante avec l'aide des
juifs d'autres parties du monde. La preuve que le
Gouvernement de Sa Majesté s'est acquitté de ses
obligations à cet égard se trouve dans le fait que,
depuis la publication de la déclaration de 1922, plus
de 300 000 Juifs ont immigré en Palestine et que la
population du foyer national est passée à quelque
450 000, soit près du tiers de la population totale
du pays. La communauté juive n'a pas non plus
manqué de tirer pleinement parti des possibilités
qui lui ont été offertes. La croissance du foyer
national juif et ses réalisations dans de nombreux
domaines constituent une construction
remarquable dont le monde peut-être fier, et qui ,
en particulier, peut être une source de fierté pour le
peuple juif.
Au cours des récentes discussions, les délégations
arabes ont réitéré l'affirmation selon laquelle la
Palestine faisait partie de la zone dans laquelle Sir
Henry McMahon, au nom du gouvernement
britannique, s'est engagé en octobre 1915 à
reconnaître et soutenir l'indépendance arabe. La
validité de cette affirmation, fondée sur les termes
de la correspondance échangée entre Sir Henry
McMahon et le Shérif de La Mecque3, a fait l'objet
d'une enquête approfondie et minutieuse par les
représentants britanniques et arabes lors des
récentes conférences à Londres. Leur rapport, qui a
été publié, indique que les représentants arabes et
britanniques se sont efforcés de comprendre le
point de vue de l'autre partie, mais qu'ils n'ont pas
réussi à s'entendre sur une interprétation de la
correspondance.
3 Hussein
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There is no need to summarize here the arguments
presented by each side. His Majesty's Government
regret the misunderstandings which have arisen as
regards some of the phrases used. For their part
they can only adhere, for the reasons given by their
representatives in the Report, to the view that the
whole of Palestine west of Jordan was excluded
from Sir Henry McMahon's pledge, and they
therefore cannot agree that the McMahon
correspondence forms a just basis for the claim that
Palestine should be converted into an Arab State.
His Majesty's Government are charged as the
Mandatory authority "to secure the development of
self governing institutions" in Palestine. Apart from
this specific obligation, they would regard it as
contrary to the whole spirit of the Mandate system
that the population of Palestine should remain
forever under Mandatory tutelage. It is proper that
the people of the country should as early as
possible enjoy the rights of self-government which
are exercised by the people of neighbouring
countries. His Majesty's Government are unable at
present to foresee the exact constitutional forms
which government in Palestine will eventually take,
but their objective is self government, and they
desire to see established ultimately an independent
Palestine State. It should be a State in which the
two peoples in Palestine, Arabs and Jews, share
authority in government in such a way that the
essential interests of each are shared.
The establishment of an independent State and the
complete relinquishmnet of Mandatory control in
Palestine would require such relations between the
Arabs and the Jews as would make good
government possible. Moreover, the growth of self
governing institutions in Palestine, as in other
countries, must be an evolutionary process.
Il n'est pas nécessaire de résumer ici les arguments
présentés par les deux parties. Le Gouvernement de
Sa Majesté regrette les malentendus qui ont surgi
au sujet de certaines des expressions utilisées. Pour
leur part, ils ne peuvent qu'adhérer, pour les
raisons invoquées par leurs représentants dans le
rapport, à l'opinion selon laquelle l'ensemble de la
Palestine à l'ouest du Jourdain a été exclue de la
promesse de Sir Henry McMahon, et ils ne peuvent
donc accepter que la correspondance de McMahon
constitue une base juste à la revendication en
faveur d'une Palestine transformée en un État
arabe.
Le gouvernement de Sa Majesté est chargé en tant
qu'autorité mandataire "d'assurer le
développement d'institutions autonomes" en
Palestine. En dehors de cette obligation spécifique,
Il considérerait comme contraire à l'esprit même
du système du mandat que la Palestine demeure
éternellement sous tutelle. Il convient que la
population du pays jouisse le plus tôt possible des
droits de se gouverner eux-mêmes qu’exercent déjà
les populations des pays voisins. Le gouvernement
de Sa Majesté n'est pas en mesure à l'heure actuelle
de prévoir les formes constitutionnelles exactes que
prendra finalement le gouvernement en Palestine,
mais son objectif est le self-government, et il
souhaite voir s'établir un État indépendant en
Palestine. Ce devrait être un État dans lequel les
deux peuples de Palestine, les Arabes et les Juifs,
partageront l'autorité au sein du gouvernement de
telle sorte que les intérêts essentiels de chacun
soient sauvegardés.
L'établissement d'un État indépendant et l'abandon
complet du contrôle mandataire en Palestine
nécessiteraient de telles relations entre les Arabes
et les Juifs qui rendraient possible un bon
gouvernement. De plus, la croissance des
institutions autonomes en Palestine, comme dans
d'autres pays, doit être un processus évolutif.
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A transitional period will be required before
independence is achieved, throughout which
ultimate responsibility for the Government of the
country will be retained by His Majesty's
Government as the Mandatory authority, while the
people of the country are taking an increasing share
in the Government, and understanding and
cooperation amongst them are growing. It will be
the constant endeavour of His Majesty's
Government to promote good relations between the
Arabs and the Jews.
In the light of these considerations His Majesty's
Government make the following declaration of
their intentions regarding the future government of
Palestine:
The objective of His Majesty's Government is the
establishment within 10 years of an independent
Palestine State in such treaty relations with the
United Kingdom as will provide satisfactorily for
the commercial and strategic requirements of both
countries in the future. The proposal for the
establishment of the independent State would
involve consultation with the Council of the League
of Nations with a view to the termination of the
Mandate.
The independent State should be one in which
Arabs and Jews share government in such a way as
to ensure that the essential interests of each
community are safeguarded.
The establishment of the independent State will be
preceded by a transitional period throughout which
His Majesty's Government will retain responsibility
for the country. During the transitional period the
people of Palestine will be given an increasing part
in the government of their country. Both sections of
the population will have an opportunity to
participate in the machinery of government, and
the process will be carried on whether or not they
both avail themselves of it.
Une période de transition sera nécessaire avant
l'accession à l'indépendance, pendant laquelle le
Gouvernement de Sa Majesté conservera la
responsabilité ultime du Gouvernement du pays en
tant qu'autorité mandataire, tandis que le peuple
du pays prendra une part croissante dans le
Gouvernement et que la compréhension et la
coopération entre eux se développeront. Le
Gouvernement de Sa Majesté s'efforcera
constamment de promouvoir de bonnes relations
entre les Arabes et les Juifs.
A la lumière de ces considérations, le
Gouvernement de Sa Majesté fait la déclaration
suivante de ses intentions concernant le futur
gouvernement de la Palestine :
L'objectif du Gouvernement de Sa Majesté est
d'établir, dans un délai de 10 ans, un État de
Palestine indépendant dans le cadre des relations
conventionnelles avec le Royaume-Uni, afin de
répondre de manière satisfaisante aux besoins
commerciaux et stratégiques des deux pays dans
l'avenir. La proposition de création de l'État
indépendant impliquerait des consultations avec le
Conseil de la Société des Nations en vue de mettre
fin au mandat de l'État.
L'Etat indépendant doit être un Etat dans lequel
Arabes et Juifs partagent le gouvernement de
manière à garantir que les intérêts essentiels de
chaque communauté soient sauvegardés.
La création de l'État indépendant sera précédée
d'une période de transition pendant laquelle le
Gouvernement de Sa Majesté conservera la
responsabilité du pays. Pendant la période de
transition, la population de Palestine se verra
accorder une part croissante dans le gouvernement
de son pays. Les deux segments de la population
auront l'occasion de participer à l'appareil
gouvernemental, et le processus se poursuivra,
qu'ils s'en prévalent ou non.
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As soon as peace and order have been sufficiently
restored in Palestine steps will be taken to carry out
this policy of giving the people of Palestine an
increasing part in the government of their country,
the objective being to place Palestinians in charge
of all the Departments of Government, with the
assistance of British advisers and subject to the
control of the High Commissioner. Arab and
Jewish representatives will be invited to serve as
heads of Departments approximately in proportion
to their respective populations. The number of
Palestinians in charge of Departments will be
increased as circumstances permit until all heads of
Departments are Palestinians, exercising the
administrative and advisory functions which are
presently performed by British officials. When that
stage is reached consideration will be given to the
question of converting the Executive Council into a
Council of Ministers with a consequential change in
the status and functions of the Palestinian heads of
Departments.
His Majesty's Government make no proposals at
this stage regarding the establishment of an elective
legislature. Nevertheless they would regard this as
an appropriate constitutional development, and,
should public opinion in Palestine hereafter show
itself in favour of such a development, they will be
prepared, provided that local conditions permit, to
establish the necessary machinery.
At the end of five years from the restoration of
peace and order, an appropriate body
representative of the people of Palestine and of His
Majesty's Government will be set up to review the
working of the constitutional arrangements during
the transitional period and to consider and make
recommendations regarding the constitution of the
independent Palestine State.
Dès que la paix et l'ordre auront été suffisamment
rétablis en Palestine, des mesures seront prises
pour mener à bien cette politique consistant à
donner à la population de Palestine une part
croissante dans le gouvernement de son pays,
l'objectif étant de placer des Palestiniens à la tête
de tous les départements du gouvernement, avec
l'assistance de conseillers britanniques et sous le
contrôle du Haut Commissaire. Des représentants
arabes et juifs seront invités à assumer les
fonctions de chefs de département en proportion
approximative de leur population respective. Le
nombre de Palestiniens à la tête de départements
sera augmenté si les circonstances le permettent
jusqu'à ce que tous les chefs de départements
soient des Palestiniens, exerçant les fonctions
administratives et consultatives qui sont
actuellement exercées par des fonctionnaires
britanniques. A ce stade, la question de la
transformation du Conseil exécutif en Conseil des
ministres sera examinée, ce qui entraînera une
modification du statut et des fonctions des chefs de
département Palestiniens.
Le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté ne fait aucune
proposition à ce stade concernant l'établissement
d'une législature élective. Néanmoins, ils
considéreraient qu'il s'agit là d'une évolution
constitutionnelle appropriée et, si l'opinion
publique en Palestine se montre par la suite en
faveur d'une telle évolution, ils seront prêts, si les
conditions locales le permettent, à mettre en place
les mécanismes nécessaires.
Au bout de cinq ans après le rétablissement de la
paix et de l'ordre, un organe approprié,
représentatif de la population de Palestine et du
Gouvernement de Sa Majesté, sera créé pour
examiner le fonctionnement des dispositions
constitutionnels pendant la période de transition,
la constitution de l'État de Palestine indépendant
et formuler des recommandations à ce sujet.
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His Majesty's Government will require to be
satisfied that in the treaty contemplated by subparagraph
(6) adequate provision has been made
for:
the security of, and freedom of access to the Holy
Places, and protection of the interests and property
of the various religious bodies.
the protection of the different communities in
Palestine in accordance with the obligations of His
Majesty's Government to both Arabs and Jews and
for the special position in Palestine of the Jewish
NationalHome.
such requirements to meet the strategic situation as
may be regarded as necessary by His Majesty's
Government in the light of the circumstances then
existing. His Majesty's Government will also
require to be satisfied that the interests of certain
foreign countries in Palestine, for the preservation
of which they are at present responsible, are
adequately safeguarded.
His Majesty's Government will do everything in
their power to create conditions which will enable
the independent Palestine State to come into being
within 10 years. If, at the end of 10 years, it appears
to His Majesty's Government that, contrary to their
hope, circumstances require the postponement of
the establishment of the independent State, they
will consult with representatives of the people of
Palestine, the Council of the League of Nations and
the neighbouring Arab States before deciding on
such a postponement. If His Majesty's Government
come to the conclusion that postponement is
unavoidable, they will invite the co-operation of
these parties in framing plans for the future with a
view to achieving the desired objective at the
earliest possible date.
During the transitional period steps will be taken to
increase the powers and responsibilities of
municipal corporations and local councils.
Le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté exigera d'être
convaincu que, dans le traité visé à l'alinéa 6), des
dispositions adéquates ont été prises :
la sécurité et la liberté d'accès aux Lieux saints,
ainsi que la protection des intérêts et des biens des
diverses organisations religieuses.
la protection des différentes communautés en
Palestine conformément aux obligations du
Gouvernement de Sa Majesté envers les Arabes et
les Juifs et à la position spéciale en Palestine de la
Maison nationale juive.
les besoins nécessaires pour faire face à la situation
stratégique que le gouvernement de Sa Majesté
peut juger nécessaires compte tenu des
circonstances qui existaient alors. Le
Gouvernement de Sa Majesté exigera également
d'être convaincu que les intérêts de certains pays
étrangers en Palestine, dont ils sont actuellement
responsables de la préservation, sont
convenablement sauvegardés.
Le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté fera tout ce qui est
en son pouvoir pour créer les conditions qui
permettront à l'État de Palestine indépendant de
voir le jour d'ici dix ans. Si, au bout de 10 ans, il
apparaît au Gouvernement de Sa Majesté que,
contrairement à leur espoir, les circonstances
exigent le report de la création de l'État
indépendant, ils consulteront les représentants du
de la population de Palestine, du Conseil de la
Société des Nations et des États arabes voisins
avant de décider d'un tel report. Si le gouvernement
de Sa Majesté arrive à la conclusion que le report
est inévitable, il invitera ces parties à collaborer à
l'élaboration de plans pour l'avenir en vue
d'atteindre l'objectif souhaité dans les meilleurs
délais.
Au cours de la période de transition, des mesures
seront prises pour accroître les pouvoirs et les
responsabilités des corporations municipales et des
conseils locaux.
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Section II. Immigration
Under Article 6 of the Mandate, the Administration
of Palestine, "while ensuring that the rights and
position of other sections of the population are not
prejudiced," is required to "facilitate Jewish
immigration under suitable conditions." Beyond
this, the extent to which Jewish immigration into
Palestine is to be permitted is nowhere defined in
the Mandate. But in the Command Paper of 1922 it
was laid down that for the fulfilment of the policy
of establishing a Jewish National Home:
"it is necessary that the Jewish commun ity in
Palestine should be able to increase its numbers by
immigration. This immigration cannot be so great
in volume as to exceed whatever may be the
economic capacity of the country at the time to
absorb new arrivals. It is essential to ensure that
the immigrants should not be a burden upon the
people of Palestine as a whole, and that they should
not deprive any section of the present population of
their employment."
In practice, from that date onwards until recent
times, the economic absorptive capacity of the
country has been treated as the sole limiting factor,
and in the letter which Mr. Ramsay MacDonald, as
Prime Minister, sent to Dr. Weizmann in February
1931 it was laid down as a matter of policy that
economic absorptive capacity was the sole
criterion. This interpretation has been supported
by resolutions of the Permanent Mandates
Commissioner. But His Majesty's Government do
not read either the Statement of Policy of 1922 or
the letter of 1931 as implying that the Mandate
requires them, for all time and in all circumstances,
to facilitate the immigration of Jews into Palestine
subject only to consideration of the country's
economic absorptive capacity. Nor do they find
anything in the Mandate or in subsequent
Statements of Policy to support the view that the
establishment of a Jewish National Home in
Palestine cannot be effected unless immigration is
allowed to continue indefinitely.
Section II. Immigration
En vertu de l'article 6 du Mandat, l'Administration
de Palestine, "tout en veillant à ce que les droits et
la situation des autres catégories de la population
ne soient pas lésés", est tenue de "faciliter
l'immigration juive dans des conditions
appropriées". Au-delà de cela, la mesure dans
laquelle l'immigration juive en Palestine doit être
autorisée n'est définie nulle part dans le mandat.
Mais dans le document de commandement de
1922, il a été établi que pour l'accomplissement de
la politique d'établissement d'un foyer national
juif :
"il est nécessaire que la communauté juive de
Palestine puisse augmenter ses effectifs par
l'immigration. Cette immigration ne peut être d'un
volume tel qu'elle dépasse la capacité économique
du pays à l'époque d'absorber de nouveaux
arrivants. Il est essentiel de veiller à ce que les
immigrants ne soient pas un fardeau pour
l'ensemble de la population de Palestine et à ce
qu'ils ne privent aucune partie de la population
actuelle de leur emploi."
Dans la pratique, depuis cette date jusqu'à ces
derniers temps, la capacité d'absorption
économique du pays a été considérée comme le
seul facteur limitatif, et dans la lettre que M.
Ramsay MacDonald, en sa qualité de Premier
Ministre, a adressée à M. Weizmann en février
1931, il a été établi, pour des raisons politiques, que
la capacité d'absorption économique était le seul
critère. Cette interprétation a été appuyée par des
résolutions du Commissaire aux mandats
permanents. Mais le gouvernement de Sa Majesté
n'interprète ni l'énoncé de politique de 1922 ni la
lettre de 1931 comme impliquant que le mandat
leur impose, pour toujours et en toutes
circonstances, de faciliter l'immigration des Juifs
en Palestine sous réserve uniquement de la capacité
d'absorption économique du pays. Ils ne trouvent
rien non plus dans le mandat ou dans les énoncés
de politique ultérieurs pour appuyer l'opinion selon
laquelle l'établissement d'un foyer national juif en
Palestine ne peut se faire que si l'immigration peut
se poursuivre indéfiniment.
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If immigration has an adverse effect on the
economic position in the country, it should clearly
be restricted; and equally, if it has a seriously
damaging effect on the political position in the
country, that is a factor that should not be ignored.
Although it is not difficult to contend that the large
number of Jewish immigrants who have been
admitted so far have been absrobed economically,
the fear of the Arabs that this influx will continue
indefinitely until the Jewish population is in a
position to dominate them has produced
consequences which are extremely grave for Jews
and Arabs alike and for the peace and prosperity of
Palestine. The lamentable disturbances of the past
three years are only the latest and most sustained
manifestation of this intense Arab apprehension.
The methods employed by Arab terrorists against
fellow Arabs and Jews alike must receive
unqualified condemnation. But it cannot be denied
that fear of indefinite Jewish immigration is
widespread amongst the Arab population and that
this fear has made possible disturbances which
have given a serious setback to economic progress,
depleted the Palestine exchequer, rendered life and
property insecure, and produced a bitterness
between the Arab and Jewish populations which is
deplorable between citizens of the same country. If
in these circumstances immigration is continued
up to the economic absorptive capacity of the
country, regardless of all other considerations, a
fatal enmity between the two peoples will be
perpetuated, and the situation in Palestine may
become a permanent source of friction amongst all
peoples in the Near and Middle East. His Majesty's
Government cannot take the view that either their
obligations under the Mandate, or considerations
of common sense and justice, require that they
should ignore these circumstances in framing
immigration policy.
Si l'immigration a un effet négatif sur la situation
économique du pays, elle devrait clairement être
restreinte ; de même, si elle a un effet gravement
préjudiciable sur la situation politique du pays,
c'est un facteur qui ne doit pas être ignoré.
Bien qu'il ne soit pas difficile d'affirmer que le
grand nombre d'immigrants juifs admis jusqu'à
présent a été absorbés économiquement, la crainte
qu'ont les Arabes que ce flot se poursuive
indéfiniment jusqu'à ce que la population juive soit
en mesure de les dominer a provoqué des
conséquences extrêmement graves pour les Juifs et
les Arabes ainsi que pour la paix et la prospérité en
Palestine.
Les troubles regrettables des trois dernières années
ne sont que la manifestation la plus récente et la
plus durable de cette très forte appréhension arabe.
Les méthodes employées par les terroristes arabes
contre leurs compatriotes arabes et juifs doivent
être condamnées sans réserve. Mais on ne peut nier
que la crainte d'une immigration juive indéfinie est
répandue parmi la population arabe et que cette
peur a rendu possibles ces troubles qui ont
sérieusement entravé le progrès économique,
appauvri le Trésor public de Palestine, rendu la vie
et les biens précaires, et produit une amertume
entre les populations arabe et juive qui est
déplorable entre citoyens du même pays. Si, dans
ces circonstances, l'immigration se poursuit jusqu'à
concurrence de la capacité d'absorption
économique du pays, indépendamment de toute
autre considération, une inimitié fatale entre les
deux peuples se perpétuera, et la situation en
Palestine pourrait devenir une source permanente
de friction entre tous les peuples du Proche et du
Moyen Orient. Le gouvernement de Sa Majesté ne
peut pas considérer que ses obligations en vertu du
mandat ou des considérations de bon sens et de
justice exigent qu'il ignore ces circonstances dans
l'élaboration de sa politique d'immigration.
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In the view of the Royal Commission the
association of the policy of the Balfour Declaration
with the Mandate system implied the belief that
Arab hostility to the former would sooner or later
be overcome. It has been the hope of British
Governments ever since the Balfour Declaration
was issued that in time the Arab population,
recognizing the advantages to be derived from
Jewish settlement and development in Palestine,
would become reconciled to the further growth of
the Jewish National Home. This hope has not been
fulfilled. The alternatives before His Majesty's
Government are either (i) to seek to expand the
Jewish National Home indefinitely by immigration,
against the strongly expressed will of the Arab
people of the country; or (ii) to permit further
expansion of the Jewish National Home by
immigration only if the Arabs are prepared to
acquiesce in it. The former policy means rule by
force. Apart from other considerations, such a
policy seems to His Majesty's Government to be
contrary to the whole spirit of Article 22 of the
Covenant of the League of Nations, as well as to
their specific obligations to the Arabs in the
Palestine Mandate. Moreover, the relations
between the Arabs and the Jews in Palestine must
be based sooner or later on mutual tolerance and
goodwill; the peace, security and progress of the
Jewish National Home itself requires this.
Therefore His Majesty's Government, after earnest
consideration, and taking into account the extent to
which the growth of the Jewish National Home has
been facilitated over the last twenty years, have
decided that the time has come to adopt in
principle the second of the alternatives referred to
above.
De l'avis de la Commission royale, l'association de
la politique de la Déclaration Balfour avec le
système du mandat impliquait la conviction que
l'hostilité arabe à l'égard du premier serait tôt ou
tard surmontée. Depuis la publication de la
Déclaration Balfour, les gouvernements
britanniques espèrent qu'avec le temps, la
population arabe, reconnaissant les avantages à
tirer de la colonisation et du développement juifs
en Palestine, se réconciliera avec la croissance
future du foyer national juif. Cet espoir n'a pas été
réalisé. Les autres solutions qui s'offrent au
Gouvernement de Sa Majesté sont soit i) de
chercher à agrandir indéfiniment le foyer national
juif par l'immigration, contre la volonté fermement
exprimée par le peuple arabe du pays, soit ii) de
n'autoriser l'expansion du foyer national juif par
l'immigration que si les Arabes sont disposés à y
souscrire. La première politique signifie gouverner
par la force. Outre d'autres considérations, une
telle politique semble au Gouvernement de Sa
Majesté contraire à l'esprit même de l'article 22 du
Pacte de la Société des Nations, ainsi qu'à leurs
obligations spécifiques envers les Arabes dans le
cadre du mandat sur la Palestine. De plus, les
relations entre les Arabes et les Juifs en Palestine
doivent tôt ou tard se fonder sur la tolérance
mutuelle et la bonne volonté ; la paix, la sécurité et
le progrès du foyer national juif lui-même l'exigent.
C'est pourquoi le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté,
après mûre réflexion et compte tenu de la mesure
dans laquelle l'expansion du foyer national juif a
été facilitée au cours des vingt dernières années, a
décidé que le moment était venu d'adopter en
principe la deuxième des alternatives
susmentionnées.
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It has been urged that all further Jewish
immigration into Palestine should be stopped
forthwith. His Majesty's Government cannot accept
such a proposal. It would damage the whole of the
financial and economic system of Palestine and
thus effect adversely the interests of Arabs and
Jews alike. Moreover, in the view of His Majesty's
Government, abruptly to stop further immigration
would be unjust to the Jewish National Home. But,
above all, His Majesty's Government are conscious
of the present unhappy plight of large numbers of
Jews who seek refuge from certain European
countries, and they believe that Palestine can and
should make a further contribution to the solution
of this pressing world problem. In all these
circumstances, they believe that they will be acting
consistently with their Mandatory obligations to
both Arabs and Jews, and in the manner best
calculated to serve the interests of the whole people
of Palestine, by adopting the following proposals
regarding immigration:
Jewish immigration during the next five years will
be at a rate which, if economic absorptive capacity
permits, will bring the Jewish population up to
approximately one third of the total population of
the country. Taking into account the expected
natural increase of the Arab and Jewish
populations, and the number of illegal Jewish
immigrants now in the country, this would allow of
the admission, as from the beginning of April this
year, of some 75,000 immigrants over the next five
years. These immigrants would, subject to the
criterion of economic absorptive capacity, be
admitted as follows:
For each of the next five years a quota of 10,000
Jewish immigrants will be allowed on the
understanding that a shortage one year may be
added to the quotas for subsequent years, within
the five year period, if economic absorptive
capacity permits.
Il a été instamment demandé que toute nouvelle
immigration juive en Palestine soit immédiatement
interrompue. Le gouvernement de Sa Majesté ne
peut accepter une telle proposition. Cela porterait
préjudice à l'ensemble du système financier et
économique de la Palestine et nuirait ainsi aux
intérêts tant des Arabes que des Juifs. De plus, de
l'avis du gouvernement de Sa Majesté, il serait
injuste pour le foyer national juif de mettre fin
brusquement à une nouvelle immigration. Mais,
par-dessus tout, le gouvernement de Sa Majesté est
conscient du triste sort actuel d'un grand nombre
de Juifs qui cherchent refuge dans certains pays
européens, et il croit que la Palestine peut et doit
apporter une nouvelle contribution à la solution de
ce problème mondial urgent. Dans toutes ces
circonstances, ils estiment qu'ils agiront
conformément à leurs obligations mandataires
envers les Arabes et les Juifs, et de la manière la
mieux calculée pour servir les intérêts de toute la
population de Palestine, en adoptant les
propositions suivantes concernant l'immigration :
Au cours des cinq prochaines années, l'immigration
juive se fera à un rythme qui, si la capacité
d'absorption économique le permet, portera la
population juive à environ un tiers de la population
totale du pays. Compte tenu de l'accroissement
naturel attendu de la population arabe et juive et
du nombre d'immigrants juifs illégaux
actuellement dans le pays, cela permettrait
l'admission, dès le début du mois d'avril de cette
année, d'environ 75 000 immigrants au cours des
cinq prochaines années. Ces immigrants, sous
réserve du critère de la capacité d'absorption
économique, seraient admis comme suit :
Pour chacune des cinq prochaines années, un quota
de 10 000 immigrants juifs sera autorisé, étant
entendu qu'une limitation d'une année
supplémentaire pourra être ajoutée aux quotas des
années suivantes, au cours de la période de cinq
ans, si la capacité d'absorption économique le
permet.
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In addition, as a contribution towards the solution
of the Jewish refugee problem, 25,000 refugees will
be admitted as soon as the High Commissioner is
satisfied that adequate provision for their
maintenance is ensured, special consideration
being given to refugee children anddependents.
The existing machinery for ascertaining economic
absorptive capacity will be retained, and the High
Commissioner will have the ultimate responsibility
for deciding the limits of economic capacity. Before
each periodic decision is taken, Jewish and Arab
representatives will be consulted.
After the period of five years, no further Jewish
immigration will be permitted unless the Arabs of
Palestine are prepared to acquiesce in it.
His Majesty's Government are determined to check
illegal immigration, and further preventive
measures are being adopted. The numbers of any
Jewish illegal immigrants who, despite these
measures, may succeed in coming into the country
and cannot be deported will be deducted from the
yearly quotas.
His Majesty's Government are satisfied that, when
the immigration over five years which is now
contemplated has taken place, they will not be
justified in facilitating, nor will they be under any
obligation to facilitate, the further development of
the Jewish National Home by immigration
regardless of the wishes of the Arab population.
En outre, à titre de contribution à la solution du
problème des réfugiés juifs, 25 000 réfugiés seront
admis dès que le Haut-Commissaire aura acquis la
certitude que les dispositions nécessaires à leur
entretien seront prises, une attention particulière
étant accordée aux enfants réfugiés et aux
personnes à leur charge.
Les mécanismes existants de détermination de la
capacité d'absorption économique seront
maintenus, et c'est au Haut-Commissaire qu'il
appartiendra en dernier ressort de décider des
limites de la capacité économique. Avant chaque
décision périodique, des représentants juifs et
arabes seront consultés.
Au terme de cette période de cinq ans, aucune
immigration juive ne sera plus autorisée à moins
que les Arabes de Palestine ne soient disposés à y
consentir.
Le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté est déterminé à
contrôler l'immigration illégale et d'autres mesures
préventives sont adoptées. Le nombre
d'immigrants juifs illégaux qui, malgré ces
mesures, peuvent réussir à entrer dans le pays et ne
peuvent être expulsés sera déduit des quotas
annuels.
Le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté est convaincu que,
lorsque l'immigration de plus de cinq ans qui est
maintenant envisagée aura eu lieu, ils ne seront pas
justifiés de faciliter, ni n'auront l'obligation de
faciliter, le développement ultérieur du foyer
national juif par l'immigration, quels que soient les
souhaits de la population arabe.
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Section III. Land
The Administration of Palestine is required, under
Article 6 of the Mandate, "while ensuring that the
rights and position of other sections of the
population are not prejudiced," to encourage "close
settlement by Jews on the land," and no restriction
has been imposed hitherto on the transfer of land
from Arabs to Jews.
The Reports of several expert Commissions have
indictaed that, owing to the natural growth of the
Arab population and the steady sale in recent years
of Arab land to Jews, there is now in certain areas
no room for further transfers of Arab land, whilst in
some other areas such transfers of land must be
restricted if Arab cultivators are to maintain their
existing standard of life and a considerable landless
Arab population is not soon to be created. In these
circumstances, the High Commissioner will be
given general powers to prohibit and regulate
transfers of land. These powers will date from the
publication of this statement of policy and the High
Commissioner will retain them throughout the
transitional period.
The policy of the Government will be directed
towards the development of the land and the
improvement, where possible, of methods of
cultivation. In the light of such development it will
be open to the High Commissioner, should he be
satisfied that the "rights and position" of the Arab
population will be duly preserved, to review and
modify any orders passed relating to the
prohibition or restriction of the transfer of land.
Section III. Propriété foncière
L'Administration de la Palestine est tenue, en vertu
de l'article 6 du Mandat, "tout en veillant à ce que
les droits et la situation des autres groupes de la
population ne soient pas lésés", d'encourager "la
colonisation étroite des terres par les Juifs" et
aucune restriction n'a été imposée jusqu'ici au
transfert des terres des arabes aux Juifs.
Les rapports de plusieurs commissions d’experts
ont indiqué que, compte tenu de la croissance
naturelle de la population arabe et de l’importance
des ventes de terres arabes aux Juifs, en certains
endroits il ne reste plus assez de place pour de
nouveaux transferts de terres arabes, tandis qu’en
d’autres endroits ces transferts doivent être limités
pour que les cultivateurs arabes puissent garder
leur niveau de vie actuel et que ne soit pas créée
prochainement une importante population arabe
sans terre. Dans ces circonstances, le hautcommissaire
recevra tous les pouvoirs pour
prohiber et réglementer les transferts de terres
Ces pouvoirs entreront en vigueur à compter de la
publication de la présente déclaration de politique
générale et le Haut-Commissaire les conservera
pendant toute la période de transition.
La politique du Gouvernement sera axée sur le
développement des terres et l'amélioration, dans la
mesure du possible, des méthodes de culture.
Compte tenu de cette évolution, le Haut
Commissaire pourra, s'il est convaincu que les
"droits et la situation" de la population arabe sont
dûment préservés, examiner et modifier toute
décision prise concernant l'interdiction ou la
restriction du transfert des terres.
16 / 17
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In framing these proposals His Majesty's
Government have sincerely endeavoured to act in
strict accordance with their obligations under the
Mandate to both the Arabs and the Jews. The
vagueness of the phrases employed in some
instances to describe these obligations has led to
controversy and has made the task of interpretation
difficult. His Majesty's Government cannot hope to
satisfy the partisans of one party or the other in
such controversy as the Mandate has aroused.
Their purpose is to be just as between the two
people in Palestine whose destinies in that country
have been affected by the great events of recent
years, and who, since they live side by side, must
learn to practice mutual tolerance, goodwill and co
operation. In looking to the future, His Majesty's
Government are not blind to the fact that some
events of the past make the task of creating these
relations difficult; but they are encouraged by the
knowledge that as many times and in many places
in Palestine during recent years the Arab and
Jewish inhabitants have lived in friendship
together. Each community has much to contribute
to the welfare of their common land, and each must
earnestly desire peace in which to assist in
increasing the well being of the whole people of the
country. The responsibility which falls on them, no
less than upon His Majesty's Government, to co
operate together to ensure peace is all the more
solemn because their country is revered by many
millions of Moslems, Jews and Christians
throughout the world who pray for peace in
Palestine and for the happiness of her people.
* * *
En formulant ces propositions, le Gouvernement de
Sa Majesté s'est sincèrement efforcé d'agir en
stricte conformité avec les obligations qui lui
incombent en vertu de son mandat, tant à l'égard
des Arabes que des Juifs. L'imprécision des
expressions employées dans certains cas pour
décrire ces obligations a donné lieu à des
controverses et a rendu difficile la tâche de
l'interprétation. Le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté ne
peut espérer satisfaire les partisans de l'un ou
l'autre parti dans la controverse que le mandat a
suscitée. Son but est de se situer exactement au
caarrefour des deux peuples de Palestine dont les
destinées dans ce pays ont été affectées par les
grands événements de ces dernières années, et qui,
puisqu'ils vivent côte à côte, doivent apprendre à
pratiquer la tolérance mutuelle, la bonne volonté et
la coopération. En se tournant vers l'avenir, le
Gouvernement de Sa Majesté n'ignore pas que
certains événements du passé rendent difficile
l'établissement de ces relations, mais il est
encouragé par le fait qu'autant de fois et en de
nombreux endroits de Palestine, ces dernières
années, les habitants arabes et juifs ont vécu
ensemble en bonne entente. Chaque communauté a
beaucoup à apporter au bien-être de sa terre
commune, et chacun doit désirer sincèrement la
paix pour contribuer à l'amélioration du bien-être
de l'ensemble de la population du pays. La
responsabilité qui leur incombe, au même titre
qu'au gouvernement de Sa Majesté, de coopérer
ensemble pour assurer la paix est d'autant plus
solennelle que leur pays est vénéré par des millions
de musulmans, juifs et chrétiens du monde entier
qui prient pour la paix en Palestine et pour le
bonheur de son peuple.
* * *
17 / 17
Annexe 11 : Documents officiels de l’Assemblée générale, deuxième session, Commission spéciale
pour la Palestine, vol. I, 1947, p. 54-55.
Annex 11 : Official Records of the General Assembly, second session, Special Committee On
Palestine, vol. I, 1947, p. 54-55.
167
168

172
Annexe 12 : Assemblée générale des Nations Unies, Résolution 181 (II), 29 novembre 1947.
Annex 12 : United Nations General Assembly, Resolution 181 (II), 29 November 1947.
173
174
XVII
RESOLUTION ADOPTED ON THE REPORT OF THE AD HOC COMMlnEE ON 'rHE
PALESTINIAN QUESTION
RESOLUTION ADOPTEE SUR LE RAPPORT DE LA COMMISSION AD HOC CHARGEE
DE LA QUESTION PALESllNIENNE
181 (If). Future government of Palestine
A
The General Assembly,
Having met in special session at the request of
the mandatory Power to constitute and instruct a
special committee to prepare for the consideration
of the question of the future govemment of
Palestine at the second regular session;
Having constituted a Special Committee and
instrl1cted it to investigate ail questions and issues
relevant to the problem of Palestine, and to prepare
proposaIs for the solution of the problem,
and
H avinll received and examined the report of
the Special Committee (document A/364)1 including
a number of unanimous recommendations
and a plan of partition with economic union
approved by the majority of the Special Committee,
Considers that the present situation in Palestine
is one which is likely to impair the Reneral
we1fare and friendly relations among nations;
Takes note of the dec1aration by the mandatory
Power that it plans to complete its evacuation
of Palestine by 1 August 1948;
Recommends to the United Kingdom, as the
mandatory Power for Palestine, and to all other
Members of the United Nations the adoption and
implementation, with regard to the future govemment
of Palestine, of the Plan of Partition with
Economie Union set out beIow;
Requests that
(a) The Security Council take the necessary
measures as provided for in the plan for its implementation;
( b) The Security Council consider, if circumstances
during the transitional pcriod require such
consideration, whether the situation in Palestine
constitutes a threat to the peace.)f it decides that
such a threat exists, and in arder ta maintain international
peace and security, the Security Council
should supplement the authorization of the
General Assembly by taking measures, under Articles
39 and 41 of the Charter, ta empower the
United Nations Commission, as provided in this
1 See OIJit:ÏtJl Records of the second sesnon of th. Gtm"
tJl .dlumb/y, Supplement No. Il, Volumes I-IV.
181 (II), Gouvernement futur de la
Palestine
A
L'Assemblée générale,
Après s'être réunie en session spéciale à la requête
de la Puissance mandataire, en vue de proçéder
à la constitution, ct de définir le mandat,
d'une commission spéciale" chargée de préparer
l'examen par l'Assemblée, en sa seconde session
régulière, de la question du futur gouvernement
de la Palestine;
Ayant constitué une Commission spéciale, et
lui ayant donné mandat d'enquêter sur toutes les
questions relatives au problème de la Palestine, et
de préparer des propositions en vue de la solution
de ce problème, et
Ayant reçu et examiné le rapport de la Com~
mission spéciale (document A/364)1, où figurent
un certain nombre de recommandations présentées
par la Commission à l'unanimité, et un plan
de partage avec union économique approuvé par
la majorité de la Commission spéciale,
Considère que la situation actuelle de la Palestine
est de nature à nuire au bien général et aux
relations amicales entre les nations;
Prend acte de la déclaration de la Puissance
mandataire, par laquelle celle-ci fait connaître
qu'elle se propose d'achever l'évacuation de la
Palestine pour le 1er aoOt 1948;
Recommande au Royaume-Uni, en tant que
Puissance mandataire pour la Palestine, ainsi qu'à
tous les autres Etats Membres de l'Organisation
des Nations Unies, l'adoption et la mise à exécution,
en ce qui concerne le futur gouvernement
de la Palestine, du Plan de partage avec Union
économique exposé ci-dessous;
Demande
a) Que le Conseil de sécurité prenne les mesures
nécessaires prévues dans le plan pour sa mi!'e
à exécution;
b) Que le Conseil de sécurité détermine, au
cas où les circonstances l'exigeraient pendant la
période de transition, si ]a situation en Palestine
représente une menace contre la paix. S'il décide
qu'une telle menace existe, et afin de maintenir
la paix et la sécurité internationales, le Conseil
de sécurité complétera l'autorisation de l'Assemblée
générale par des mesures prises aux
termes des Articles 39 et 41 de la Charte, qui
donneront pouvoir à la Commission des Nations
1 Voir les DQcument~ ofJici~ls de la deuxième session de
l'Assemblée génértJle, Supplément No Il, Volumes {.IV.
131
resolution, ta exercise in Palestine the functions
which are assigned ta it by this resolution;
(c) The Security Council determine as a threat
to the peace, breach àf the peace or act of aggression,
in accordance with Article 39 of the
Charter, any attempt to alter by force the settlement
envisaged by this resolution;
Unies prévue dans la présente résolution d'exerèer
en Palestine les fonctions qui lui Sont assignées
dans la présente résolution;
c) Que le Conseil de sécurité considère comme
menace contre la paix, rupture de paix ou acte
d'agression, conformément à l'Article 39 de la
Charte, toute tentative visant à modifier par la
force le règlement prévu par la présente résolution;
(d) The Trusteeship Council \:Je informed of
the responsibilities envisaged for it in this plan;
Calls upon the inhabitants of Palestine to take
such steps as may be necessary on their part to
put this plan into effect;
Appeals ta all Govemments and aIl peoples ta
refrain from taking any action which rnight
hamper or delay the carrying out of these recommendations,
and
Authorizes the Secretary-General ta reimburse
travel and subsistence expenses of the members of
the Commission referred ta in Part l, Section B,
paragraph 1 below, on such ba~is and in such
form as he may detennine most appropriate in
the circumstançes, and to provide the Commission
with the necessary staff to assist in carrying out
the functions assigned ta the Commission by the
General Assembly.
d) Que le Conseil de tutelle soit infonné de la
responsabilité qui lui incombera aux termes de
ce plan; .
Invite les habitants de la Palestine à prendre
toutes les mesures qui pourraient être nécessaires
de leur part, en vue d'assurer l'application de ce
plan;
Fait appel à tous les Gouvernements et tous les
peuples pour qu'ils s'abstiennent de toute action
qui risquerait d'entraver ou de retarder l'exécution
de ces recommandations, et
Autorise le Secrétaire général à rembourser les
frais de voyage et de subsistance de!: membres de
la Commission dont il est fait mention ci-dessous
(première partie, section B, paragraphe 1) sur
telle base et sous telle forme qu'il estimera les
plus appropriées aux circonstances, et à fournir à
la Commission le personnel nécessaire pour raider
à remplir les fonctions qui lui sont assignées par
l'Assemblée générale.
132
1 This resolution wu adopte<!. without reference to a 'Cette résolution a ~té adoptée sans renvoi à une Cam·
Cooemiltee. mission.
1. Le Mandat pour la Palestine prendra fin aussitôt
que possible, et en tous cas le 1er aoilt 1948 au
plus tard.
PLAN DE PARTAGE AVEC UNION ECONOMIQUE
PREMIERE PARTIE
Constitution et gouvernement futurs de la
Palestine
A. FIN DU MANDAT, PARTAGE ET
INDEPENDANCE
B1
L'Asse~blée générale
Autorise le secrétaire général à prélever sur le
Fonds de roulement une somme ne dépassant pas
2.000.000 de dollars, aux fins énoncées dans le
dernier alinéa de la résolution relative au gouvernement
futur de la Palestine.
Cent-vingt huitième séance plénière,
le 29 novembre 1947.
Au cours de sa cent-vingt-huitième séance
plénière, tenue le 29 novembre 1947, et conformément
aux termes de la résolution ci-dessus,
l'Assemblée générale a élu les Membres suivants
pour faire partie de la Commission des Natians
Unies pour la Palestine:
BaLME, TCHÉCOSLOVAQUIE, DANEMARK, PANAMA
et PHILIPPINES.
A. TERMINATION OF MANDATE,
PARTITION AND INDEPENDENCE
B1
The General Assembly
Authorizes the Secretary-General ta draw from
the Working Capital Fund il sum not to exceed
$2,000,000 for the purposes set forth in the last
paragraph of the resolution on the future government
of Palestine.
Hundred and twenty-eighth plenary meeting,
29 November 1947.
At its hundred and twenty-eighth plenary
meeting on 29 November 1947 the General Assembly,
in accordance with the terms of th!!
above resolution, elected the following members
of the United Nations Commission on Palestine:
BoLIVlA, CZECHOSLOVAKlA, DENMARK, PANAMA
and PHILIPPINES.
PLAN OF PARTITION WITH ECONOMIC UNION
PART 1
Futur. constitution and government of Palestine
1. The Mandate for Palestine shall terminate as
soon as possible but in any case not later than
1 August 1948.
133
··'
2. The armed forces of the mandatory Power
shall he progressively withdrawn from Palestine, the
withdrawal to be completed as soon as possible but
in any case not later than 1 August 1948.
The mandatory Power shaH advise the Commission,
as far in advance as possible, of hs intention
to terminate the Mandate and to evacuate each
area.
The mandatory Power shaH use its best endeavours
to ensure that an area situated in the territory
of the Jewish State, inc1uding a seaport and hinterland
adequate to provide facilities for a substantial
immigration, shaH he evacuated at the earliest possible
date and in any event not later than 1 Febmary
1948.
3. Independent Arab and Jewish States and the
Special International Regime for the City of Jemsalem,
set forth in part III of this plan, shaH come
into existence in Palestine two months after the
evacuation of the anned forces of the mandatory
Power has been completed but in any case not later
than 1 October 1948. The boundaries of the Arab
State, the Jewish State, and the City of Jerusalem
shaH be as described in parts II and III below.
4. The period between the adoption by the General
Assembly of its reconunendation on the question
of Palestine and the establishment of the inde.
pendence of the Arab and Jewish States shan be a
transitional period.
B. STEPS PREPARATORY TO
INDEPENDENCE
1. A Commission shan be set up consisting of one
representative of each of five Member States. The
Memhers represented on the Oommission shaH be
elected by the General Assembly on as broad a basis,
geographicaHy and otherwise, as possible.
2. The administration of Palestine shaH, as the
mandatory Power withdraws ite anned forces, he
progressive1y turned over to the Commission; which
shaH act in conformity with the recommendations
of the General Assembly, under the guidance of the
Security CounciI. The mandatory Power shaH to
the fuHest possible extent co-ordinate its plans for
withdrawal with the plans of the Commission to
take over and administer areas which have been
evacuated.
In the discharge of this administrative responsibility
the Commission shaH have authority to issue
necessary regulations and take other measures as
required.
The mandatory Power shan not take any action
ta prevent, obstruct or delay the implementation by
the Commission of the measures recommended by
the General Assembly.
3. On its arrivai in Palestine the Commission
shan proceed ta carry out measures for the establishment
of the frontiers of the Arab and Jewish States
and the City of Jerosalem in accordance with the
generallines of the recommendations of the General
Assembly on the partition of Palestine. Nevertheless,
the boundaries as described in part 11 of this
plan are ta be modified in such a way that village
areas as a rule will not he divided by state boundaries
un1ess pressing reasons make that necessary.
4. The Commission, alter consultation with the
democratic parties and other public organizations
2. Les forces armées de la Puissance mandataire
évacueront progressivement la Palestine; cette
évacuation devra être achevée aussitôt que possible,
et en tous cas Je 1er août 194-8 ail plus tard.
La Puissance mandataire informera la Commission
aussi longtemps à l'avance que possible, de son
intention de mettre fin au Mandat et d'évacuer
chaque zone.
La Puissance mandataire fera. tout ce qui est en
son pouvoir pour assurer, à une date aussi rapprochée
que possible, et en. tous cas le 1er février 1948
au plus tard, l'évacuation d'une zone située sur le
territoire de l'Etat juif et possédant un port maritime
et un arrière-pays suffiSants pour donner les
facilités nécessaires en vue d'une immigration importante.
3. Les Etats indépendants arabe et juif ainsi que
le Régime international particulier prévu pour la
Ville de Jérusalem dans la troisième partie de ce
plan, commenceront d'exister en Palestine deux
mois après que l'évacuation des force~ années de la
Puissance mandataire aura été achevée et, en tous
cas, le let octobre 1948 au plus tard. Les frontières
de l'Etat arabe, de l'Etat juif et de la Ville de Jérusalem
seront les frontières indiquées aux: deuxième
et troisième parties ci-dessous.
4. La période qui s'écoulera entre l'âdoption par
l'Assemblée générale de ses recommandations sur
la question palestinienne et l'établissement de l'indépendance
des Etats juif et arabe sera une période de
transition.
B. MESURES PREPARATOIRES A
L'INDEPENDANCE
1. On instituera une Commission composée de!>
représentants de cinq Etats Membres, à raison d'un
représentant par ~tat. Les Membres représentés au
sein de cette Commission seront élus par l'AS'Semblée
gél'lérale, sur une base, géographique ou autre,
aussi large que possible.
2. A mesure que la Puissance mandataire retirera
ses forces années, elle transmettra progressivement
l'administration de la Palestine à la Commission
qui agira conformément aux recommandations de
l'Assemblée générale et sous la direction du Conseil
de sécurité. La Puissance mandataire coordonnera
dans toute la,mesure du possible son plan de retrait
avec le plan établi par Je Commission pour prendre
en main et administrer les régions qui auront été
évacuées.
Pour assurer les fonctions d'administration dont
la responsabilité lui est confi6ll, la Commission aura
autorité pour promulguer les règlements nécessaires
et prendre toutes autres mesures utiles.
La Puissance mandataire ne se livrera à aucun
acte de nature à gêner, empêcher ou retarder J'exé_
cution par la Commission des mesures recommandées
par l'Assemblée générale.
3. Dès son arrivée en Palestine, la Conun.ission
prendra des dispositions en vue de fixer les frontières
des Etats juif et arabe et de la Ville de Jémsalem,.
en se conformant d'une manière générale aux
recommandations de l'Assemblée générale relatives
au partage de la Palestine. Néanmoins, le tracé des
frontières, tel qu'il est indiqué dans la deuxième
partie du plan, doit être modifié de manière qu'en
règle générale, les territoires des villages ne soient
pas coupés par la ligne frontière entre les deux Etats,
à moins que des motifs pressants ne rendent nécessaire
une telle mesure.
4. Après consultation avec les partis démocra.
tiques et les autres organisations publiques des Etats
134
of the Arab and Jewish States, shaH select and establish
in each State as rapidly as possible a Provisional
Council of Government. The activities of bath the
Arab and Jewish Provisional Councils of Govemment
shaH he carried out under the general direction
of the Commission.
If by 1 April 1948 a Provisional Council of Government
cannot be se1ected for either of the States,
or, ü selected, cannot carry out its functions, the
Commission shaH communicate that fact to the
Security Council for such action with respect to that
State as the Security Council may deem proper, and
to the Secretary-General for communication to the
Members of the United Nations.
5. Subject to the provisions of these recommendations,
during the transitional period the Provisional
Councils of Govemment, acting under the
Commission, shaH have fuH authority in the areas
under their control, inc1uding authority over matters
of immigration and land regulation.
6. The Provisional Council of Govemment of
each State, acting under the Commission, shaH progre~
sively receive from the Commission fuH responsibility
for the administration of that State in the
period between the tennination of the Mandate and
the establishment of the State's independence.
7. The Comm\ssion shall instroct the Provisional
Councils of Government of both the Arab and Jewis~
States, after their formation, to proceed to the
establishment of administrative organs of govemment,
central and local.
8. The Provisional Council of Government of
each State shaH, within the shortest time possible,
recruit an anned militia from the residents of that·
State, sufficient in number to maintain internai
order and to prevent f~ontier clashes.
This armed militia in each State shaH, for operational
purposes, be under the command of Jewish
or Arab officers resident in that State, but general
political and military control, induding the choice
of the militia's High Command, shaH be exercised
by the Commission.
9. The Provisional Council of Government of
each State shaH, not later than two momhs after
the withdrawal of the armed forces of the mandatory
Power, hold elections to the Constituent Assembly
which shall he conducted on democratic !ines.
The election regulations in each State shall be
drawn up by the Provisional Council of Government
and approved by the Commission. Qualified
voters for each State for this election shaH be persons
over eighteen years of age who are: (a) Palestinian
citizens residing in that State and (b)
Arabs and Jews residing in the State, although not
Palestinian citizens, who, before voting, have signed
a notice of intention to become citizens of such
State.
Arabs and Jews residing in the City of Jerusalem
who have signed a notice of intention to become
citizens, the Arabs of the Arab State and the Jews
of the Jewish State, shaH be entitled to vote in the
Arab and Jewish States respectively.
Women may vote and be e1ected to the Constituent
ASliemblies.
During the transitional period no Jew s1taH be
permitted to establish residence in the area of the
proposed Arab State, and no Arab shaH be permitted
arabe et juif, la Commission désignera et établira,
aussi rapidement que possible, dans chaque Etat,
un Conseil provisoire de gouvernement. Les Conseils
provisoires de gouvernement des Etats arabe et
juif agiront sous la direction générale de la Commission.
Si, au 1er avril 1948, il n'a pu être désigné de
Conseil provisoire de gouvernement pour l'un ou
l'autre Etat, ou si ce Conseil, une fois institué, ne
peut 's'acquitter de ses fonctions, la Commission en
informera le Conseil de sécurité pour qu'il prenne à
l'égard de cet Etat, les mesures qu'il jugera appropriées;
eHe en informera aussi le Secrétaire général
qui avisera les Membres de l'Organisation des Nations
Unies.
5. Pendant la période de transition, et sous réserve
des dispositions des recommandations susdites,
les Conseils provisoires de gouvernement, agissant
sous la direction de la Commission, auront pleine
autorité dans les zones qui dépendent d'eux, notamment
en matière d'immigration et de réglementation
foncière.
6. Le Conseil provisoire de gouvernement de
chaque Etat, agissant sous la direction de la Commission,
se verra progressivement confier par celle-ci
l'entiére responsabilité de l'administration de cet
Etat pendant la période qui s'écoulera entre la
cessation du mandat et l'établissement de l'indépendance
dudit Etat.
7. Une fois les Conseils provisoires de gouvernement
des Etats arabe ·et juif constitués, la Commission
leur donnera mission de procéder à h~ création
des organes administratifs du gouvernement central
et des autorités locales.
8. Le Conseil provisoire de gouvernement de
chaque Etat recrutera dans le plus bref délai possible,
parmi les résidents de cet Etat, une milice
armée assez nombreuse pour maintenir l'ordre dans
le pays et pour prévenir les incidents de frontière.
Dans chaque Etat, cette milice armée opérera
sous les ordres d'officiers juifs ou ara.bes résidant en
cet Etat, mais la direction générale, politique et
militaire de la milice, notamment la désignation du
Haut commandement, sera exercée par la Commission.
9. Deux mois au plus tard après le retrait des
forces armées de la Puissance mandataire, le Conseil
provisoire de gouvernement de chaque Etat organisera
des élections à l'Assemblée constituante,
élections qui devront être conformes aux principes
démocratiques.
Dans chaque Etat, les règlements concernant les
élections seront établis par le Conseil provisoire de
gouvernement et approuvés par la Commission.
Pourront participer à ces élections, dans chaque
Etat, toutes personnes de plus de dix-huit ans qui
seront: a) citoyens palestiniens résidant dans cet
Etat ou b) Arabes ou Juifs résidant dam l'Etat et
qui, sans être citoyens palestiniens, auront, avant le
vote, signé une déclaration affirmant expressément
leur intention de devenir citoyens dudit Etat.
Les Arabes et les JuiEs résidant dans la Ville de
Jérusalem qui auront déclaré sous cette forme leur
intention de devenir citoyens -les Arabes, citoyens
de l'Etat arabe et les Juifs, citoyens de l'Etat juif aj.
lront le droit de vote dans l'Etat arabe et dans
l'Etat juü. respectivement.
Les femmes auront le droit de vote et seront éligibles
aux Assemblées constituantes.
Pendant la période de transition, aucun Juif ne
pourra établir sa résidence sur le territoire de l'Etat
arabe envisagé, et aucun Arabe ne pourra établir sa
10 establish residence in the area oC the proposed
Jewish State, except by special leave oC the Commission.
10. The Constituent Assembly oC each State shaH
drait a democratic constitution Cor its State and
choose a provisional government to succeed the
Provisional Council oC Government appointed by
the Commission. The constitutions oC the States
shall erobody chapters 1 and 2 oC the Declaration
provided Cor in section C below and include inter
alia provisions Cor:
(a) Establishing in each State a legislative body
elected by universal suffrage and by secret ballot
on the. basis of proportional representation, and an
executlve body responsible to the legislature;
(b) Settling aIl international disputes in which
the State may he involved by peaceful means in Bueh
~ m~nner that international peace and security, and
Justice, are not endangered;
(c) Accepting the obligation oC the State to reCrain
in its international relations Crom the threat or
use of Corce against the territorial integrity or political
independence oC any State, or in any other manner
inconsistent with the purposes oC the United
Nations;
(d) Guaranteeing to aH persons equal· and nondi!
criminatory rights in civil, political, economic
and religious matters and the enjoyment of human
rights and fundamental freedoms, including Creedom
of religion, language, speech and publication,
education, assembly and association;
(e) Preserving freedom of transit and visit Cor aIl
residents and citizens of the other State in Palestine
and the City oC Jerusalem, subject to considerations
oC national security, provided' that each State s\:1all
control residence within its borders.
Il. The Commission shaH appoint a preparatory
economic commission of three members to make
whatever arrangements are possible Cor economic
co-operation, with a view to establishing, as soon as
practicable, the Economic Union and the Joint Economie
Board, as proviaed in section D bdow.
12. During the period between the adoption of
the recommendations on the question of Palestine
by the General Assembly and the termination of the
Mandate, the mandatory Power in Palestine shall
maintain full responsibility for administration in
areas from which it has not withdrawn its armed
Corces. The Commission shaH assist the mandatory
Power in the carrying out of these Cunctions.
Similarly the mandatory Power shall co-operate with
the Commission in the execution of its functions.
13. With a view to ensuring that there shall be
continuity in the functioning of administrative services
and that, on the withdrawal of the armed forces
oC the mandatory Power, the whole administration
shaH be in the charge of the Provisional Councils
and the Joint Economic Bo~rd, respectively, acting
under the Commission, there shall he a progressive
transfer, Crom the mandatory Power to the Commission.
oC responsibility for ail the functions oC
government, including that of maintaining law and
order in the areas from which the forces of the mandatory
Power have been withdrawn.
14. The Commission shall be guided in its activities
by the recommendations of the General Assemrésidence
sur le territoire de l'Etat juif envisagé, sauf
autorisation spéciale de la Commission.
la. L'Assemblée constituante de chaque Etat élaborera
une constitution démocratique pour cet Etat
et choisira un gouvernement provisoire qui succédera
au Conseil provisoire de gouvernement désigné
par la Commission. Les constitutions des Etats
devront comprendre les clauses énoncées aux cha,pitres
1er et 2 de la Déclaration prévue à la section C
ci-dessous et, entre autres, des dispositions:
a) Créant dans chaque Etat un corps législatif
élu au suffrage universel et au scrutin secret sur la
base de la représentation proportionnelle, ainsi
qu'un organe exécutif responsable devant le corps
législatif;
b) Permettant de régler, par des moyens pacifiques,
tous différends internationaux dans lesquels
l'Etat pourrait être impliqué, de telle manière que
la paix et la sécurité internationales et la justice ne
soient pas mises en danger;
c) Portant acceptation, par l'Etat, de l'obligat ion
de s'abstenir, dans ses relations internationales, de
tout recours à la menace ou à l'emploi de la force
soit contre l'intégrité territoriale ou l'indépendance
politique de tout Etat, soit de toute autre manière
incompatible avec les buts de l'Organisation des
Nations Unies;
d) Garantissant à toutes personnes, sans discrimination,
des droits égaux en matière civile, poli.
tique, économique et religieuse et la jouissance des
droits de l'homme et des libertés fondamentales, y
compris la liberté de culte, de langue, de parole et
de publication, d'instruction. de réunion et d'as·
sociation;
e) Garantissant la liberté de transit et de "Visite
en Palestine et dans la Ville de Jérusalem à tous les
résidents et citoyens de l'autre Etat, sous réserve de
considérations de sécurité nationale et à condition
que chaque Etat exerce le contrôle de la résidence
à l'intérieur de ses frontières.
Il. La Commission désignera une commission
économique préparatoire de trois membres chargée
de conclure tous arrangements possibles pour réaliser
la coopération économique, en vue d'établir aussitôt
que possible l'Union économique et le Conseil
économique mixte prévus à la section D ci-dessous.
12. Pendant la période qui s'écoulera entre
l'adoption par ]'Assemblée générale des recommandations
relatives à la question palestinienne et la
cessation du Mandat, la Puissance mandataire de
Palestine conservera l'entière responsabilité de l'ad·
ministration des régions dont elle n'aura pas retiré
ses forces a.rmées. La Commission aidera la Puissance
mandataire à s'acquitter de ces fonctions. De
même, la Puissance mandataire collaborera avec
la Commission dans l'exécution de ses fonctions.
13. En vue d'assurer la continuité dans le fonctionnement
des services administratifs et pour que,
au moment du retrait des forces armées de la Puissance
mandataire, toute l'administration soit entre
les mains des Conseils provisoires et du Conseil
économique mixte, respectivement agissant sous la
direction de la Commission, la Puissance mandataire
transférera progressivement à la Commission
toutes les fonctions gouvernementales, y compris la
responsabilité du maintien de l'ordre public dans les
régions d'où la Puissance mandataire aura retiré ses
forces armées.
14. La Commission s'inspirera, dam son activité,
des recommandations d.:: l'Assemblée. générale et
135
bly and by such instructioll$ as the Security Council
May consider necessary to issue.
The measures taken by the Commission,. within
the recommendatioll$ of the General Assembly,shall
become immèdiately effective unless the Commission
has previously received contrary instructions
from the Security Council.
The Corn'm.ùsion shall render periodic monthly
progress reports, or more frequently if desirable, ta
the Security Council.
15. The Commission shaIl make its final report
ta the next regular session of the General Assembly
and to the Security Council simultaneously.
des ill$tructions que le Conseil de sécurit~ jugera
n~cessaire de lui donner.
Les mesures prises par la Commission dans le
cadre des recommandations de l'As5embl~e g~n~·
raie, prendront immédiatement effet, à moins que
le Conseil de s~curité n'ait donné au préalable à la
Commission des instructions contraires.
La Commission présentera tous les mois, ou à
intervalles plus rapprochés le cas échéant, un rapport
au Conseil de sécurité sur la situation.
15. La Commission présentera son rapport final,
simultanément à la prochaine session ordinaire de
l'Assemblée générale et au Conseil de sécurité.
C. DECLARATION
A declaration shall be made to the United Nations
by the provisional government of each proposed
State before independence. It shall contain
inter alia the following clauses:
C. DECLARATIüN
Avant la reconnaissance de l'indépendance, le
gouvernement provisoire de chacun des Etats envisagés
adressera à l'Organisation des Nations Unies
une déclaration qui devra contenir, entre autres, les
clauses suivantes:
DISPOSmON ciÉNÉRALE
Les stipulations contenues dans la déclaration
sont reconnues comme lois fondamentales de l'Etat.
Aucune loi, aucun règlement et aucune mesure offi·
cielle ne pourront être en contradiction, en opposition
avec ces stipulations ou leur faire obstacle et
aucune loi, aucun règlement et aucune mesure officielle
ne pourront prévaloir contre elles.
CHAPITRE PREMIER.
Lieux saints, édifices et sites religieux
1. Il ne sera porté aucune atteinte aux droits
existants concernant les lieux saints, édifices ou sites
religieux.
2. En ce qui concerne les lieux saints, la liberté
d'accès, de visite et de transit sera garantie, conformément
aux droits existants, à tous les résidents
ou citoyens de l'autre Etat et de la Ville de Jérusalem,
ainsi qu'aux étrangers, sans distinction de
nationalité, sous réserve de considérations de sécu.
rité nationale et du maintien de l'ordre public et de
la bienséance.
De même, le libre exercice du culte sera garanti
conformément aux droits existants, compte tenu du
maintien de l'ordre public et de la bienséance.
3. Les lieux saints et les édifices ou sites religieux
seront préservés. Toute action de nature à compromettre,
de quelque façon que ce soit, leur caractère
sacré sera interdite. Si, à quelque moment, le Gouvernement
estime qu'il y a des réparations urgentes
à faire à un lieu saint, à un édifice ou l un site
religieux quelconque, il pourra inviter la ou les
communautés intéressées à procéder aux réparations.
Il pourra procéder lui-même à ces réparations,
aux frais de la ou des communautés intéressées, s'il
n'est donné aucune suite à sa demande dans un
délai raisonnable.
4. Aucun impôt ne sera perçu sur les lieux saints,
édifices ou sites religieux qui étaient exemptés d'impôts
lors de la création de l'Etat.
CHAPTER 1
Holy PlaC8s. religious buildings and sites
1. Existing rights in respect of Holy Places and
religious buildings or sites shall not he denied or
impaired.
2. .In so far as Holy Places are concemed, the liberty
of access, visit and transit shaH be guaranteed,
in confonnity with existing rights, to aIl residents
and citizens of the other State' and of the City of
Jcrusalem, as weIl as to aliens) without distinction
as to nationality, subject to requirements of national
security, public order and decorum.
GENERAL PROVISION
The stipulations contained in the declaration are
recognized as fundamentallaws of the State and no
law, regulation or official action shall conflict or
interfere with these stipulations, nor shall any law,
regulation or official action prevall over them.
Similarly, freedom of worship shaH be guaranteed
in confonnity with existing rightsJ subject to
the maintenance of public order and decorum.
3. Holy Places and religious buildings or sites
shaH be preserved. No act shall be permitted which
May in any way impair their sacred character. If at
any time it appears to the Government that any particular
Holy Place, religious building or site is in
need of urgent repair, the Government may calI
upon the community or communities concerned to
carry out such repair. The Govemment may carry
it out itself at the expense of the community or
communities concemed if no action is taken within
a reasonable tÎme.
4. No taxation shall he levied in respect of any
Holy Place, religious building or site which was
exempt from taxation on the date of the creation of
the State.
NI> change in the incidence of such taxation shall Il ne sera apporté à l'incidence des impôts aucune
be made which would either discriminate between modification qui constituerait une discrimination
the owners or occupiers of Holy Places, religious entre les propriétaires ou occupants des lieux saints,
buildings or sites, or would place such owners or édifices ou sites religieux, ou qui placerait ces prooccupiers
in a position less favourable in relation ta priétaires ou occupants dans une situation moins
the general incidence of taxation than existed at the favorable, par rapport à l'incidence générale des
time of the adoption of the Assembly's recommen~ iII1pôts,'qu'au moment de l'adoption des recommandations.
dations de l'Assemblée.
5. The Govemor of the City of Jerusalem shaH 5. Le Gouverneur de la Ville de Jérusalem aura
have the right to determine whether the provisions le droit de décider si les dispositions de la Constitu-
136
of the Constitution of the State in relation to Holy
Places, religious buildings and sites within the borders
of the State and the religious rights appertaining
thereto, are being properly applied and reM
spected, and to make decisions on the basis of,exist·
ing rights in cases of disputes which Olay arise hetween
the different religious communities· or the
rites of a religious community with respect \~o such
places, buildings and sites. He shaH receive full cooperation
and such privileges and immunities as are
necessary for the exercise of his functions in the
State.
CHAPTER, 2
Religious and minority rights
1. Freedom of conscience and the free exercise
of aIl forros of worship, subject only to the mainte·
nance of public order and morals, shall he ensured
to aU.
2. No discrimination of any kind shall he made
between the inhabitants on the ground of race, religion,
language or se..'l:.
3. Ail persons within the jurisdicti.on of the State
shaH be entitled to equal protection of the laws.
4. The family law and personal status' of the
various minorities and thdr religious interests, inc1uding
endowments, shall be respected.
5. Except as may be required for the maintenance
of public order and good government, no
measure shall he taken to obstruct or interferè with
the enterprise of religious or charitable bodies of aIl
faiths or to discriminate against any representative
or member of these bodies on the ground of bis
religion or nationality.
6. The State shall ensure adequate primary and
secondary education for the Arab and Jcwish minority,
respectively, in its Qwn language and its cultural
traditions.
The right of each community to maintain its own
schools for the education of its own members in its
own language, while conforming ta such educational
requirements of a general nature as the State
may impose, shaH not be denied or impaired. Foreign
educational establishments shaH continue their
activity on the basis of their existing rights.
7. No restriction shaH be imposed on the free use
by any citizen of the State of any language in priM
vate intercourse, in commerce, in religion, in the
Press or in publications of any kind, or at public
meetings.'
8. No expropriation of land owned byan Arab in
the Jewish State (by a Jcw in the Arab State) 2
shan he allowed except for public purposes. In aIl
cases of expropriation full compensation as fixed
by the Supreme Court shaH be paid previous to
dispossession.
1 The following stipulation shaH be added ID the deda·
ration concerning the jewish State: "In the jewish State
adequate facili lies shall be given to Arabic.speaking citi·
zens for the use of their language, either orally or in
writing. in the 1cgislature. before the Courts and in the
administration."
1 In the declaration concerning the Arab State. the worda
"by an Arab in the jewish State" should he replaced by
the words "by a jew in the Arab Sute". .
tion de l'Etat concernant les lieux saints, 6dilices et
sites religieux se trouvant sur le territoire de l'Etat,
et les droits religieux s'y rapportant, sont bien et
dûment appliqués et obsexvés. Il aura également le
droit de prendre, en se fondant sur les droits actuels,
toutes décisions relatives aUX différends qui pourraient
surgir entre les diverses communautés religieuses
ou les rites d'une communauté religieuse au
sujet des lieux, édifices et sites susdits. Il devra
recevoir une pleine coopération et jouira des privilèges
et immunités nécessaires à l'exercice de ses
fonctions dans l'Etat.
CHAPITRE 2
Droits religieux et droits des minorités
1. La liberté de conscience et le libre exercice de
toutes les formes de culte compatibles avec l'ordre
puhlic et les bonnes moeurs seront garantis à tous.
2. Il ne sera fait aucune discrimination, quelle
qu'elle soit, entre les habitants, du fait des différences
de race, de religion, de langue ou de sexe.
3. Toutes 10 personnes relevant de la juridiction
de l'Etat auront également droit à la protection de
la loi.
4-. Le droit familial traditionnel et le statut personnel
des diverses DÙnorités, ainsi que leurs intérêts
religieux, y compris les fondations, 3eront respectés.
5. Sous réserve des nécellSités du maÏI!tien de
l'ordre public et de la bonne administration, on ne
prendra aucune mesure qui mettrait obstacle à l'activité
des institutions religieuses ou charitables de
toutes confessions ou constituerait une intervention
dans cette activité et on ne pourra faire aucune discrimination
à l'égard des représentants ou des membres
de ces institutions du fait de leur religion ou de
leur nationalit~.
6. L'Etat assurera à la minorité, arabe ou juive,
l'enseignement primaire et secondaire, dans sa
langue, et conformément à ses traditions culturelles.
Il ne sera porté aucune atteinte aux droits des
communautés de conserver leurs propres 6coJes en
vue de l'instruction et de l'éducation de leurs membres
dans leur propre langue, à condition que ces
communautés se conforment aux prescriptions
générales sur l'instruction publique que pourra
édicter l'Etat. Les établissements éducatifs étrangen
poursuivront leur activité sur la base des droits existants.
7. Aucune restriction ne sera apportée à l'emploi,
par tout citoyen de l'Etat, de n'importe quelle
langue, dans ses relations personnelles, dans le commerce,
la religion, la presse, les publications de toutes
sortes ou les réunions publiques!.
8. Aucune expropriation d'un terrain poss6dé par
un Arabe dans l'Etat juif (par un Juif dans l'Etat
arabe) 2 ne sera autorisée, sauf pour cause d'utilité
publique. Dans tous les cas d'expropriation, le propriétaire
sera entièrement et préalablement indemnisé,
au taux fixé par la Cour suprême.
1 La clause suivante sera ajoutée à la déclaration- relative
à. l'Etat juif: "Dans l'Etat juif. des facilités suffi.lante5 seront
données aux cltoyelll de langue arabe, pour l'emploi
de leur langue, soit oralement. soit par écrit. au corps
législatif, devant les tribunaux et dans l'administration,"
1 Dans la déclaration relative à l'Etat arabe. les mots
"par un Ar"be dans l'Eut juif" seraient remplacés par les
mots "par un juif dans l'Etat arabe".
137
138
CHAPTI!Jl. 3
Citizenship, international conventions and financial
obligations
1. CitizlJnship. Palestinian citizens residing in
Palestine outside the City of Jerusalem, as weIl as
Arabs and Jews who, not holding Palestinian citizenship,
reside in Palestine outside the City of Jem.
salem shaH, upon the recognition of independenc~,
become citizens of the State in which they are J'eS1dent
and enjoy full civil and politica1 rights. Persons
over the age of eighteen yean may opt, within
one year from the date of recognition of indepen.
dence of the State in which they reside, for citizenship
of the other State, providing that no Arab
residing in the area of the proposed Arab State shaH
have the right to opt for citizenship in the proposed
Jewish State and no Jew residing in the proposed
Jewish State shall have the right ta opt for citizenship
in the proposed Arab State. The exercise of
this right of option will he taken ta include the wives
and cIiiIdren under eighteen years of age of persons
so opting.
Arabs residing in the area of the proposed Jewish
State and Jews residing in the area of the proposed
Arab State who have signed a notice of intention ta
opt for citizenship of the other State shall he eli~
ble to vote in the elections ta the Constituent Assembly
of that State, but not in the elections to the
Constituent Assembly of the State in which they
reside.
2. International conventions. (a) The State shall
be bound by ail the international agreements and
conventions, both general and special, to which Palestine
bas hecome a party. Subject ta any right of
denunciation provided for therein, such agreements
and conventions shali be respected by the State
throughout the period for which they were concIuded.
(b) Any dispute about the applicability and continued
validity of international conventions or treaties
signed or ndhered ta by the mandatory Power
on hehalf of Palestine shall he referred to the International
Court of Justice in accordance with the
provisions of the Statute of the Court.
3. Financial obligatio7lS. (a) The State shall respect
and fulfil aIl financial obligations of whatever
nature assumed on hehalf of Palestine by the mandatory
Power during the exercise of the Mandate
and recognized by the State. This provision includes
~e right of p1;lblic seIVants ta pensions, compensation
or gratuities.
(b) These obligations shali be fulfilled through
participation in the Joint Economic Board in respect
of those obligations applicable to Palestine as
a whole, and individually in respect of those applicable
to, and fairly apportionable between, the
States.
(c) A Court of Claims, affiliated with the Joint
Economie Board, and composed of one memher
appointed by the United Nations, one representative
of the United Kingdom and one representative
of the State concerned, should he established. Any
dispute between the United Kingdom and the State
respecting daims not recognized by the latter should
be referred to that Court.
(d) Commercial concessions granted in respect of
any part of Palestine prior to the adoption of the
resolution by the General Assembly shall continue
to be valid according to their tenns, unless modified
by agreement hetween the concession-holder and
the State.
CHAPITRE 3
Citoyenneté, conventions internationales et
obligations financières
1. Citoyenneté. Les citoyens palestiniens résidant
en Palestine, à l'extérieur de la Ville de Jérusalem,
et les Arabes et Juifs qui, sans avoir la nationalité
palestinienne, résident en Palestine à l'extérieur de
la Ville de Jérusalem) deviendront citoyens de l'Etat
dans lequel ils résident et jouiront de tous les droits
civils et politiques, à partir du moment où l'indépendance
aura été reconnue. Toute personne de
plus de dix-huit ans pourra, dans le délai d'un an
à dater du jour où l'indépendance de l'Etat sur le
territoire duquel elle réside aura été reconnue, opter
pour la nationalité de l'autre Etat, étant entendu
qu'aucun Arabe résidant sur le territoire de l'Etat
arabe envisagé n'aura le droit d'opter pour la nationalité
de l'Etat juif envisagé, et qu'aucun Juif
résidant dans l'Etat juif envisagé, n'aura le droit
d'opter pour la nationalité de l'Etat arabe envisagé.
Toute personne qui exercera ce droit d'option sera
censée opter en même temps pour sa femme, et ses
enfants de moins de dix-huit ans.
Les Arabes résidant sur le territoire de l'Etat juif
envisagé et les Juifs résidant sur le territoire de l'Etat
arabe envisagé qui ont signé une déclaration affir·
mant leur intention d'opter pour la nationalité de
l'autre Etat pourront participer aux élections à l'Assemblée
constituante de cet Etat, mais non aux
élections à l'Assemblée constituante de l'Etat où ils
ont leur résidence.
2. Conventions internationales. a) L'Etat sera lié
par tous les accords et conventions internationaux,
d'ordre général ou particulier, auxquels la Palestine
est devenue partie. Ces accords et conventions seront
respectés par l'Etat pendant toute la période pour
laquelle ils ont été conclus, sous réserve de tout droit
de dénonciation que ces accords peuvent prévoir.
b) Tout différend portant sur l'applicabilité ou
la validité continue de conventions ou traités internationaux
dont la Pùissance mandataire est signataire
ou auxquels elle a adhéré pour la Palestine,
sera porté devant la Cour internationale de Justice,
conformément aux dispositions du Statut de la
Cour.
3. Obligations financiètes. a) L'Etat respectera
et exécutera toutes les obligations financières, de
quelque ordre qu'elles soient, assumées au nom de
la Palestine par la Puissance mandataire au coun
de l'exercice du mandat et reconnues par l'Etat.
Cette disposition comprend le droit des fonctionnaires
à des pensions, indemnités ou primes.
b) L'Etat remplira celles de ces obli~tions qui
sont applicables à l'ensemble de la Paléstine, en
participant au Conseil économique mixte; il remplira
individuellement celles qui, applicables aux
Etats, peuvent être équitablement réparties entre
eux.
c) Il conviendra de créer une Cour des revendications,
rattachée au Conseil économique mixte et
comprenant un membre nommé par l'Organisation
des Nations Unies, un représentant du RoyaumeUni
et un représentant de l'Etat intéressé. Tout différend
entre le Royaume-Uni et l'Etat concernant
les revendications non reconnues par ce dernier,
sera soumis à cette Cour.
d) Les concessions commerciales açcordées pour
une partie quelconque de la Palestine avant l'adoption
de la résolution par l'Assemblé~ générale seront
maintenues confonnément aux termes des ~ontrats,
à moins que ces derniers ne soient modifiés
par voie d'accord entre le détenteur de la concession
et l'Etat.
1)
CHAPTER 4
Miscellaneous provisions
1. The provisions of chapters 1 and 2 of the
declaration shall be under the guarantee of the
United Nations, and no modifications shaH be made
in them without the assent of the General Assembly
of the United Nations. Any Member of the United
Nations shall have the right to bring to the attention
of the General Assembly any infraction or danger
of infraction of any of these stipulations, and the
General Assembly may thereupon make such
recommendations as it may deem proper in the circumstances.
2. Any dispute re1ating to the application or the
interpretation of this declaration shaH he referred,
at the request of either party, to the International
Court of Justice, unless the parties agree to another
mode of settlement.
D. ECONOMIe UNION AND TRANSIT
1. The Provisional Council of Government of
each State shaH enter into an undertaking with respect
to Economie Union and Transit. This undertaking
shall be drafted by the Conunission provided
for in section B, paragraph 1, utilizing to the greatest
possible extent the advice and co-operation of
representative organizations and bodies from each
of the proposed States. It shall contain provisions to
establish the Economic Umon of Palestine and provide
fur other matters of common interest. If by
1 April 1948 the Provisional Councils of Government
have not entered into the undertaking, the
undertaking shaH he put into force by the Commission.
The Economie Union of Palestine
2. The objectives of the Economic Union of Palestine
shaH be:
(a) A customs union;
(b) A joint currency system providingfor a single
foreign exchange rate;
fc) Operation in the common interest on a nondiscriminatory
basis of railways; inter-State highways;
postal, te1ephone and telegraphic services,
and ports and airports involved in international
trade and commerce;
(d) Joint economic deve1opment, especially in
respect of irrigation, land rec1amation and soil conservation;
(e) Access for both States and for the City of
Jerusalem on a non-discriminatory basis to water
and power facilities.
3. There shaH be estahlished a Joint Economic
Board, which shaH consist of three representatives
of each of the two States and three foreign members
appointed by the Economie and Social Council of
the United Nations. The foreign members shaH be
appointed in the first instance for a term of three
years; they shaH serve as individuals and not as
representatives of States.
4. The functions of the Joint Economie Board
shaH be to implement either directly or by delegation
the measures nccessary to realize the objectives
of the Economie Union. It shaH have aH powers of
organization and administration necessary to fulfil
its functions.
5. The States shaH bind themselves to put into
CHAPITRE 4
Dispositions diverses
1. Les dispositions des chapitres 1 et 2 de la
déclaration seront garanties par l'Organisation des
Nations Unies et aucune modification ne pourra y
être apportée sans J'assentiment de l'Assemblée
générale des Nations Unies. Tout Membre de l'Organisation
des Nations Unies aura le droit d'attirer
l'attention de l'Assemblée générale sur les violations
ou les risques de violation de l'une quelconque de
ces clauses et l'Assemblée générale pourra présenter
telles recommandations qu'elle estimera appropriées
aux circonstances.
2. Tout différend portant sur l'application ou
l'interprétation de la présente déclaration sera, à la
requête de l'une ou l'autre partie, soumis à la Cour
internationale de Justice, à moins que les deux parties
ne conviennent d'un autre mode de règlement.
D. UNION ECONOMIQUE ET TRANSIT
1. Le Conseil provisoire du gouvernement de
chaque Etat signera un engagement relatif à l'Union
économique et au transit. La Commission prévue au
paragraphe 1 de la section B rédigera le texte de cet
engagement en faisant appel dans la plus large
mesure possible au concours et aux conseils des institutions
et organismes représentatifs de chacun des
Etats dont on envisage la création. Cet engagement
comprendra des dispositions créant l'Union économique
palestinienne, et réglera également d'autres
questions d'intérêt commun. Si, le 1er avril 1948, le!
Conseils provisoires de gouvernement n'ont pas
signé l'engagement, c'est la Commission qui promulguera
cet engagement.
L'Union économique palestinienne
2. L'Union économique palestinienne aura pour
buts:
a) La création d'une union douanière;
b) L'établissement d'un système monétaire commun
prévoyant un taux de change unique;
c) L'administration, dans l'intérêt commun et sur
une base non discriminatoire, des chemins de fer,
des routes communes aux deux Etats, des services
postaux, télégraphiques et téléphoniques, et des
ports et aéroports qui participent aux échanges et au
commerce internationaux;
d) Le développement économique commun, particulièrement
en ce qui concerne l'irrigation, la mise
en valeur des terres et la conservation des sols;
e) La possibilité, pour les 'deux Etats et pour la
Ville de Jérusalem d'utiliser, sur une base non discriminatoire,
les eaux et les sources d'énergie.
3. Il sera créé un Conseil économique mixte,
composé de trois représentants pour chacun des
deux Etats et de trois membres étrangers désignés
par le Conseil économique et social de l'Organisation
des Nations Unies. Les membres étrangers seront
nommés pour une période initiale de trois ans;
ils exerceront leurs fonctions à titre individuel et non
pas en tant que représentants d'Etats.
4. Le Conseil économique mixte aura pour fonctions
de mettre en oeuvre, directement ou par délégation,
les mesures nécessaires pour atteindre les objectifs
de l'U nion économique. Il sera investi de
tous les pouvoirs d'organisation et d'administration
nécessaires à l'accomplissement de sa tâche.
5. Les Etats s'engageront à appliquer lès déci-
139
effeet the decisions of the Joint Economic Board.
The Board's decisions shaH he taken by a majority
vote.
6. In the event of failure of aState to take the
necessary action the Board may, by a vote of six
members, decide to withhold an approriate portion
of that part of the customs revenue to which ~e
State in question is entitled under the Economic
Umon. Should the State persist in its failure to cooperate,
the Board may decide by a simple majority
vote upon such further sanctions, inc1uding disposition
of funds which it has witlilield, as it may deem
appropriate.
7. In relation to economic development, the functions
of the Board shaH he the planning, investigation
and encouragement of joint development
projects, but it shaH not undertake such projects
except with the assent of bath States and the City of
Jerusalem, in the event that Jerusalem is directIy
involved in the development project.
8. In regard ta the joint currency system the currencies
circulating in the two States and the City of
Jerusalem shaH he issued under the authority of the
Joint Economie Board, which shall he the sole issuing
authority and which shaH determine the reserves
to he held against such currencies.
9. Sa far as is consistent with paragraph 2 (b)
above, each State may operate its own central bank,
control its own fiscal and credit policy, its foreign
exchange receipts and expenditures, the grant of
import licenses, and may conduct international
financial operations on its own faith and credit.
During the first two years after the termination of
the Mandate, the Joint Economic Board shaH have
the authority to take such measures as may he necessary
to ensure that-to the extent that the total
foreign exchange revenues of the two States from
the export of goods and services permit, and provided
that each State takes appropriate measures
to conserve its own foreign exchange resourceseach
State shall have available, in any twe1ve
months' period, foreign exchange sufficient to assure
the supply of quantities of imported goods and services
for consumption in its territory equivalent to the
quantities of such goods and services consumed in
that territory in the twelve months' period ending
31 December 1947.
10. Ail economic authority not specifically vested
in the Joint Economic Board is reserved to each
State.
Il. There shail be a common customs tariff with
complete freedom of trade hetween the States, and
hetween the States and the City of Jerusalem.
12. The tariff schedules shaH he drawn up by a
Tariff Commission, consisting of representatives of
each of the States in equal numhers; and shall he
submitted to the Joint Economic Board for approval
by a majority vote. In case of disagreement in the
Tariff Commission, the Joint Economie Board sha11
arbitrate the points of difference. In the event that
the Tariff Commission fails to draw up any schedule
bya date ta he fixed, the Joint Economic Board
shaH determine the tariff schedule.
13. The following items shaH he a fint charge on
the eustoms and other common revenue of the
Joint Economie Board:
sions du Conseil économique mixte. Les décisions
du Conseil seront prises à la majorité.
6. Dans le cas où un Etat négligera de prendre
les mesures nécessaires, le Conseil pourra, par un
vote affirmatif de six de ses membres, décider de
retenir une partie déterminée de la part qui revient
à l'Etat en question sur les recettes des douane. en
vertu de l'Union économique. Si l'Etat persiste à
ne pas collaborer, le Conseil pourra décider, à la
majorité simple, de prendre telles sanctions ultérieures
qu'il jugera appropriées, y compris notamment
l'utilisation des fonds qu'il aura retenus.
7. En ce qui concerne le développement économique,.
le Conseil aura pour fonctions de préparer,
étudier et favoriser des programmes communs aux
deux Etats, mais il ne pourra pas exécuter ces programmes
sans l'assentiment des deux Etats et de la
Ville de Jérusalem dans les cas où la Ville de Jérusalem
sera directement intéressée aux programmes
de développement.
8. En ce qui concerne le système monétaire commun,
les monnaies circulant dans les deux Etats et
dans la Ville de Jérusalem seront émises sous le contrôle
du Conseil économique mixte qui sera la seule
autorité émettrice et qui fixera les réserves à conserver
pour la garantie de ces monnaies.
9. Dans la mesure où le permettra le paragraphe
2 b) ci-dessus, chaque Etat pourra posséder Ba propre
banque centrale, assurer lui-même le contrôle
de sa politique fiscale et du crédit, de ses recettes et
dépenses en devises étrangères, de l'octroi des licences
d'importation, et procéder à des opérations financières
internationales sur la base de son crédit
personnel. Pendant les deux années qui suivront
immédiatement la cessation du Mandat, le Conseil
économique mixte aura autorité pour prendre toutes
les dispositions qui pourraient être nécessaires pour
que - dans la mesure où le pennettra la somme
totale des revenus en devises étrangères tirés par les
deux Etats de l'exportation des biens et services, et
pourvu que chaque Etat prenne les dispositions appropriées
pour conserver ses propres ressources en
devises étrangeres - chaque Etat ait à sa disposition,
pour n'importe quelle période de douze mois,
une somme de devises ~trangères suffisante pour
garantir au territoire lui-même une quantité de
biens et services importés équivalente à. la quantité
de biens et services requis par le territoire pendant
les douze mois finissant au 31 décembre 1947.
10. Chaque Etat jouira de tous les pouvoirs
économiques qui ne sont pas expressément confiés
au Conseil économique mixte.
Il. Il sera établi un tarü douanier commun prévoyant
une liberté de commerce complète entre les
Etats, ainsi qu'entre les Etats et la Ville de Jérusalem.
12. Les tarifs seront établiJJ par une Commission
tarifaire, composée de représentants de chacun des
Etats en nombre égal, et seront soumis au Conseil
économique mixte pour approbation à. la majorité
des voix. En cas de désaccord au sein de la Commission
tarifaire, le Conseil économique mixte tranchera
les questions en litige. Au cas où la Commission
tarifaire ne parviendrait pas à. ~tablir un tarif
dans le délai fixé, le Conseil économique mixte
l'établira lui-meme.
13. Les recettes des douanes et autres recettes ordinaires
du Conseil économique mixte seront affectées
en priorité aux catégories suivantes:
1
1l
140
141
(a) The expenses of the eustoms service and of
the operation of the joint services;
(b) The administrative expenses of the Joint
Economie Board;
(c) The financial obligations of the Administration
of Palestine consisting of:
(i) The service of the outstanding public debt j
(ü) The cost of superannuation bencfits, now being
paid or fal1ing due in the future, in accordance
with the rules and to the extent established by paragraph
3 of chapter 3 above.
14. After these obligations have been met in full,
the surplus revenue from the customs and other
common services shaH he divided in the following
manner: not less than 5 per cent and not more than
10 per cent to the City of Jerusalemj the residue
shaH be allocated to each State by the Joint Economic
Board equitably, with the objective of maintaining
a sufficicnt and suitable level of government
and social services in each State, except that the
share of cither State shaH not exceed the amount of
that State's contribution to the revenues of the Economie
Union by more than approximately four
mi\lion pounds in any year. The amount granted
may he adjusted by the Board according to the price
level in relation to the priees prevailing at the time
of the establishment of the Union. After five years,
the principles of the distribution of the joint revenues
may be revised by the Joint Economic Board
on a basis of equity.
15. Ali international conventions and treaties affecting
custorns tariff rates. and those communications
services under the jurisdiction of the Joint
Economie Board, sha\l be entered into by both
States. In these matters, the two States sha\l he
bound to act in accordance with the majority vote
of the Joint Economie Board.
16. The Joint Economic Board shall endeavour
to secure for Palestine's exports fair and equal access
to world markets.
17. Ali entcrprises operated by the Joint Economie
Board shaH pay fair wages on a uniform basis.
Freedom of transit and visit
18. The undertaking shaH contain provisions preserving
freedom of transit and visit for all residents
or citizens of both States and of the City of Jerusalem,
subject to security considerations; provided
that each State and the City shaH control residence
within its borders.
Termination, modification and interpretation of the
undertaking
19. The undertaking and any treaty issuing therefrom
shaH remain in force for a period of ten years.
It shall continue in force until notice of tennination,
to take effect two years thereafter. is given by either
of the parties.
20. During the initial ten-year period, the undertaking
and any treaty issuing therefrom may not he
modified except by consent of both parties and with
the approval of the General Assembly.
21. Any dispute relating to the application or the
interpretation of the undertaking and any treaty
a) Les dépenses des services douaniers et l'entretien
des autres services communs;
b) Les frais d'administration du Conseil économique
mixte;
c) Les charges financières de l'administration de
la Palestine, à savoir:
i) Le service de la dette publique;
ü) Les sommes dues au titre dès retraites payées
actuellement ou payables à l'avenir, conformément
au règlement, et dans la mesure prévue par le paragraphe
3 du chapitre 3 ci-dessus.
14. Lorsque ces dépenses allront été entièrement
couvertes, l'excédent des recettes provenant du service
des douanes et d'autres services communs sera
réparti de la façon suivante: une somme qui ne sera
ni inférieure à 5 pour 100 ni supérieure à la pour
100 sera attribuée à la ViJIe de Jérusalem; le Conseil
économique mixte attribuera le reste de façon
équitable aux Etats juif et arabe afin de maintenir
les services gouvernementaux et sociaux de chaque
Etat à un niveau suffisant et convenable; toutefois,
aucun des deux Etats ne pourra, en une année,
se faire attribuer une somme dépassant de plus de
quatre millions de livres environ le montant de sa
contribution aux recettes de l'Union économique.
Le Conseil pourra réviser les sommes accordées en
comparant le niveau des prix au niveau existant au
moment de la création de l'Union. A l'expiration
d'un délai de c~nq ans, le Conseil économique mixte
pourra procéder à une révision des principes de répartition
des recettes communes en s'inspirant de
considérations d'équité.
15. Tous les accords et traités internationaux
relatifs aux tarifs douaniers, ainsi qu'aux services
des communications placés sous l'autorité du Conseil
économique mixte, seront signés par les deux
Etats. Dans ces domaines, les deux Etats seront tenus
d'agir conformément à la décision de la majorité
du Conseil économique mixte.
16. Le Conseil économique mixte s'efforcera
d'obtenir pour les exportations de la Palestine un
accès juste et égal aux marchés mondiaux.
17. Toutes les entreprises gérées par le Conseil
économique mixte devront payer des salaires équitables
sur une base uniforme.
Liberté de transit et de visite
18. L'engagement devra contenir des dispositions
garantissant la liberté de transit et de visite à tous
les résidents ou citoyens des deux Etats et de la
Ville de Jérusalem, sous réserve des nécessités de
sécurité; étant entendu que chaque Etat et la Ville
assureront le contrôle des personnes résidant à l'intérieur
de leurs territoires respectifs.
Dénonciation, modification et interprétation de
l'engagement
19. L'engagement ainsi que tout traité s'y rattachant
resteront en vigueur pendant une période de
dix ans. Passé ce délai, il restera en vigueur jusqu'à
ce que l'une des parties les dénonce, ladite
dénonciation prenant effet après une période de
deux ans.
20. Au cours de la période initiale de dix ans,
l'engagement et tout traité s'y rattachant ne pourront
être modifiés que du consentement des deux
parties et avec l'approbation de l'Assemblée
générale.
21. Tout différend au sujet de l'application ou
de l'interprétation de l'engagement et de tout traité
142
1 ______ 1
issuing therefrom shall he ref~rred, at the reques~ of
either party, to the International Court of JU!bCe,
unless the parties agree to another mode of settlement.
E. ASSETS
1. The movable a'lsets of the Administration of
Palestine shall he allocated to the Arab and Jewish
States and the City of Jerosalem on an equitable
basis. Allocations should be made by the United
Nations Commission referred to in section B, paragraph
1, above. Immovable assets shaH hecome the
propt:rty of the government of the territory in which
they are situated.
2. During the period between the appointment of
the United Nations Commission and the tennination
of the Mandate, the mandatory Power shall,
except in respect of ordinary operations, consult
with the Commission on any measure which it May
contemplate involving the liquidation, disposaI or
encumbering of the assets of the Palestine Govemment,
sucb a! the accumulated t:reasury surplus, the
proceed! of Government bond issues, State lands or
any other asset.
F. ADMISSION TO MEMBERSHIP IN THE
UNITED NATIONS
When the independence of either the Arab or the
Jewish State as envisaged in this plan has become
effective and the dec1aration and undertaking, as
envisaged in this plan, have heen signed by either of
them, sympathetic consideration should he given ta
its application for admission to membership in the
United Nations in accordance with Article 4 of the
Charter of the United Nations.
PARTU
loundarles1
A. THE ARAB STATE
The area of the Arab State in Western Galilee is
bounded on the west by the Mediterranean and on
the north by the frontier of the Lebanon from Ras
en Naqura ta a point north of 8aliha. From there
the houndary proceeds southwards, leaving the
built-up area of Saliha in the Arab State, to join the
southernmost point of this village. Thence it follows
the western boundary Une of the villages of 'Alma,
Rihaniya and Teitaba, thence following the northem
hou ndary line of Meirun village to join the
Acre-Safad sub-district boundary !ine. It follows
this line ta a point west of Es Sammu'i village and
joins it again at the northernmost point of Farradiya.
Thence it follows the sub-district boundary
Une ta the Acre-Safad main road. From here it follows
the western boundary of Kafr l'nan village
until it reaches the Tiberias·Acre sub·district boundarr
line, passing to the west of the junction of the
Acre-Safad and Lubiya-Kafr rnan ro~d5. From the
1 The boundary \ines describc:d in part Il are Indicated
in Annex A. The base map uscd ln marking and d~ribing
this boundary il "Palestine 1:250.000" publilhcd br the
Survey of Palestine, 1!H6.
s'y rattachant sera n:nvoyé, à la demande de l'une
ou de l'autre partie, devant la Cour internationale
de Justice, à moins que les deux parties ne convien,
nent d'un autre mode de règlement.
E. BIENS MOBILIERS ET IMMOBILIERS
1. Les biens mobiliers de l'administration de la
Palestine seront attribués aux Etats arabe et juif et
à la Ville de Jérusalem sur une base équitable de
répartition. La répartition devra être effectuée par
la Commission des Nations Unies mentionnée à la
section B, paragraphe l, ci·dessus. Les biens immobiliers
deviendront la propriété du gouvernement
du territoire sur lequel ils sont situés.
2. Au cours de la période qui s'écoulera entre la
date de nomination de la Commission des Nations
Unies et l'expiration du mandat, la Puissance mandataire
devra, pour toutes les opérations importantes,
se mettre d'accord avec la Commission sur
toutes les mesures qu'elle désirerait envisager, notamment
en ce qui concerne la liquidation, la disposition
ou l'hypothèque des avoirs du Gouvernement
de la Palestine, tels que les excédents du Trésor,
les produits des émissions d'obligations du Gouvernement,
les terres domaniales ainsi que tous
autres avoirs.
F. ADMISSION COMME MEMBRE
DE L'ORGANISATION DES NATIONS UNIES
Lorsque l'indépendance de l'Etat arabe ou de
l'Etat juif, telle qu'elle est prévue dans le présent
plan, sera devenue effective et que la déclaration et
l'engagement prévus dans le présent plan auront
été signés par l'un ou l'autre de ces Etats, il conviendra
d'examiner avec bienveillance sa demande
d'admission comme Membre des Nations Unies conformément
à l'Article 4 de la Charte des Nations
Unies.
DEUXIÈME PARTIE
Frontières1
A. L'ETAT ARABE
La région de l'Etat arabe comprise dans la Galilée
occidentale est limitée à l'ouest par la Méditerranée,
et au nord par la frontière du Liban, de Ras
en Naqura jusqu'à un point au nord de 8aliha. De
là, la frontièn: se dirige vers le sud, englobant dans
l'Etat arabe l'agglomération de 8aliha, et rejoint le
point le plus méridional de ce village. Elle suit ensuite
la ligne formée par la limite ouest des villages
d'Alma, Rihanïya et Teitaba; elle emprunte ensuite
la limite nord du village de Meirun et rejoint la
limite des sous-districts d'Acre et de Safad. Elle suit
cette ligne jusqu'à un point à l'ouest du viÙage
d'Es Sammu'i et la rejoint au point le plus septentrional
de Farradiya. Elle suit ensuite la ligne marquant
la limite de~ sous-districts jusqu'à la route
d'Acre à Safad. De Jà, elle suit la limite occidentale
du village de Kafr 'l'nan jusqu'à ce qu'elle rencontre
la limite des sous-districts de Tibériade et
d'Acre; elle passe alors à l'ouest de l'intersection des
J On trouvera ~ l'Annexe A le tracé des frontières décrites
dans la deuxième partie. On a employé la carte de Palestine
au 250.000 ème publiée en 1946 par le Survry of
PaleJlinll pour le tracé et la description de cette frontihe.
ta carte ~ laquelle le texte sc réfère étant l'oeuvre des
services géographiques britanniques, nous respectons l'orthographe
anglaise des noms de lieu qui ne sont pas uni.
vcncllement connu•.
,.------------------------1"
143
south-west corner of Kafr l'nan village the boundary
Hne follows the western boundary of the
Tiberias sub-district to a point close to the boundary
Hne between the villages of Maghar and Eilabun,
thence bulging out to the west to include as much
of the eastern part of the plain of Battuf as is
necessary for the reservoir proposed by the Jewish
Agency for the irrigation of lands to the south and
east.
The boundary reJOInS the Tiberias sub-district
boundary at a point on the Nazareth-Tiberias road
south-east of the built-up area of Tur'an j thence it
rons southwards, at first following the sub-district
boundary and then passing between the Kadoorie
Agricultural School and Mount Tabor, to a point
due south at the base of Mount Tabor. From here
it runs due west, paraUel to the horizontal grid tine
230, to the north-east corner of the viliage lands of
Tel Adashim. It then runs to the north-west corner
of these lands, whence it turns south and west 50
as to inc1ude in the Arab State the sources of the
Nazareth water supply in Yafa village. On reaching
Ginneiger it follows the eastern, northern and western
boundaries of the lands of this village to their
south-west corner, whence it proceeds in a straight
line to a point on the Haifa-Mula railway on the
boundary between the villages of Sarid and El
MujeidiI. This is the point of intersection.
The south-western boundary of the area of the
Arab State in Galilee takes a line from this point,
passing northwards along the eastern boundaries of
Sarid and Gevat to the north-eastern corner of
Nahalal, proceeding thence across the land of Kefar
ha Horesh to a central point on the southern boundary
of the village of 'Hut, thence westwards along
that village boundary to the eastern boundary of
Beit Lahm, thence northwards and north-eastwards
along its western boundary to the north-eastern corner
of Waldheim and thence north-westwards across
the village lands of Shafa 'Amr to the south-eatsern
corner of Ramat Yohanan:- From here it rens due
north-north-east to a point on the Shafa 'Amr-Haïfa
road, west of its junction with the road ta l'Billin.
From there it proceeds north-east to a point on the
southern boundary of l'Billin situated to the west of
the l'Billin·Birwa road. Thence along that boundary
to its westernmost point, whence it turns to the
north, follows across the village land of Tamra to
the north-westernmost corner and along the western
boundary of J ulis until it reaches the Acre·Safad
road. 1t then runs westwards along the southern side
of the Safad-Acre road to the Galilee-Haïfa District
boundary, from which point it follows that boundary
to the sea.
The boundary of the hill country of Samaria and ,
Judea starts on the Jordan River at the Wadi Malih
south-east of Beisan and runs due west to meet the
Beisan-Jericho road and then follows the western
side of that road in a north-westerly direction to the
junction of the boundaries of the sub-districts of
Beisan, Nablus, and Jenin. From that point it fol·
lows the Nablus-Jenin sub-district boundary westwards
for a distance of about three kilometres and
then turns north-westwards, passing to the east of
the built.up areas of the villages of Jalbun and
Faqqu'a, to the boundary oI the sub-districts of
Jenin and Beisan at a point north-east of Nuris.
routes d'Acre à Safad et de Lubiya à Katr l'nan.
A partir de l'angle sud-ouest du village de Kafr
l'nan, la frontière suit la limite ouest du sousdistrict
de Tibériade jusqu'à un point voisin de la
ligne formée par les limites des territoires des villages
de Maghar et d'Eilabun; ensuite, elle fait saillie
vers l'ouest et englobe, dàns la partie orientale de
la plaine de Battuf, le territoire nécessaire au réservoir
envisagé par l'Agence juive pour l'irrigation
des terres du sud et de l'est.
La frontière rejoint la limite du sous-district de
Tibériade en un point de la route de Nazareth à
Tibériade situé au sud-est de la région bâtie de
Tur'anj de là, elle se dirige vers le sud, suivant
d'abord la limite du sous-district, puis passant entre
l'Ecole d'agriculture Kadoorie et le Mont Thabor
jusqu'à un point exactement au sud du pied du
Mont Thabor. De là, elle se dirige franchement à
l'ouest, parallèlement à la ligne horizontale 230 du
quadrillage, jusqu'à l'angle nord-est du territoire
du village de Tel Adashim. Elle se dirige ensuite
jusqu'à l'angle nord-ouest de ce territoire, puis
tourne au sud et à l'ouest pour englober dans l'Etat
arabe les sources du village de Yafa qui alimentent
Nazareth. En atteignant Ginneiger, elle suit les
limites est, nord et ouest du territoire de ce village
jusqu'à leur angle sud-ouest; elle se dirige ensuite,
en ligne droite, jusqu'à un point de la voie ferrée
Haïfa·Afula situé à la limite des territoires des
villages de Sarid et d'El Mujeidil. C'est là le point
d'intersection.
La frontière sud-ouest de la partie de l'Etat arabe
comprise dans la Galilée emprunte une ligne qui,
partant de.ce point, se dirige vers le nord en suivant
les limites est de Sarid et de Gevat jusqu'à l'angle
nord-est de NahalaI. De là, elle traverse le territoire
de Kefar ha Horesh jusqu'à un point central
sit~ à la limite sud du village d'Hut, puis se dirige
vers l'ouest en suivant la limite de cesillage jusqu'à
la limite ést de Beit Lahm. Elle s'infléchit ensuite
vers le nord et le nord-est, en suivant la limite ouest
de Beit Lahm jusqu'à l'angle nord-est de Waldheim,
d'où elle se dirige vers le nord-ouest en coupant le
territoire du village de Shafa'Amr jusqu'à l'angle
sud-ouest de Ramat Yohanan. De ce point, elle
oblique franchement en direction nord-nord-est
jusqu'à un point situé sur la route de Shafa'Amr à
Haïfa, à l'ouest de l'intersection de cette route avec
la route de l'Billin. De là, elle se dirige vers le nordest,
jusqu'à un point situé à la limité sud de l'Billin,
à l'ouest de la route de l'Billin à Birwa. La frontière
suit alors cette limite jusqu'à son point le plus
occidental et, tournant vers le nord, coupe le terri~
toire du village de Tamra, jusqu'à l'angle le plus
au nord-ouest de ce territoire et sUit la limite ouest
de Julis jusqu'à sa rencontre avec la route d'Acre
à Bafad. Elle se prolonge ensuite vers l'ouest en suivant
le bord sud de la route de Safad à Acre jusqu'à
la limite des districts de Galilée et de Haïfa qu'elle
emprunte ensuite jusqu'à la mer.
La frontière de la région accidentée de Samarie
et de Judée part au Jourdain, au confluent de l'oued
Malih, au sud-est de Beiss~n et prend franchement
la direction ouest jusqu'à attei.ndre la route de Beissan
à Jéricho, puis emprunte le bord ouest de cette
route en direction du nord-ouest jusqu'au point
d'intersection des limites des sous-districts de
Beissan, de Naplouse et de Jenin. Partant de ce
point, elle suit la limite des sous·districts de Naplouse
et de Jenin en direction de l'ouest, sur une
distance de trois kilomètres environ, puis tourne en
direction nord-ouest, lin contournant à l'est l'agglomération
des villages de Jalbun et de Faqqu'a,
'~""",4!
Thence it proceeds first north-westwards to a point
due north of the built-up area of Zir'in and then
westwards to the Afula-Jenin railway, thence northwestwards
along the district boundary line to the
point of intersection on the Hejaz railway. From
here the boundary runs south-westwards, including
the built.up area and sorne of the land of the village
of Kh.Lid in the Arab State to cross the HaïfaJenin
road at a point on the district boundary
between Haïfa and Samaria west of El Mansi. It
follows this boundary to the southemmost point of
the village of El Buteimat. From here it follows the
northern and eastem boundaries of the village of
Ar'ara, rejoining the Haïfa-Samaria district b9undary
at Wadi'Ara, and thence proceeding. southsouth-
westwards in an approximately straight line
joining up with the western boundary of Qaqun ta
a point east of the railway line on the eastern boundary
of Qaqun village. From here it rons along the
railway Une some distance to the east of it to a
point just east of the Tulkarm railway station.
Thence the boundary follows a line half.way be·
tween the railway and the Tulkarm-Qalqiliya-,
Jaljuliya and Ras el Bin road toa point justeast
of Ras el Ein station, whence it proeeeds alongthe
railway sorne distance to the cast ,of it to the point
on the raJ.1way line south of the ..lunction of the
Haïfa-Lydda and Beit Nabala lines, whence it proceeds
along the southern border of Lydda airport
10 its south-west comer, thence in:a south-westerly
direction to a point just west of thebuilt-up area
of Sarafand el 'Amar. whence it tumssouth, passing
just to the west of the built-up area of Abu el Fadil
10 the north-east corner of the lands of Beer Ya'·
Aqov. (l'he boundary line should beso demarcated
as to allow direct access from the Arab .state to the
airport.) Thence the boundary line follows the
western and southem boundaries of Ramie village,
to the north-east oomer of El Na'ana village, thence
in a straight line ta the southernmost point of El Barriya,
along the ea5tem boundary of that village and
thesouthern boundary of 'lnnaba yjll~ge. Thence
it tums north to fol1ow the southem side of the
Jaffa-Jerusalem road until El' Qubab, whence it
folloW! the road to.the boundary of Abu Shusha. It
runs along the eastern boundaries of Abu Shulha,
Seidun, Hulda ,to the southernmost point of Hulda,
thence westwards in a straight line to the north·
eastem corner of Umm Kalkha, thence followiqg •
the northern boundaries of Umm KalkhaJ Qazaza i
and the northem and western boundaries of;
Mukhezin to the Gaza District boundary and thence .
runs across the village lands of El Mismiya, El
Kabira, and Yasur to the southern point of intersection,
which is midway between the built-up areas
of Yasur and Batani Sharqi.
jusqu'à la limite des sous-districts de Jenin et de
Beissan, en un point situé au nord-est de Nuris. De
là, elle se dirige tout d'abord en direction nord-ouest
jusqu'à un point situé franchement au nord de
l'agglomération de Zir'in, puis va dans la direction
de l'ouest jusqu'à la voie ferrée Afula-Jenin et, de
là, s'élance vers le nord-ouest en suivant la limite
du district jusqu'à sa rencontre avec la voie ferrée
du Hedjaz. A partir de là, la frontière se dirige en
direction du sud-ouest, englobant dans l'Etat arabe
l'agglomération et une partie du territoire du village
de Kh.Lid et tr,averse la route de Haifa à
Jenin en un point de la limite du district situé entre
Haïfa et Samarie, à l'ouest d'El Mansi. Elle suit
cette limite jusqu'à J'extrême sud du village d'El
Buteimat. De là, elle suit les limites nord et est du
village d'Ar'ara, rejoint la limite des districts de
Haïfa et de Samarie à l'oued'Ara et se dirige ensuite
en direction sud-sud-ouest, et, presque en ligne
droite, rejoint la limite ouest de Qaqun en un point
situé à l',est de la voie ferrée, à la limite est du village
de Qaqun. De là, elle suit le bord est de la voie
fenée :sur 'Une certaine distance jusqu'à un point
situé ,exactement à l'est de la gare de Tulkarm.
Ensuite 'la frontière emprunte une ligne à midistance
du chemin de fer et de la route TulkarmQalqiliya~
Jaljuliya.Ras el Ein, jusqu'à un point
situé juste à l'est de la gare de Ras el Ein; de là",
elle suit le bord est de la voie ferrée sur une certaine
distance jusqu'au point de la voie situé au sud de
l'intersection des lignes Haïfa-Lidda et Beit-Nabala;
puis elle suit la bordure sud de l'aéroport de Lidda
jusqu'à son angle sud-ouest; de là, elle va en direction
du sud-ouest jusqu'à un point situé exactement
à l'ouest de l'agglomération de Sarafand el'Amar.
Elle tourne ensuite vers le sud, en passant exactement
à l'ouest de la zone bâtie d'Abu el Fadil et va
jusqu'à l~angle nord-est du territoire de Beer Ya'
Aqov (la frontière devra être établie de manière
à pennettre d'accéder directement à l'aéroport en
venant de l'Etat arabe). Ensuite, la frontière longe
les limites ouest et sud du village de Ramie jusqu'à
l'angle nord-est du village de El Na':ana. 'Puis elle
s'enfonce en ligne droite jusqu'au point le plus
méridional d',El Barriya, en suivant la Jimite ,est de
oe.villageetlla limite sud du village debnabà.':Elle
s'incUne ensUite y;ers le nord pour suiv.re !le '.côté :sud
de la 'route de JaHa à Jérusalem jusqu'à ,El Qubàb
d'où !ellesuit lIa iro,ute se dirigeant veoe les Illiriites
du :territoire Id',Ait;)ll lShusha. Elle emprunte 'les !limites
:orientales d'.t»tbll Shusha. de Scidun let ide
Hulda, jusqu'à l'ex.'II1&llté sud de Hulda, d'où ,eUe
se dîrige 'vers l'ouest :&dIon une ligne droite jullqti~;â
l'angle nord-est d'Umm Kalkha pour suivre :enSl.
Ûte les limites sepl!el'ltlianales d'Umm Kalkha, de
Qazaza ct ies limites 8ejptentrionales ~t occidentales
du Mukhezin jusqu'à la llimite du district de Gaza;
elle traverse ensuite Je taltitoire des villages d'El
Mismiya, d'El Kabira et de Yasur, jusqu'au point
d'intersection méridional qui ~ trouve à mi-chemin
entre les agglomérations de Yasur et Batani Sharqi.
From the southem point of intersection the Du point d'intersection méJ'idional, la frontière
boundary lines run north-westwards between the se dirige d'une part vers le nord-ouest entre les vilvillages
of Gan Yavne and Barqa to the sea.at a lages de Gan Vavne et de Barga, pour atteindre la
point haU way between Nabi Yunis and Minat el mer à un point situé à mi-chemin entre Nabi Yunis
Qila, and south-eastwards to a point west of Qastina, et Minat el Qila, et d'autre part vers le sud-est
whence it tums in a south-westerly direction, pass- jusqu'à un point situé à l'ouest de Qastina, s'incliing
to the east of the built-up areas of Es Sawafir, nant ensuite vers le ~ud-ouest pour passer à l'est des
Esh Sharqiya and Ibdis. From the south-east corner agglomérations d'Es Sawafir d'Esh Sharqiya et
of Ibdis village it runs to a point south-west of the d'Ibdis. De l'angle sud-est du village d'Ibdis, elle se
built-up area of Beit 'Ma, crossing the Hebron·El dirige vers un point situé au sud-ouest de IJaggloméMajdal
road just 10 the west of. the built-up area o( ration de Beit JAlfa, traversant la route qui va
Iraq Suweidan. Thence it proceeds southwards d'Hébron à El Majdal juste à l'ouest de l'aggloméalong
the western village boundary of El Faluja to ration d'Iraq Suwcidan. Elle suit ensuite Vers le sud
144
la limite ouest du territoire du village d'El Faluja
jusqu'à la linùte du sous-district de Bersabée. De là
elle traverse les terrains de ps'ture de 'Arab el Jubarat
jusqu'à un point situé à la limite des SOUlldistricts
de Bersabée et d'Hébron, au nord de Kh.
Khuweilifa. Elle se dirige ensuite vers Je sud-ouest
jusqu'à un point de la grande route de llersabée à
Gaza, situé à deux kilomètres au nord-ouest de la
ville. Elle s'incline alors vers le sud-est pour atteindre
l'oued Sab' en un point situé à un kilomètre à
l'ouest de Ja ville. De là, elle s'incline vers le nordest
et suit l'oued Sab', puis la route de Bersabée à
Hébron sur une distance d'un kilomètrej elle tourne
ensuite vers l'est et se dirige en suivant un tracé
rectiligne jusqu'à Kh. Kuseifa, où elle rejoint la
limite des sous-distrirts de Bersabée et d'Hébron,
qu'elle suit cn direction de L'est jusqu'à un point
au nord de Ras Ez Zuweira, ne la quittant que
pour traverser la base du saillant situé entre les
lignes verticales 150 et 160 du quadrillage.
A cinq kilomètres environ au nord-est de Ras Ez
Zuweira, elle s'incline vers le nord pour séparer de
l'Etat arabe une bande de territoire située le long
de la côte de la mer Morte, dont la profondeur ne
dépasse pas sept kilomètres; elle arrive ainsi à Bin
Geddi, d'où elle s'incline directement vers l'est pour
rejoindre la f,rontière de la Transjorda~e à la mer
Morte.
The' northern boundary of the Arab section of the
coastal plain rum from a point betwecn Minat el
Qila and Nabi Yunis, passing bctween the built-up
areas of Gan Yavne and Barqa to Ùle point of intersection.
From here it tums south-west{..·ards, running 1
across the lands of Batani Sharqi, along the easter 1
boundary of the lands of Beit Daras and across th
lands of Julis, Icaving the built-up arcas of Batan
Sharqi and Julis to the westwards, as far as th
north-west corner of the lands of Beit Tima. Thenc
it runs cast of El Ji)'a across the- village lands of E
Barbara along the t'astem boundaries of the village
of Beit Jirja, Ddr Suneid and Dimra. From th
south-cast corner of Dirnra the boundary passe
across the lands of Beit Hanun, lenving the Jewis
lands of Nir-Am to the castwards. From the south
east corner of Beit Hanun the lille runs south-west t
a point south of the paraUd grid Hne 100, then turn
north-west for two kilometres, tuming again in
south-westerly direction and continuing in an almos
straight line to the north-west corner of the village:
lands of Kirbet lkhza'a. From there it follow5 the
boundary !ine of this village ta its southernmost
point. It then rum in a southerly direction along th(:
vertical grid line 90 ta its junction witl! the hori··
z..... ntal grid liue 70. It then tums south-eastwards to
Kh. d Ruheiba and then proceeds in a southerly
direction ta a point known as El Baba, beyondl
which it crosses the Beersheba-El 'Auja main roadl
to the west uf Kh. el MushriIa. From there it joins
Wadi 'El Zaiyatîn just to the west of El Subeita.
Jo'rom therc it tums ta the north-east and then to th(:
south-cast following this wadi and passes ta the east
of 'Abda to join Wadi Nafkh. It then bulges to the:
south-west along Wadi Nafkh, Wadi Ajrim and
Wadi Lassan to the point where Wadi Lassan
':rosses the Egyptian frontier.
La limite nord de ia partie arabe de la plaine
côtière, partant d'un point situé entre Minat el Qila
et Nabi Yunis, passe entre les agglomérations di: Gan
Yavne et Barqa pour atteindre le point d'intersectio'
1. De là, elle s'incline vers le sud-<>uest pour traverser
le territoire de Batani Sharqi, emprunte la
limitt: orientale du territoire de Beit Daras, traverse
le territoire de Julis, laissant à l'ouest les aggl
ornéra t.ionsde Batani Sharqi et Julis jusqu'à l'angle
nord-ouest du territoire de Beit Tima. De là, elle
passe par l'est d'El Jiya et traverse le territoire du'
village d'El Barbara en suivant les limites orientales
des villages de Beit Jirja, de Deir Suneid et de
Dimra. De l'angle sud-est de Dimra, la frontière traverse
le territoire de Beit Hanun, laissant à l'est les
propriétés juives de Nir-Am. De l'angle sud-est de
Beit Hanun, la ligne se dirige vers le sud-ouest et
atteint un point se trouvant au sud de la ligne hori.
zontale 100 du quadrillage, prend ensuite la direction
nord-ouest pendant deux kilomètres, reprend
la direction sud-ouest et atteint l'anglè nord-ouest
du territoire de Kirbet Ikhza'a en suivant une ligne
presque rectiUgn(". De là, elle suit la linùte de ce
territoire jusqu'à son point le plus méridional. Elle
longe ensuite, vers le sud, la ligne verticale 90 du
quadrillage jusqu'à l'intersection de cette dernière
avec la ligne horizontale 70. Elle s'incline alors ven
le sud-est jusqu'à Kh. el Ruheiba et prend ensuite
la direction sud jusqu'au lieu dit El Baha, au-delà
duquel elle coupe la grande route de Benabée à
El'Auja, à l'ouest de Kh. el Mushrifa. De là, elle
atteint l'oued El Zaiyatin inunédiatement à l'ouest
d'El Subeita. Elle s'incline alors vers le nord-est puis
vers le sud-est, en suivant l'oued El Zaiyatin, et passe
11. l'est de 'Abda pour atteindre l'oued Nafkh. Elle
s'incurve alors vers le sud-ouest en suivant l'oued
Nafkh, l'oued Ajrim et l'oued Lassan ~t atteint le
r:;int où l'oued Lassan coupe la frontière égyptienne.
The area of the Arab enclave of Jaffa consists of La r6gion de l'enclave arabe de Jaffa comprend
that part of the town-planning area of Jaffa wlùcQ la partie de la zone urbaine de Jaffa se trouvant à
lies ta the west of the Jewish quarters Iying south of l'ouest des quartiers juifs situés au sud de Tel Aviv,
Tel-Aviv, ta the west of the continuation of Herzl à l'ouest du prolongement de la Rue Herzl jusqu'à
street up ta its junction with the Jaffa-Jerusalem son croisement avec la route de Jaffa à Jérusalem,
road, ta the south-west of the section of the Jaffa- au sud-ouest de la section de là route de Jaffa à
14-5
About five kilometres north-east of Ras ez Zuweira
it tums north, excluding from the Arab State 1
a strip along the coast of the Dead SC'a not more
than seven kilometres in depth, as far as Ein Geddi,
whence it tums due cast ta join the Transjordan
[rontier in the Dead Sen.
the Beersheba sub-district boundary. 1t then tuns 1
across the tribal lands of 'Arab el Jubarat ta a
point on the boundary between the sub-districts of
Beersheba. and Hebron north of Kh. Khuweilifa,
whence it proce-eds in a south-westerly direction to
a point on the Bttrsheba-Gaza main road two kilometres
to the north-west of the' town. It then tums
south-eastwards ta reach Wadi Sab' at a point situated
one kilometre to the wcst of il. From here it
tums north~a5twardsand procccd5 alongWadi Sab'
and along the Beersheba-Hrbron road for a disbnce
of one kilometre, whence it turns eastwards
and rum in a straight line to Kh. KusC'ifa ta join
the Beersheba-Hebron sub-district boundary. It then
fallow! the Ikersheba-Hcbron boundary eash...ards
to a point north of Ras Ez Zuweira, only departlng
from it so as to cut across the base of the indentation
betwee:1 vertkal grid lint's 150 and 160.
Jerwalem road lying south-east of that junction, ta
the west of Miqve Yisrael lands, ta the north-west
of Holon local couneil area, to the north of the Une
linking up the north-west corner of Holon with the
north-east corner of Bat Yam local councll area and
to the north of Bat Yam local roundl area. The
question of Karton quarter will he decided by the
Boundary Commission, bearing in mind among
other considerations the desirability of including the
smallest possible number of its Arab inhabitants and
the largest possible number of its Jewish inhabitants
in the Jewish State.
B. THE JEWISH STATE
The north-eastem sector of the Jewish State
(Eastern Galilee) is bounded on the north and west
by the Lebanese-frontier and on the east by the frontiers
of Syrïa and Transjordan. It includes the whole
of the Hula Basin, Lake Tiberias, the whole of the
Beisan sub.district, the boUndary line being extended
to the crest of the Gilboa mountains and the
Wadi Malih. From there the Jewish State extends
north-west, following the boundary described in respect
of the Arab State.
The Jewish section of the coastai plain extends
from a point between Minat et Qila and Nabi Yunis
in the Gaza. sub-district and includes the towns of
Haifa and Tel-Aviv, leaving Jaffa as an enclave of
the Arab State. The èastem frontier of the Jewish
State follows the boundary described in respect of
the Arab State.
The Beersheba area comprises the whole of the
Beersheba sub-district, including the Negeb and the
eastem part of the Gaza sub-district, but excluding
the town of Beersheba and those areas described in
respect of the Arab State. It includes also a strip of
land along the Dead Sea stretching from the Beersheba-
Hebron sub-district boundary line ta Ein
Geddi, as described in respect of the Arab State.
C. THE CITY OF JERUSALEM
The boundaries of the City of Jerusalem are as
defined in the recommendations on the City of
J erusalem. (See Part III, Section B, below).
PART In
City of Jerusalem
A. SPECIAL REGIME
The City of Jerusalem shall be established as a
corpus uparatum under a special international
regime and shall he administered by the United Nations.
The Trusteeship Council shall be designated
to discharge the responsibilities of the Administering
Authority on hehalf of the United Nations.
B. BOUNDARIES OF THE CITY
The City of Jerusalem shaH include the present
municipality of Jerusalem plus the surrounding villages
and towns, the most eastem of which shaH he
Abu Dis; the most southern, Bethlehem; the most
western, Ein Karim (including also the built-up
area of Motsa) ; and the most northem Shu'fat, as
indicated on the attached sketch-map (annex B).
C. STATUTE OF THE CITY
Jérusalem se trouvant au sud-est de ce croisement,
à l'ouest des terres de Miqve Yisrael, au nord-ouest
de la municipalité de Holon, au nord de la ligne
reliant l'angle nord-ouest de lIolon à l'angle nord·
est de la municipalité de Bat Yam et au nord de la
zone de la municipalité de Bat Yam. La Commission
des frontières réglera la question du quartier de
Karton en tenant compte notamment du fait qu'il
est souhaitable que l'Etat juif comprenne le plus
petit nombre possible des habitants arabes de ce
quartier et le plus grand nombre possible de ses
habitants juifs.
B. L'ETAT JUIF
La partie nord-est de l'Etat juif (Galilée orientale)
est bornée au nord et à l'ouest par la frontière
du Liban, et à l'est par la frontière de la Syrie et
de la Transjordanie. Ce territoire comprend tout
le bassin de Hula, le lac de Tibériade, tout le sousdistrict
de Beissan, la frontière se prolongeant
jusqu'à la crête des monts Gilboa et à l'oued Malih.
A partir de là, l'Etat juif s'étend vers le" nord-ouest,
borné par la frontière qui a été indiquée pour l'Etat
arabe.
La partie juive de la plaine côtière s'étend à partir
d'un point situé entre Minat el Qila et Nabi
Yunis, dans le sous-district de Gaza; elle comprend
les villes de Haïfa et Tel Aviv, Jaffa constituant une
enclave de l'Etat arabe. La frontière orientale de
l'Etat juif coïncide avec celle qui a été indiquée à
propos de l'Etat arabe.
La région de Bersabée comprend tout le sousdistrict
de Bersabée, y compris le Negeb et en outre
la partie orientale du sous-district de Gaza, mais
à l~exclusion de la ville de Bersabée et des zones
indiquées à propos de l'Etat arabe: Elle cOUlprend
aussi une bande de territoire qui s'étend le long de
la mer Morte, de la frontière du sous-district
d'Hébron-Bersabée à Ein Geddi, comme il a été
indiqué à propos de l'Etat arabe.
C. LA VILLE DE JERUSALEM
La Ville de Jérusalem a pour frontières celles qui
ont été indiquées dans les recommandations sur la
Ville de Jérusalem (voir Troisième partie, section
B, ci-dessous) .
TROISIEME PARTIE
Ville de Jérusalem
A. REGIME SPECIAL
La Ville de Jérusalem sera constituée en corpus
separatum sous un régime international spécial et
sera administrée par les Nations Unies. Le Conseil
de tutelle sera désigné pour assurer, au no:rn de
l'Organisation des Nations Unies, les fonctions
d'Autorité chargée de l'administration.
B. FRONTIERES DE LA VILLE
La Ville de Jérusalem comprendra la municipalité
actuelle de Jérusalem plus les villages et centres
environnants, dont le plus oriental sera Abu Dis, le
plus méridional Bethléem, le plus occidental Ein
Karim (y compris l'agglomération de Motsa) et la
plus septentrionale Shu'fat, comme le montre la
carte schématique ci-jointe (annexe B) .
C. STATUT DE LA VILLE
-
The Trosteeship Council shall, within five months Le Conseil de tutelle devra, dans les cinq mois à
of the approval of the present plan, elaborate and dater de l'approbation du présent plan, élaborer et
146
-----------------,--
147
approve a detailed Statute of the City which shan
contain inter alia the substance of the following provisions:
approuver un Statut détailléde la Ville comprenant,
notamment, l'essentiel des dispositions suivantes:
1. Mécanisme gouvernemental: SIS fins particulières.
L'Autorité chargée de l'administration, dans
l'accomplissement de ses obligations administratives,
poursuivra les fins particuli~ ci.après:
a) Protéger et préserver les intérets spirituels et
religieux sans pareils qu'abrite la Ville des trois
grandes croyances monothéistes répandues dans le
monde entier: Christianisme, Judaïsme et Islamisme;
à cette fin, faire en sorte que l'ordre et la
paix, et la paix religieuse surtout, règnent à Jérusalem;
b) Stimuler l'esprit de coopération entre tow les
~abitants de la ville, aussi bien dans leur propre
mtérêt que pour contribuer de tout leur pOuvoir,
dam toute la Terre sainte, à l'évolution pacifique
des relations entre les deux peuples palestiniens~
assurer la sécurité et le bien~tre et encourager
toute mesure constructive propre à améliorer la vie
des habitants, eu égard à la situation et aux coutumes
particulières des différents peuples et communautés.
2. Gouverneur et personnel administratif. Le
Conseil de tutelle procédera à la nomination d'un
Gouverneur de Jérusalem, qui sera responsable devant
lui. Ce choix se fondera sur la compétence
particulière des candidats, sans tenir compte de leur
nationalité. Toutefois, nul citoyen de l'un ou de
l'autre Etat palestinien ne pourra etre nommé
Gouverneur.
Le Gouverneur sera le représentant de l'Organisation
des Nations Unies daIlllla Ville de Jérusalem,
et exercera en son nom tous les pouvoirs d'orc:lre
administratif, y compris la conduite des affaires
étrangères. Il sera assisté par un personnel adm.iJaistratif
dont les membres seront considéres comme
des fonctionnaires internationaux au sens de l'Article
100 de la Charte et seront choisis, dans la
mesure du possible, panni les habitants de la ville
et du rel.te de la Palestine sans distinction de race.
Pour l'organisation de l'administration de la Ville,
le Gouverneur soumettra un plan détaillé au Conseil
de tutelle, par qui il sera.dûment approuvé.
3. Autonomie locale. a) Les subdivisions locales
autonomes qui composent actuellement le territoire
de la Ville (villages, communes et municipalités)
disposeront à l'échelon local de pouvoirs étendus de
gouvernement et d'administration.
b) Le Gouverneur étudiera et soumettra à l'examen
et à la décision du Conseil de tutelle un plan
de création de secteurs municipaux spéciaux comprenant
respectivement le quartier juif et le quartier
arabe de la Nouvelle Jérusalem. Les nouveaux arrondissements
continueront à faire partie de la
municipalité actuelle de Jérusalem.
4. Mesures de sécurité. a) La Ville de Jérusalem
sera démilitarisée; sa neutralité sera proclamée et
protégée et aucune fonnation paramilitaire, aucun
exercice ni aucune activité paramilitaires ne seront
autorisés dans ses limites.
b) Au cas où un ou plusieun groupes de la population
réussiraient par leur ingérence ou leur
manque de coopération à entraver ou paralyser
gravement l'administration de la Ville de Jérusalem,
le Gouverneur sera autorisé à prendre les mesures
nécessaires pour rétablir un fonctionnement efficace
de l'administration.
c) Pour faire respecter la loi et l'ordre dans la
Ville, et veiller en particulier à la protection des
1. Gov_rnment machinery; special f?bjectives.
The Administering Authority in discharging'its administrative
obligations shall punue the following
special objectives:
(a) T 0 proteet and to preseIVe the unique spiritual
and religioua interests located in the city of the
three great monotheistic faiths throughout the
world, Christian, Jewish and Moslem; to this end to
ensure that order and peace, and especially religious
peace, reign in Jerosalem;
(b) To foster co-operation among aIl the inhabitants
of the city in their own interests as well as in
order to encourage and support the peaceful development
of the mutual relations hetween the two
Palestinian peoples throughout the Holy Land; to
promote the security, well-heing and any constructive
measures of development of the residents, having
regard to the special circumstances and customs
of the various peoples and communities.
2. Governor and administrative staff. A Governor
of the City of Jerosalem shaH he appointed by
the Trusteeship Council and shall he responsihle to
it. He shall he selected on the basis of special qualifications
and without regard to nationality. He shaH
not, however, he a citizen of either State in
Palestine.
The Governor shall represent the United Nations
in the City and shall exercise on their behalf aU
powers of administration, including the conduct of
external affairs. He shall he assisted by an administrative
staff classed as international officen in the
meaning of Article 100 of the Charter and chosen
whenever practicable from the residents of the city
and of the rest of Palestine on a non-discriminatory
basis. A detailed plan for the organization of the
administration of the city shall De submitted by the
Governor 10 the Trusteeship Council ànd duly approved
by it.
3. Local autonomy. (a) The existing local autonomous
units in the terri10ry of the city (villages,
townships and municipalities) shall enjoy wide powers
of local govemment and administration.
(b) The Governor shall study and submit for
the consideration and decision of the Trusteeship
Council a plan for the establishment of special town
units consisting, respective1y, of the Jewish and Arab
sections of new Jerusalem. The new town units shall
continue to fonn part of the present municipality of
Jerosalem.
4. Security measures. (a) The City of Jerusalem
shall be demilitarized; its neutrality shall be declared
and preseIVed, and no para-military formations,
exercises or activities shaH be pennitted
within its borders.
(b) Should the administration of the City of
Jerosalem he seriously obstrocted or prevented by
the non-co-operation.or interference of one or more
sections of the population, the Governor shall have
authority to take such measures as may he necessary
to restore the effective functioning of the administration.
(c) To assist in the maintenance of internallaw
and order and especially for the protection of the
l j
),
lieux saints et des édifices et emplacements reUgiewç,
le Gouverneur organisera un corps spécial de
police, disposant de forces suffisantes, dont les mem·
bres seront recrutés en dehors de la Palestine. Le
Gouverneur aura le droit d'.ordonner l'ouverture de
crédits nécessaires à l'entretien de ce corpS.
5. Organisation législative. Un Conseil législatif
élu au suffrage universel et au scrutin secret, selon
une représentation proportionnelle, par les habitants
adulte.s de la Ville, sans distinction de nationalité,
disposera des pouvoirs législatifs et fiscaux.
Toutefois, aucune mesure législative ne devra être
en opposition ou en contradiction avec les dispositions
qui seront prévues dans le Statut de la Ville et
aucune loi, aucun règlement ni aucune action offi·
cielle ne prévaudront contre ces dispositions. Le
Statut donnera au Gouverneur le droit de veto sur
les projets de lois incompatibles avec les dispositions
en question. Il lui comérera également le pouvoir de
promulguer des ordonnances provisoires, dans le.,
cas où le Conseil manquerait d'adopter en temps
utile un projet de loi considéré comme cssentiel au
fonctionneIJlent normal de l'administration.
6. Administration de la justice. Le Statut devra
prévoir la création d'organes judiciaires indépendants
et notammcnt d'une cour d'appel, dont tous
les habitants de la Ville seront justiciables.
7. Union économique et régime économique. La
Ville de Jérusalem sera incluse dans l'union économique
palestinienne et elle sera liée par toutes les
dispositions de l'engagement et de tout traité qui
en procédera, ainsi.que par toutes les décisiops du
Conseil économique mixte. Le siège du Conseil
économique sera établi dans le territoire de la
Vi1le.
Le Statut devra prévoir les règlements nécessaire!
pour les questions économiques non soumises ll.U
régime de l'Union économique sur la base non
discriminatoire d'un traitement égal pour tous les
Etats Membres des Nations Unies et leurs ressortissarits.
8. Liberté de passage et de séjour; contrôle des
rJsidents. Sous réserve de considérations de sécurité,
et compte tenu des nécessités économiques telles que
le Gouverneur les déterminera conformément aux
instructions du Conseil de futelle, la liberté de pénétrer
et de résider dans les limites de la ViJ1e sera
garantie aux résidents ou citoyens de l'Etat arabe
et de l'Etat juif. L'immigration et la résidence à
l'intérieur des limites de la Ville pour les ressortissants
des autres Etats seront soumises à l'autorité du
Gouverneur agissant conformément aux instructions
du Conseil de tutelle.
9. Relations avec l'Etat arabe et l'Etat juif. Des'
représ~ntants de l'Etat arabe et de l'Etat juif seront
accrédItés auprès du Gouverneur de la Ville et
chargés de la protection des intérêts de leurs Etats
et de ceux de leurs ressortissants auprès de l'administration
internationale de la Ville.
10. Langues officielles. L'arabe et l'hébreu seront
les langues officielles de la Ville. Cette disposition
n'empêchera pas l'adoption d'une ou plusieu1'$
langues de travail supplémentaires, selon les besoins.
II. Citoyennetl. Tous les résidents deviendront
ipso faeto citoyens de la Ville de Jérusalem à moins
qu'ils n'optent pour l'Etat dont ils étaient'citoyem
ou que, Arabes ou Juifs, ils n'aient officiellement fai~
connaître leur intention de devenir citoyens de
l'Etat arabe ou de l'Etat juif, conformément au
paragraphe 9 de la section B de la première partie
du p~sentplan.
148
8. Freedom of transit and virit; control of resi·
dents. Subject 'to considerations of security, and of
economic welfare as determined by the Governor
under the directions of the Trusteeship Council,
freedom of entry into, and residence within, the
borders of the City shaH be guaranteed for the residentl;
or citizcns of the Arab and Jewish States. Immigration
into, and residence within, the borders of
the city for nationals of other States shall be controlled
by the Governor under the directions of the
Trosteeship Council.
9. Relations with the Arab and Jewish States.
Representatives of the Arab and Jewish States shaH
be accredited to the Governor of the City and
charged with the protection of the interests of their
States and nationals in connexion with the interna- 1
tional administration of the City.
10. Official languages. Arabie and Hebrew shaH
be the official languages of the city. Tlili will not
preclude the adoption of one or more additional
working languages, as may be required.
11. Citizenship. All the residents shall become
ipso facto citizens of the City of Jerusalem unless
they opt for citizenship of the State of which they
have been citizens or, if Arabs or Jews, have filed
notice of intention to become citizens of the Arab
or Jewish State respectively, according to part 1
section B, paragraph 9, of this plan. '
6. Administration of justice. The Statute shall
provide for the establishment of an independent judiciary
system, including a court ofappeaL AU the
inhabitants of the City shaU he subject to it.
7. EcoTlomie union and economie regime. The
City of Jerusalem shaH be included in the Economic
Union of Palestine and he bound by aU stipulations
of the undertaking and of any treaties issued therefrom,
as weil as by the decisions of the Joint Economic
Board. The headquarters of the Economic
Board shaH be established in the territory of the
City.
The Statute shall provide for the regulation of
economic rootters not falling within the regime of
the Economic Union, on the basis of equal treatment
and non-discrimination for aU Membèrs of the
United Nations and their nationals.
Roly Places and religious buildings and sites in the
city the Governor shall organize a special police
for~e of adequate strength, the lOembers of which
shaH he recruited outside of Palestine. The Gavernor
shall he empowt:red to direct such ~udgetary
provision -as may he necessary for the malDtenance
of tOO force.
5. Legislative organization. A Le~la:tive Co~ncil
elected by adult residents of the City lrrespective
of'nationality on the basis of universal and secret
suffrage and proportional repres~ntation, sb}l h~ve
powers of legislation and taxatIon. No leglslahve
measurcs shaH however, conflict or interfere with
the provisions ~hich will be set forth ~n the Statu.te
of the City, nor shaU any law, regulatlon, or official
action prevail over them. The ?tatu:e s~aH gr~nt to
the Governor a right of vetomg bills mconslStent
with the provisions referred to in the preceding sentence.
It shall also empower him to promulgate
temporary ordinances in case the Council {ails to
adopt in time a bill deemed essential to the normal
functioning of the administration.
149
(b) No di~C'rimination oC any kind ~hall ~ m3de 1
between the inhabÎtanls on the grounds of rarr, religion,
lanRUagc or S("x.
(c) Ali PCI"$Cln5 within Ûle City lhall he cntitlc:d
to cqu:ù protection of the lawll.
(d) 1be Camily law and personal status of Ûle
"'arious pcrsorn and communities and thdr rdigious
interesl.l, induding endowments, shaU be l''C'':Sprcted.
The TnlSte"Cllhip C.oundl shaH malte arrange- i
menl! for consular protection of the citizens oC the 1
City oulside ilS Icrritory. i
12. FrmflJml of citiUnI. (0) Subjc:ct only ta the j
requÎ.tt"nH;nB of public oroer and m(lrals, the inh;ü)i~ !
tanu of the City S.lUll1 he cnsured the enjorment of !
human right~ and fundamrnlal frc~dom~, including 1
freedom of camcicnrc, rr-liRion and wMship, lan~
guage, ec!uc.ltion, speech and Prc:s.s, a.loScrnh·'y and
auoci3tion. and petit.ion.
1
(e) Except lU may he rcquired (or the maintenance
of public order and good govcnuncnt, no
rn.e;uure shaH he ta.Ken ta obstruet or interfera with
the cotctptÏ:$e <lf rcUgiou.s Or charitable bodie3 of ail
Caitlu or to disc.rîmÎlllltc: aga.inst any rcpresentati\'c
or manber Qf thc5C bodir5 on the ground of his
n:.1igicm or naliooal it y.
(f) The City shaH cnmre adequate primary and
scrondarycducaliorl for the Arab and Jewish comm'umtics
respectivel>.. in th("ir own 1anguagr5 :lnd in
acco:rdance with thdr cultural traditions.
The right oC rac.h cnmmunity to tnaintain Ît~ own
schools for the education of ils 0'W'ft memb<-rs in its
own langua~e, whilc conIorming to suth educatiorusJ
reqllircmcnt.s oC a general nature as the City
r::aay imposc, shaH not be dCllled Or impaircd Foreign
educational csla.hlis.hmcnt3 ahall ctmtinuc thdr
activil)' on th(" b:'I."ii.~or thC'ir o:Î.:Iùng rights.
(g) No rc-striC'tion shaJl br irnF>osed on the Cree
tae by any inhabitant of the. City of any language
in privatc: in te rcou n.C' , in commerce. in religion, În
the Press or in publications of any kind. or at public
meetin8'!l.
13. liolrlPlaetIJ. (a) Existing rights in respect of
Holy Places and religious~or ai tes shaLl not
he denie;! cOr :impairccl.
(o} .Free acecu to the HoJ)' Places and rdigious
~or sitt3 and the fltt exacise of wonhip
sh.alI he acnured in coniormity witb c::xûting rights
and aubjcct ta the requirements of paYic OIdcr and
decorum.
(c) Ho!1rr .Places a.nd n:ligious buiJdiogJ Gr sites
shaH he proeerved. No act shall he permittal 'W'hich
may in any 1l!ti';ll.y impair their sacred charactcr. If at
any time it 3ippears to the Caverno!' that any par~
licular Holy Place, religiouJ building Or lite il in
need of urgent repair, the Governor ma)' caU upon
the commu.nity or c.ommunities concemed to carry
out such repair.ll1e Governor may ca.")' itout himlelf
at the expcnse of the community or communîtie1
concernc:d if no action is takcn within a
reasonable time.
(J) No taxation shall he levîed in respect of any
HoIy Place, religioUl building or site which was
exempt {rom taxation on the date of the creation of
the City. No change in the incidence of luch taxa-
Le Corueil de tutdle prendra des arrangtments
pour assurer la protection consulaire des citoyens de
la Ville à !'utérieur de son territoire.
12. Libertés du citoyens. a) Seront garantis aux
habitants de la Ville, sous réserve des s.eulcs exigenccs
de l'ordre public et de la morale, les droits
de l'homme et les libertés fond:1.menta]cs, Uberté de
comcience, de religion et de culte, libre choix de la
la.ngue, du mode d'instruction, liberté de parole et
liberté de la presse, liberté de réunion, d'a1Sociation
et de pétition.
b) On ne fera entre les habitants aucune e5p~<:e
de distinctions fondées sur la race, la religion, la
langue ou le soce.
c) Toutes les personne.s résidant à l'int~rieur de
la Ville auront un droit égal à la protection de.s lois.
d) Le droit familial et le statut personnel des
différents individus et des diverses communautés,
ainsi que leurs intérêts religieux, y compris les fondations,
seront respectés.
e) Sou.s réserve des nécessités du maintien de
l'ordre public et de la bonne administration, on ne
prendra aucune mesure qui mettrait obstacle à
l'acti'lité des institutions religieuses ou charitables
de toutes confessions ou qui constituerait une intervention
dans cette activité, et on ne pourra faire
aucune discrimination à l'égard dès représentants
ou des membres de ces institutions du fait de leur
religion ou de k:ur nationalité.
/) La Ville assurera une instruction primaire et
secondaire convenable à la communauté arabe et à
la communauté juive, dans leur langue -et CQnConnément
à leurs traditions culturelles.
Il ne sera porté aucune atteinte aux droit! des
communautés de conserver leurs propres écoles pour
l'instruction de leurs membres dans leur langue
nationaJc3 à condition que ces communautés se conforment
aux prescriptions générales sur l'instruction
publique que pourrait édicter la Ville. Les
établwemenu scolaires étrangers poursuivront leur
activité sur la base des droit3 existants.
g) On ne fera obstacle d'aucune manière que ce
soit à l'emploi par tout habitant de la Ville de
n'importe queUe langue, dans ses relations privées,
dans 1<: e<>mmerce, les services religieux, la presse,
les publicatiON de toute nature et les réunions
publiques.
13. I..ùux saints. a) Il ne sera porté aucune atteinte
aux droits actuels concernant les lieux saint!J
les édifices et les sites religieux.
b)1 Le libre accès aux lieux saints, édifices et sites
religieux ct le libre exercice du culte seront garantis
conformément aux droits actuels, compte tenu du
maintien de l'ordre et de la bienséance publics.
c) Les lieux saints et les édifices et site3 religieux
seront préselVés. Toute action de nature à compromettre,
de quelque Caçon que ce soitJ leur caractère
$acréJ sera interdite. Si le Gouverneur estime qu'il
est urgent de réparer un lieu saint, lin édifice ou un
site religieux quelconqueJ il pourra inviter la communauté
ou les communautés intéres.sées à procéder
aux réparations. Il pourra procéder lui-même à ces
réparations aux frais de la communauté ou des communautés
intéressées, s'il n'est donné aucune mite à
sa demande dans un délai normal.
d) Aucun impôt ne sera perçu sur les lieux saints,
édifices et sites religieux exemptés d'impêts lors de
la création de la Ville. Il ne sera port6 ~ l'incidence
des impats aucune modification Qui constituerait
tian shaH he made which would either discriminate
between the owners or occupiers of Holy Places,
religious buildings or sites, or would place such
owners or occupiers in a position less favourable in
relation to the general incidence of taxation than
existed at the time of the adoption of the Assembly's
recommendations.
14. Special powers of the Governor in respect of
the H oly Places, religious buildings and &ites in the
City and in any part of Palestine. (a.) The protection
of the Holy Places, religious buildings and sites 10cated
in the City of Jerusalem shaH he a special
concem of the Governor.
(b) With relation to such places, buildings and
sites in Palestine outside the city, the Governor shaH
determine, on the ground of powers granted to him
by the Constitutions of both States, whether the provisions
of the Constitutions of the Arab and Jewish
States in Palestine dealing therewith and the religious
rights appertaining thereto are being properly
applied and respected.
(c) The Governor shaH also be empowered to
make decisions on the basis of existing rights in
cases of disputes which may arise between the
different religious communities or the rites of a
religious community in respect of the Holy Places,
religious buildings and sites in any part of Palestine.
In this task he may be assisted by a consultative
council of representatives of different denominations
acting in an advisory capacity.
D. DURATION OF THE SPECIAL REGIME
The Statute elaborated by the Trusteeship Council
on the aforementioned principles shaH come into
force not later than 1 October 1948. It shaH remain
in force in the first instance for a period of ten
years, unless the Trusteeship Council finds it necessary
to undertake a re-examination of these provisions
at an earlier date. After the expiration of this
period the whole scheme shaH he subject to reexamination
by the Trusteeship Council in the light
of the experience acquired with its functioning. The
residents of the City shall he then free to express by
rneans of a referendum their wishes as to possible
modifications of the regime of the City.
PART IV
Capitulations
. States whose nationals have in the past enjoyed
JO Palestine. the privileges and immunities of forefgners,
includin,g the benefits of consular jurisdictio~
and protec~on, as formerly enjoyed by capitulation
or usage 10 the Ottoman Empire, are invited
to ren.0unce any righ t pertaining to them to the reestablishment
of such privileges and immunities in
the proposed Arab and Jewish States and the City
of Jerusalem.
une discrimination entre les propriétaires ou occupants
des lieux saints, édifices ou sites religieux, qui
placerait ces propriétaires ou occupants dans une
situation moins favorable, par rapport à l'incidence
générale des impôts, qu'au moment de l'adoption
des recommandations de l'Assemblée.
14. Pouvoirs spéciaux du Gouverneur en ce qui
concerne les lieux saints, les idifices ou sites religieux
dans la Ville et dans tout8 Tigion de la
Palestine. a) Le Gouverneur se préoccupera tout
particulièrement de la protection des lieux saints,
des édific~s et des sites religieux qui se trouvent dans
la Ville de Jérusalem.
b) En ce qui concerne de pareils lieux, édifices et
sites de Palestine à l'extérieur de la Ville, le Gouverneur
décidera, en vertu des pouvoirs que lui
aura conférés la Constitution de l'un et l'autre Etats,
si les dispositions des Constitutions de l'Etat arabe
et de l'Etat juif de Palestine relatives à ces lieux et
aux droits religieux y afférents sont dûment appliquél':
s et respectées.
c) Le Gouverneur a également le pouvoir de
statuer, en se fondant sur les droits reconnus, sur les
différends qui pourront s'élever entre les diverses
communautés religieuses ou les divers rites d'une
même communauté religieuse à l'égard des lieux
saints, des édifices et des sites religieux dans toute
la région de la Palestine,
Dans ces fonctions, le Gouverneur pourra se faire
aider d'un conseil consultatif composé de représentants
de différentes confessions siégeant à titre
consultatif.
D. DUREE DU REGIME SPECIAL
Le Statut élaboré par le Conseil de tutelle, d'après
les principes énoncés plus haut, entrera en vigueur
le 1er octobre 1948 au plus tard. Il sera tout d'abord
en vigueur pendant une période de dix ans, à moins
que le Conseil de tutelle n'estime devoir procéder
plus tôt à un nouvel examen de ces dispositions. A
l'expiration de cette période, l'ensemble du Statut
devra faire l'objet d'une révision de la part du Conseil
de tutelle, à la lumière de l'expérience acquise
au cours de cette première période de fonctionnement.
Les personnes ayant leur résidence dans la
Ville auront alors toute liberté de faire connaitre,
par voie de referendum, leurs suggestions relatives
à d'éventuelles modifications au régime de la Ville.
QUATRIÈME PAllTIE
Capitulations
Les Etats dont les ressortissants ont, dans le
pass~, bé~éfici~ en P~lestine des privilèges et immumtés
reserves aux etrangers, y compris les avantages
de la juridiction et de la protection consulaires
qui leur étaient conférés sous l'Empire ottoman en
vertu des capitulations ou de la coutume, sont invités
à renoncer à tous leurs droits au rétablissement
des dits privilèges et immunités dans l'Etat arabe
e~ d.àns l'Etat juif dont la création est envisagée,
a10sl que dans la Ville de Jérusalem.
150
PALESTINE
PLAN OF PARTITION
WITH ECONOMIC UNION
PROPOSlO If THE AD HOC COMMITTEE
0Il THE PAlfSTlHIAII QUESTION
PLAN DE PARTAGE
AVEC UNION ECONOMIQUE
PROPOSE PAR lA COMMISSION AD HOC
CHARCE( DE lA QUESTION PAlESTIHIENHE
Ara" St.te ---'-"
Iewbh St.te Etat juif
City 01 ;---,
Jeru••lem. '----J
--,---~-~--;;.
1
"1
1
"-'"
:00 \. / ....
o~.,,/
..........>
·....·>"° _-,\.11,
".
Z )100,••••••, ••
",
ln
1 J
Annex B
Annexe B
CITY OF JERUSALEM
BOUNDAffiESPROPOSED
BY THE AD HOC COMMITTEE
ON THE PALESTINIAN QUESTION
1)
E 1
f Main Road
1Route principale
1
Railroad
Voie ferrée
1Proposed Boundary
Limite proposée
MILES
"ll.<IMETRES
VILLE DE JERUSALEM
LIMITES PROPOSEES
PAR LA COMMISSION AD HOC
CHARGEE DE LA QUESTION PALESTINIENNE
.\1.\P \0 lOlO,} 1 \11111 \\TII}',·,
\(I\r.IIIII·U ",
l '\ l'HI:,':\T 11'10\ (,()() IL'
Annexe 13 : Déclaration d’indépendance de l'État d'Israël, 14 mai 1948, traduction, in Pouvoirs,
n° 72, 1995, p. 121-123.
Annex 13 : Declaration of Independance, 14 May 1948, translation, Provisional Government of
Israel, Official Gazette: Number 1, p. 1.
197
198
L A D É C L A R AT I O N
D’INDÉPENDANCE
D E L’ É TAT D ’ I S R A Ë L
ERETZ-ISRAEL (le Pays d’Israël) est le lieu où naquit le Peuple juif.
C’est là que se forma son caractère spirituel, religieux et national.
C’est là qu’il acquit son indépendance et créa une culture d’une portée
à la fois nationale et universelle. C’est là qu’il écrivit la Bible et en fit don
au monde.
Exilé de Terre sainte, le Peuple juif lui demeura fidèle tout au long
de sa Dispersion et il n’a jamais cessé de prier pour son retour, espérant
toujours la restauration de sa liberté politique.
Mus par ce lien historique et traditionnel, les Juifs s’efforcèrent au
long des siècles de revenir dans le pays de leurs ancêtres. Au cours de
ces dernières décennies, ils rentrèrent en masse dans leur pays.
Pionniers, immigrants clandestins, combattants, ils ont défriché les
déserts, ressuscité la langue hébraïque, construit des villes et des villages
et créé une communauté en pleine expansion, contrôlant sa vie économique
et culturelle, recherchant la paix mais sachant aussi se défendre,
apportant à tous les habitants du pays les bienfaits du progrès et aspirant
à l’indépendance nationale.
En l’an 5657 (1897), le Ier Congrès sioniste, convoqué par le père spirituel
de l’État juif, Théodore Herzl, proclama le droit du Peuple juif à
sa renaissance nationale sur le sol de sa patrie.
Ce droit fut reconnu par la Déclaration Balfour, le 2 novembre
1917, et confirmé par le mandat de la Société des nations qui accordait
la reconnaissance internationale aux liens historiques entre le Peuple juif
et le Pays d’Israël, et reconnaissait le droit au Peuple juif de s’y créer un
foyer national.
La catastrophe nationale qui s’est abattue sur le Peuple juif, le massacre
de six millions de Juifs en Europe, a montré l’urgence d’une solu-
121
P O U V O I R S – 7 2 , 1 9 9 5
tion au problème de ce peuple sans patrie par le rétablissement d’un État
juif qui ouvrirait ses portes à tous les Juifs et referait du Peuple juif un
membre à part entière de la famille des Nations.
Les survivants des massacres nazis en Europe, ainsi que les Juifs
d’autres pays, ont cherché, sans relâche, à immigrer en Palestine sans se
laisser rebuter par les difficultés ou les dangers et n’ont cessé de proclamer
leur droit à une vie de dignité, de liberté et de labeur dans la
patrie nationale.
Au cours de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la communauté juive de
ce pays a pris sa part de la lutte pour la liberté aux côtés des nations
éprises de paix, afin d’abattre le fléau nazi, et elle s’est acquis, par le sang
de ses combattants comme par son effort de guerre, le droit de compter
parmi les peuples qui fondèrent les Nations unies.
Le 29 novembre 1947, l’Assemblée générale des Nations unies a
adopté une résolution demandant la création d’un État juif en Palestine
et invité les habitants de la Palestine à prendre les mesures nécessaires
pour l’exécution de cette résolution. Cette reconnaissance, par les
Nations unies, du droit du Peuple juif à créer son État est irrévocable.
C’est là le droit naturel du peuple juif d’être, comme toutes les autres
nations, maître de son destin sur le sol de son propre État souverain.
En conséquence, nous, membres du Conseil national représentant la
communauté juive de Palestine et le mouvement sioniste, nous nous
sommes rassemblés ici, en ce jour où prend fin le mandat britannique, et
en vertu du droit naturel et historique du Peuple juif et conformément
à la résolution de l’Assemblée générale des Nations unies, nous proclamons
la création d’un État juif en terre d’Israël qui portera le nom
d’ÉTAT D’ISRAËL.
NOUS DÉCLARONS que dès l’expiration du mandat, en cette veille
de Chabbat, 6 Iyar 5708 (15 mai 1948), et jusqu’à l’installation des
autorités régulières de l’État, dûment élues, conformément à la
Constitution qui sera adoptée par l’Assemblée constituante convoquée
avant le 1er octobre 1948, le Conseil remplira les fonctions de Conseil
provisoire de l’État et son organisme exécutif, le Directoire du Peuple,
fera fonction de gouvernement provisoire de l’État juif qui sera appelé
« Israël ».
L’ÉTAT D’ISRAËL sera ouvert à l’immigration juive et aux Juifs
venant de tous les pays de leur Dispersion ; il veillera au développement
du pays pour le bénéfice de tous ses habitants ; il sera fondé sur la
liberté, la justice et la paix selon l’idéal des prophètes d’Israël ; il assurera
la plus complète égalité sociale et politique à tous ses habitants sans
L A D É C L A R A T I O N D ’ I N D É P E N D A N C E D E L ’ É T A T D ’ I S R A Ë L
122
distinction de religion, de race ou de sexe ; il garantira la liberté de culte,
de conscience, de langue, d’éducation et de culture ; il assurera la protection
des lieux saints de toutes les religions et sera fidèle aux principes
de la Charte des Nations unies.
L’ÉTAT D’ISRAËL sera prêt à collaborer avec les agences spécialisées
et les représentants des Nations unies pour l’application de la résolution
de l’Assemblée générale en date du 29 novembre 1947 et prendra toutes
les mesures nécessaires pour réaliser l’union économique de l’ensemble
de la Palestine.
NOUS DEMANDONS aux Nations unies d’aider le Peuple juif à édifier
son État et de recevoir l’État d’Israël dans la famille des Nations.
NOUS DEMANDONS – face à l’agression dont nous sommes l’objet
depuis quelques mois – aux habitants arabes de l’État d’Israël de préserver
la paix et de prendre leur part dans l’édification de l’État sur la
base d’une égalité complète de droits et devoirs et d’une juste représentation
dans tous les organismes provisoires et permanents de l’État.
NOUS TENDONS la main à tous pays voisins et à leurs peuples et
nous leur offrons la paix et des relations de bon voisinage ; nous les invitons
à coopérer avec le Peuple juif rétabli dans sa souveraineté nationale.
L’État d’Israël est prêt à contribuer à l’effort commun de développement
du Moyen-Orient tout entier.
NOUS DEMANDONS au Peuple juif dans sa Dispersion de se rassembler
autour des Juifs d’Israël, de les assister dans la tâche d’immigration
et de reconstruction et d’être à leurs côtés dans la grande lutte
pour la réalisation du rêve des générations passées : la rédemption
d’Israël.
Confiants en l’Éternel Tout-Puissant, nous signons cette Déclaration
en cette séance du Conseil provisoire de l’État, sur le sol de la
Patrie dans la ville de Tel-Aviv, cette veille de Chabbat, 5 Iyar 5708,
14 mai 1948.
(Suivent les 37 signatures des membres du Conseil provisoire du
Peuple.)
L A D É C L A R A T I O N D ’ I N D É P E N D A N C E D E L ’ É T A T D ’ I S R A Ë L
123
The Knesset
Declaration of Independence
Provisional Government of Israel
Official Gazette: Number 1; Tel Aviv,
5 Iyar 5708, 14.5.1948 Page 1
ERETZ-ISRAEL [(Hebrew) - the Land of Israel] was the birthplace of the Jewish people. Here their
spiritual, religious and political identity was shaped. Here they first attained to statehood, created
cultural values of national and universal significance and gave to the world the eternal Book of
Books.
After being forcibly exiled from their land, the people kept faith with it throughout their Dispersion
and never ceased to pray and hope for their return to it and for the restoration in it of their political
freedom.
Impelled by this historic and traditional attachment, Jews strove in every successive generation to
re-establish themselves in their ancient homeland. In recent decades they returned in their masses.
Pioneers, ma'pilim [(Hebrew) - immigrants coming to Eretz-Israel in defiance of restrictive
legislation] and defenders, they made deserts bloom, revived the Hebrew language, built villages
and towns, and created a thriving community controlling its own economy and culture, loving peace
but knowing how to defend itself, bringing the blessings of progress to all the country's inhabitants,
and aspiring towards independent nationhood.
In the year 5657 (1897), at the summons of the spiritual father of the Jewish State, Theodore Herzl,
the First Zionist Congress convened and proclaimed the right of the Jewish people to national
rebirth in its own country.
This right was recognized in the Balfour Declaration of the 2nd November, 1917, and re-affirmed in
the Mandate of the League of Nations which, in particular, gave international sanction to the
historic connection between the Jewish people and Eretz-Israel and to the right of the Jewish people
to rebuild its National Home.
The catastrophe which recently befell the Jewish people - the massacre of millions of Jews in
Europe - was another clear demonstration of the urgency of solving the problem of its homelessness
by re-establishing in Eretz-Israel the Jewish State, which would open the gates of the homeland
wide to every Jew and confer upon the Jewish people the status of a fully privileged member of the
comity of nations.
Survivors of the Nazi holocaust in Europe, as well as Jews from other parts of the world, continued
to migrate to Eretz-Israel, undaunted by difficulties, restrictions and dangers, and never ceased to
assert their right to a life of dignity, freedom and honest toil in their national homeland.
In the Second World War, the Jewish community of this country contributed its full share to the
struggle of the freedom- and peace-loving nations against the forces of Nazi wickedness and, by the
blood of its soldiers and its war effort, gained the right to be reckoned among the peoples who
founded the United Nations.
On the 29th November, 1947, the United Nations General Assembly passed a resolution calling for
the establishment of a Jewish State in Eretz-Israel; the General Assembly required the inhabitants of
Eretz-Israel to take such steps as were necessary on their part for the implementation of that
resolution. This recognition by the United Nations of the right of the Jewish people to establish their
State is irrevocable.
This right is the natural right of the Jewish people to be masters of their own fate, like all other
nations, in their own sovereign State.
ACCORDINGLY WE, MEMBERS OF THE PEOPLE'S COUNCIL, REPRESENTATIVES OF
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF ERETZ-ISRAEL AND OF THE ZIONIST MOVEMENT, ARE
HERE ASSEMBLED ON THE DAY OF THE TERMINATION OF THE BRITISH MANDATE
OVER ERETZ-ISRAEL AND, BY VIRTUE OF OUR NATURAL AND HISTORIC RIGHT AND
ON THE STRENGTH OF THE RESOLUTION OF THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL
ASSEMBLY, HEREBY DECLARE THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A JEWISH STATE IN ERETZISRAEL,
TO BE KNOWN AS THE STATE OF ISRAEL.
WE DECLARE that, with effect from the moment of the termination of the Mandate being tonight,
the eve of Sabbath, the 6th Iyar, 5708 (15th May, 1948), until the establishment of the elected,
regular authorities of the State in accordance with the Constitution which shall be adopted by the
Elected Constituent Assembly not later than the 1st October 1948, the People's Council shall act as
a Provisional Council of State, and its executive organ, the People's Administration, shall be the
Provisional Government of the Jewish State, to be called "Israel".
THE STATE OF ISRAEL will be open for Jewish immigration and for the Ingathering of the Exiles;
it will foster the development of the country for the benefit of all its inhabitants; it will be based on
freedom, justice and peace as envisaged by the prophets of Israel; it will ensure complete equality
of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex; it will
guarantee freedom of religion, conscience, language, education and culture; it will safeguard the
Holy Places of all religions; and it will be faithful to the principles of the Charter of the United
Nations.
THE STATE OF ISRAEL is prepared to cooperate with the agencies and representatives of the
United Nations in implementing the resolution of the General Assembly of the 29th November,
1947, and will take steps to bring about the economic union of the whole of Eretz-Israel.
WE APPEAL to the United Nations to assist the Jewish people in the building-up of its State and to
receive the State of Israel into the comity of nations.
WE APPEAL - in the very midst of the onslaught launched against us now for months - to the Arab
inhabitants of the State of Israel to preserve peace and participate in the upbuilding of the State on
the basis of full and equal citizenship and due representation in all its provisional and permanent
institutions.
WE EXTEND our hand to all neighboring states and their peoples in an offer of peace and good
neighborliness, and appeal to them to establish bonds of cooperation and mutual help with the
sovereign Jewish people settled in its own land. The State of Israel is prepared to do its share in a
common effort for the advancement of the entire Middle East.
WE APPEAL to the Jewish people throughout the Diaspora to rally round the Jews of Eretz-Israel
in the tasks of immigration and upbuilding and to stand by them in the great struggle for the
realization of the age-old dream - the redemption of Israel.
PLACING OUR TRUST IN THE "ROCK OF ISRAEL," WE AFFIX OUR SIGNATURES TO
THIS PROCLAMATION AT THIS SESSION OF THE PROVISIONAL COUNCIL OF STATE,
ON THE SOIL OF THE HOMELAND, IN THE CITY OF TEL-AVIV, ON THIS SABBATH EVE,
THE 5TH DAY OF IYAR, 5708 (14TH MAY,1948).
David Ben-Gurion
David Zvi Pinkas
Aharon Zisling
Moshe Kolodny
Eliezer Kaplan
Abraham Katznelson
Felix Rosenblueth
David Remez
Berl Repetur
Mordekhai Shattner
Ben Zion Sternberg
Bekhor Shitreet
Moshe Shapira
Moshe Shertok
Rachel Cohen
Rabbi Kalman Kahana
Saadia Kobashi
Rabbi Yitzchak Meir Levin
Meir David Loewenstein
Zvi Luria
Golda Myerson
Nachum Nir
Zvi Segal
Rabbi Yehuda Leib Hacohen Fishman
Daniel Auster
Mordekhai Bentov
Yitzchak Ben Zvi
Eliyahu Berligne
Fritz Bernstein
Rabbi Wolf Gold
Meir Grabovsky
Yitzchak Gruenbaum
Dr. Abraham Granovsky
Eliyahu Dobkin
Meir Wilner-Kovner
Zerach Wahrhaftig
Herzl Vardi