Annexes

14.10.2022, 15:30 Joint statement on Ukraine’s application against Russia at the International Court of Justice - Federal Foreign Office
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Joint statement on Ukraine’s applicationagainst Russia at the International Courtof Justice
20.05.2022 - Press release
Statement on behalf of Albania, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Bosnia & Herzegovina,Bulgaria, Canada, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France,Georgia, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Latvia, Lithuania,Luxembourg, Malta, Marshall Islands, Micronesia (Federated States of), Montenegro,Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia,Spain, Sweden, United Kingdom, United States, European Union:
We, the undersigned, welcome Ukraine’s application againstRussia before the International Court of Justice (ICJ), whichseeks to establish that Russia has no lawful basis to take militaryaction in Ukraine on the basis of unsubstantiated allegations ofgenocide.
In these proceedings, the ICJ issued a significant ruling on March16, 2022, which orders Russia to immediately suspend itsmilitary operations in Ukraine. We welcome the Court’s ruling andstrongly urge Russia to comply with this legally binding order.
Reaffirming our commitment to accountability and the rules-based international order, we hereby express our joint intentionto explore all options to support Ukraine in its efforts before theICJ and to consider a possible intervention in these proceedings.
We strongly believe that this is a matter that is rightfully broughtto the ICJ, so that it can provide judgement on Russia’sallegations of genocide as basis for its unprovoked and brutalinvasion of Ukraine. As the principal judicial organ of the UnitedNations, the ICJ is a pillar of the rules-based international orderand has a vital role to play in the peaceful settlement of disputes.
We call upon the international community to explore all options tosupport Ukraine in its proceedings before the ICJ.
Annex 1
14.10.2022, 15:35 Joint statement on supporting Ukraine's ICJ proceedings
https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/statement_22_4509 1/3
Statement13 July 2022BrusselsJoint statement onsupporting Ukraine in itsproceeding at theInternational Court ofJustice
| |
Statement on behalf of Albania, Andorra, Australia, Austria,Belgium, Bulgaria, Canada, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic,Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece,Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg,Malta, Marshall Islands, Moldova, Monaco, Montenegro,Netherlands, New Zealand, North Macedonia, Norway, Palau,Poland, Portugal, Romania, San Marino, Slovakia, Slovenia,Spain, Sweden, United Kingdom, United States and theEuropean Union:We reiterate our support for Ukraine's Application institutingproceedings against the Russian Federation before theInternational Court of Justice under the 1948 Convention onthe Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide,which seeks to establish that Russia has no lawful basis totake military action in Ukraine on the basis of unsubstantiatedallegations of genocide.We reiterate the importance of these proceedings and urge,again, Russia to immediately suspend its military operationsin Ukraine, as ordered by the Court in its Order on ProvisionalMeasures of 16 March 2022.As the Court has repeatedly stated, its orders on provisional
Annex 2
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measures are legally binding on the Parties to the dispute.
Therefore, failure to comply with the Court's 16 March 2022
Order constitutes a further breach, by Russia, of its
international obligations.
We take note of the public statement of 1st July 2022,
according to which Ukraine announced that it had submitted
its Memorial to the Court.
We welcome once again Ukraine's efforts to ensure that
international law is respected and that the Court can fulfill its
fundamental function of promoting the peaceful settlement of
disputes.
The Genocide Convention embodies the solemn pledge to
prevent the crime of genocide and hold those responsible to
account. As the International Court of Justice itself stated in
its advisory opinion of 28 May 1951 on reservations to the
Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime
of Genocide, the object of the Convention “on the one hand is
to safeguard the very existence of certain human groups and
on the other to confirm and endorse the most elementary
principles of morality”.
It is in the interest of all States Parties to the Genocide
Convention, and more broadly of the international community
as a whole, that the Convention not be misused or abused.
That is why the signatories of the present declaration which
are Parties to the Genocide Convention intend to intervene in
these proceedings.
In light of the serious questions raised in this case, and in
view of the far-reaching consequences of the judgment that
the Court will render, it is important that the States Parties to
this Convention be able to share with the International Court
of Justice their interpretation of some of its essential
provisions.
In closing, we reiterate that Russia must be held accountable
for its actions. In this regard, we consider that Russia's
violations of international law engage its international
responsibility, and that the losses and damage suffered by
Ukraine as a result of Russia's violations of international law
require full and urgent reparation by Russia, in accordance
14.10.2022, 15:35 Joint statement on supporting Ukraine's ICJ proceedings
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with the law of State responsibility.
We once again call upon the international community to
explore all options to support Ukraine in its proceedings
before the ICJ.
Press contact
Peter STANO
Phone
+32 2 295 45 53
Mail
[email protected]
Paloma HALL CABALLERO
Phone
+32 2 296 85 60
Mail
[email protected]
STATEMENT/22/4509
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14.10.2022, 15:45 Romania Has Decided to Intervene in favour of Ukraine at the International Court of Justice in Proceedings against the Russ…
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Romania Has Decided to Intervene in favour of Ukraine at the International Court of Justice in
Proceedings against the Russian Federation
Type:
Press release
Date:
05/18/22
In continuation of the measures taken in support of Ukraine as a result of the illegal war of aggression unleashed by the
Russian Federation against this state, the Romanian authorities approved, at the highest level, that Romania will
formulate a request for intervention in the proceedings initiated by Ukraine against the Russian Federation at the
International Court of Justice (ICJ) on 26 February 2022, regarding a dispute on the interpretation, application and
fulfilment of the obligations set out in the 1948 UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of
Genocide.
The Romanian démarche to intervene in this process comes at the express request of the Ukrainian side, which was
transmitted by Ukrainian Minister of Foreign Affairs Dmytro Kuleba to his Romanian counterpart Bogdan Aurescu during
the Ukrainian Minister's visit to Bucharest on April 22, 2022 (https://www.mae.ro/node/58483).
In the context of these proceedings, Romania will coordinate with other like minded states that have taken a similar
decision and will cooperate closely with Ukraine's representatives involved in the proceedings at the ICJ.
The decision of the Romanian authorities was communicated by Minister of Foreign Affairs Bogdan Aurescu to his
European colleagues and Ukrainian counterpart during the European Affairs Council meeting held in Brussels on 16 May
2022 (https://www.mae.ro/node/58670), as an expression of the constant and principled support of the Romanian
authorities for the Ukrainian cause.
Romania's decision reflects, once again, our country's constant position in favour of the use of international law
instruments and institutions in support of maintaining and restoring international peace and security, as well as its
unconditional trust in the fundamental role of the ICJ as a promoter of international justice.
Additional information
On February 26, 2022, Ukraine lodged a request to initiate proceedings against the Russian Federation at the ICJ
concerning a dispute over the interpretation, application and fulfilment of obligations under the 1948 Convention on the
Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.
Ukraine claimed that the Russian Federation falsely invoked acts of genocide in the Luhansk and Donetsk regions in
order to justify the recognition of the so-called Donetsk P.R. and Luhansk P.R. and to conduct a special military operation
against Ukraine. On the basis of these false accusations, the Russian Federation is currently engaged in a process of
military invasion of Ukraine, resulting in serious and widespread violations of human rights and international humanitarian
law.
In an Order dated March 16, 2022, the Court indicated interim/conservative measures, whereby it imposed an obligation
on the Russian Federation to immediately suspend military operations commenced on 24 February 2022 on the territory
of Ukraine and to ensure that military or irregular units which the Russian Federation would direct or support, as well as
any organisations or persons subject to its control or direction, do not take any steps to continue military operations. The
Order also provides that both parties shall refrain from any action that might aggravate or extend the dispute before the
Court or make it more difficult to be resolved.
In an Order dated March 23, 2022, the ICJ indicated September 23, 2022 as the deadline for the submission of the
Memorial of Ukraine and March 23, 2023 as the deadline for the submission of the Counter-Memorial of the Russian
Federation.
Under the rules laid down in the Statute of the International Court of Justice, if a case appears to involve the
interpretation of a multilateral convention to which States, other than those involved in the dispute are parties, the
Registrar must notify those States, and any notified State has the right to intervene in the proceedings.
Romania (as well as the other States Parties to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of
Genocide) has been notified by the ICJ Registry that the proceedings initiated by Ukraine appear to raise issues of
Annex 3
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© Copyright 2008 MAE. Toate drepturile rezervate.
interpretation of this Convention, and that those States Parties may avail themselves of the possibility to intervene in the
case.
The statement of intervention, which may be made before the date scheduled for the opening of oral proceedings in the
dispute in question, involves certain additional procedures on the part of the intervening State.
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Prima Pagina
Ministerul Afacerilor Externe
Prima Pagina
Consultările ministrului afacerilor externe Bogdan Aurescu cu ministrul afacerilor externe al
Ucrainei, Dmytro Kuleba
Tip:
Comunicat de presă
Data:
22.04.2022
Ministrul afacerilor externe Bogdan Aurescu a avut vineri, 22 aprilie 2022, consultări politice cu ministrul afacerilor
externe al Ucrainei, Dmytro Kuleba, aflat în vizită în România, la invitația șefului diplomației române.
Vizita ministrului Dmytro Kuleba la București a avut loc în contextul agresiunii militare ilegale a Rusiei în Ucraina și al
situației deosebit de grave de securitate și din punct de vedere umanitar provocate de aceasta.
Ministrul Bogdan Aurescu a reiterat sprijinul ferm al României pentru independența, suveranitatea și integritatea
teritorială ale Ucrainei, precum și pentru efortul autorităților ucrainene de a respinge agresiunea rusă. Totodată, șeful
diplomației române a transmis, și cu acest prilej, poziția fermă a României de condamnare a invaziei Rusiei în Ucraina,
ce reprezintă o încălcare flagrantă a dreptului internațional.
La finalul consultărilor, ministrul Bogdan Aurescu și ministrul Dmytro Kuleba au susținut declarații comune de presă,
disponibile în format video aici: http://www.mae.ro/node/58482.
Transmitem, mai jos, transcrierea declarațiilor de presă ale ministrului afacerilor externe Bogdan Aurescu și ale
ministrului afacerilor externe al Ucrainei, Dmytro Kuleba.
Ministrul afacerilor externe Bogdan Aurescu:
Bine ați venit la Ministerul Afacerilor Externe!
Dragă domnule ministru, dragă Dmytro, bine ai venit la București! Bun venit la Ministerul Afacerilor Externe, din nou. Mă
bucur că am avut ocazia să ne revedem, să discutăm în persoană în această perioadă extrem de complicată. Vreau să te
felicit din inimă pentru activitatea excepțională pe care o desfășori, în beneficiul Ucrainei și al valorilor noastre comune.
Am avut astăzi un dialog foarte consistent pe care, de altfel, îl vom continua după această conferință de presă, un
schimb de opinii foarte aplicat despre situația gravă de securitate și umanitară din Ucraina, generată de războiul ilegal,
neprovocat, nejustificat și premeditat al Rusiei asupra Ucrainei. Am reiterat sprijinul ferm al României pentru
independența, pentru suveranitatea, pentru integritatea teritorială ale Ucrainei, precum și pentru efortul eroic al
autorităților ucrainene, al cetățenilor ucraineni de a respinge agresiunea rusă, care constituie o încălcare flagrantă a
tuturor obligațiilor internaționale asumate de Rusia.
Nici România, nici Ucraina, nici comunitatea internațională nu pot accepta călcarea în picioare a ordinii internaționale
bazate pe reguli, care ar însemna impunerea arbitrariului prin forță.
Exprim și cu această ocazie condoleanțe și regretul profund pentru pierderile de vieți omenești, pentru atât de multele
vieți omenești care au fost curmate în această agresiune ilegală, pentru masivele distrugeri materiale din Ucraina, care
influențează într-un mod profund negativ viața societății ucrainene. Dramele umane, ororile, suferința prin care trece
poporul ucrainean ne-au lăsat, alături de întreaga lume, îndoliați. Suntem alături de poporul ucrainean. Dragă Dmytro, toți
cei care au murit uciși în Ucraina sunt, de fapt, frații și surorile noastre, sunt părinții și copiii noștri. De aceea, atrocitățile
și crimele de război, crimele împotriva umanității, crimele de genocid nu pot să rămână nepedepsite, iar România sprijină
activ eforturile comunității internaționale pentru investigarea acestor încălcări ale dreptului internațional, ale drepturilor
omului, ale dreptului internațional umanitar. După cum știți, Guvernul României a decis acordarea unei contribuții
financiare voluntare către Curtea Penală Internațională, pentru a sprijini investigația din Ucraina.
De asemenea, am reacționat prompt și consistent, încă de la începutul invaziei ruse, prin numeroase măsuri pentru a
oferi adăpost și asistență refugiaților ucraineni, pentru care agresiunea rusă a avut efecte dramatice. Până în prezent, au
intrat pe teritoriul țării noastre peste 800.000 de refugiați ucraineni. Asistența acordată acestor persoane, inclusiv celor
care au rămas pe teritoriul României, a fost în valoare de peste 63 de milioane de euro, constând în acces gratuit la
Annex 4
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servicii medicale, la învățământ - peste 1600 de copii sunt deja înregistrați în sistemul românesc, studenții sunt primiți în
universitățile din România – , a constat în măsuri de sprijin pentru copiii aflați în situații deosebite, asigurarea
transportului gratuit pe teritoriul României, deschiderea pieței de muncă - sunt peste 2.000 de cetățeni ucraineni care
sunt deja angajați în România, după începutul invaziei.
Doresc să vă asigur, domnule ministru, dragă Dmytro, că toți cetățenii ucraineni refugiați în România sunt și vor fi tratați
corespunzător, vor avea șansa să-și continue, în condițiile date, traiul normal, până când condițiile vor permite
reîntoarcerea lor, în siguranță, în Ucraina. Trebuie să menționez și să salut încă o dată atitudinea de extraordinară
solidaritate și ospitalitate a cetățenilor români, care au sprijinit, încă de la primele momente ale conflictului, pe refugiații
care au ajuns în România, dar și pe cei care au rămas în Ucraina. Platforma guvernamentală, care a fost creată în acest
sens, arată mai mult de 9.200 de inițiative de sprijin din partea societății civile. De asemenea, am trimis mai multe tranșe
de ajutor umanitar, combustibil, medicamente, alimente. Amintesc aici mai multe pachete de sprijin: cel din 28 februarie,
de 3,4 milioane de euro, din 16 martie, 2,3 milioane de euro, donația celor 11 ambulanțe care a fost finalizată în cursul
acestei săptămâni și altele. De asemenea, hub-ul umanitar de la Suceava, care este funcțional din 9 martie, asigură
livrarea, în mod constant, de sprijin internațional pentru Ucraina, fiind în prezent tranzitat de peste 31 de convoaie
umanitare, adică aproximativ 162 de camioane din numeroase țări europene - Italia, Franța, Bulgaria, Austria, Slovenia,
Cipru, România și alte state.
Ucraina trebuie să câștige acest război și sunt convins că-l va câștiga.
Apoi va urma procesul de reconstrucție, după ce conflictul se va fi încheiat. În cadrul acestui proces de reconstrucție,
care va fi unul de durată, întreaga comunitate internațională va trebui să acorde sprijin și îl asigur pe colegul meu că
România este gata să fie parte a acestui efort susținut.
De asemenea, vreau să transmit, cu acest prilej, felicitări Ucrainei pentru transmiterea răspunsului la prima parte a
chestionarului pentru aderare la Uniunea Europeană și vreau să reiterez, și cu acest prilej, sprijinul extrem de puternic al
României pentru aspirațiile europene ale Ucrainei, pentru recunoașterea perspectivei europene a acestui stat prieten și
vecin. Am transmis și susținut constant, la nivelul Uniunii Europene, atât la nivelul reuniunii șefilor de stat și de guvern, la
reuniunile miniștrilor de externe, la care am participat, că Uniunea Europeană trebuie să arate viziune, să arate curaj,
pentru a da Ucrainei, precum și Republicii Moldova, Georgiei, semnalul pe care îl așteaptă - și anume acela că sunt
îndreptățite să facă parte, cu drepturi depline, din Uniunea Europeană.
De asemenea, mă bucur să salut faptul că astăzi și Republica Moldova a transmis răspunsul la prima parte a
chestionarului pentru aderare.
În același timp, știm din propria noastră experiență că parcursul pentru aderare este unul complicat care presupune
multe eforturi și reforme. Vom continua să sprijinim în mod activ, în măsura în care va fi necesar, Ucraina, în tot acest
proces complex și laborios.
De asemenea, am discutat și despre deschiderea Ambasadei României la Kiev, am informat cu privire la decizia pe care
am luat-o – la momentul la care am anunțat acest demers al României, erau opt misiuni ale statelor membre ale Uniunii
Europene deja deschise la Kiev. Sper ca pregătirile să se finalizeze cât mai curând și să putem să ne reluăm activitatea
în capitala Ucrainei.
De asemenea, am discutat despre creșterea conectivității fizice între statele noastre. Am discutat despre deschiderea de
noi puncte de trecere a frontierei, pentru că este nevoie de mai multă conectivitate între noi, pentru a facilita fluxurile de
persoane, fluxurile de mărfuri și este, din acest punct de vedere, grăitor rolul pe care, de exemplu, punctul de trecere a
frontierei de la Isaccea l-a jucat pentru deplasarea în România a cetățenilor ucraineni afectați de război.
Am luat măsuri legate și de facilitarea comerțului Ucrainei cu alte state - de exemplu, liberalizarea temporară a
transportului efectuat de operatorii ucraineni pe teritoriul României - decizie adoptată la 5 aprilie. Am discutat și despre
cooperarea în materie de securitate energetică și mă bucur să salut conectarea Ucrainei la rețeaua europeană de
electricitate, la data de 16 martie.
Am discutat, de asemenea, și despre faptul că legăturile puternice dintre țările noastre sunt date și de minoritățile noastre
înrudite. Am evidențiat comportamentul exemplar al etnicilor români din Ucraina, care au sprijinit efortul comun de
apărare a statului ucrainean. Vom continua să ne ocupăm de problemele comunităților române și, respectiv, ucrainene
din România, respectiv din Ucraina și sunt convins că vom soluționa toate problemele acestora.
Mă opresc aici. Îmi exprim încă o dată convingerea că, prin efortul nostru comun, putem să ridicăm relațiile noastre
bilaterale la un nou nivel, să construim în această zonă a Europei un model de cooperare. Știu, din relația foarte
apropiată pe care o avem, și pe care am construit-o în ultimii ani, că sunt nu doar perspective, dar certitudini din acest
punct de vedere. Iar perioada aceasta foarte complexă, cu război, cu agresiune, cu suferință umană, nu a făcut altceva
decât să apropie și mai mult societățile noastre, cetățenii noștri.
Dragă Dmytro, te rog.
Ministrul afacerilor externe al Ucrainei, Dmytro Kuleba:
Thank you, Bogdan! I really appreciate that you agreed to receive me on the Eve of Easter, as your Prime Minister and
your Minister of Defense did. This is yet another example of the real, sincere friendship that we have between Ukraine
and Romania.
When it comes to the substance, you almost stole all of my speaking points, I can only subscribe to what Bogdan just
said, on all accounts. Let me say just a couple of points, in addition to that.
Every time President Putin tries to stop Ukraine in its development, in its European integration, the only result that he
achieves is the speeding up of this process. To my and our deepest regret, every such attempt by Putin comes at a price
for Ukraine. But what is happening now is not only another attempt of Russia to maintain its influence in this part of
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Europe, in the Black Sea region, not only the attempt to stop Ukraine, it’s also the final battle. The final battle for the right
of all European nations - and it’s not only about Ukraine, it’s also about Georgia, about Moldova, about all countries in the
Black Sea region - it’s our common final battle for the opportunity to live in peace, in prosperity, as part of a whole and
free Europe. And I have no doubts, and I appreciate that Bogdan doesn’t have any doubts either, that we will win this
battle! Ukraine will prevail!
And there are two components which are necessary for us to prevail. The first one is the Ukrainian stamina and courage.
The second one is friends, friends who stand by Ukraine in practical terms, who support providing Ukraine with all
necessary equipment, who support more sanctions against Russia, who embrace Ukrainian refugees, giving the chance
for husbands, fathers and brothers to fight against Russia, knowing that their mothers, sisters, and children are in safety
and taken care of. As long as these two ingredients are in place, the victory is getting closer and closer.
And I would like to commend the Government of Romania for shaping a very smart policy, since the beginning of
aggression, to provide, to stand by Ukraine.
We all share the Black Sea and this war, as I said, is also about the future of the Black Sea region. Our security is your
security. You are helping us, you are also helping yourself. The fair deal that Ukraine offers to the world is simple: you
give us everything that we need to fight and to win, and we, in return, contain Putin in Ukraine and defeat him there, so
that he doesn’t dare to test Article 5 of NATO, and doesn’t try to expand further his aggression.
Those in Europe, who believe that this is just a Ukraine - Russia war and Putin will never dare to test Article 5, shouldn’t
be naive! We, in Central and Eastern Europe, are not naive, we know history. But others should be aware of a very
simple fact: the best way to stop Putin is to give Ukraine everything it needs.
During the war, the divisions are all gone. In Ukraine, ethnic Ukrainians, ethnic Romanians, ethnic Hungarians, ethnic
Belarusians, ethnic Georgians, Moldovans, Russians, they all fight for Ukraine. Some of them, regretfully, die in the war,
in combat, but they understand what they’re fighting for: they’re fighting not only for Ukraine, but for their own
motherlands, for their countries, so that they do not know the tragedy of war. And we respect highly every sacrifice on the
battleground. And the Romanian community in Ukraine, while being an inseparable part of a broader Romanian culture,
they also fight for their motherland, for Ukraine, and this is another element that brings us even closer, us - Ukraine and
Romania.
Now, unspeakable crimes were committed by the Russian army in Ukraine, but unfortunately this is only the tip of the
iceberg of all the crimes committed, especially in Mariupol. Romania and Bogdan personally, have vast experience in
international adjudication, in the prosecution of international crimes, at international level, so, yes, we discussed how we
can use the ICJ - International Court of Justice, the International Criminal Court, to bring Russia to account for everything
it has done, and we will be happy to learn, to work with Romania on this.
I would like, once again, to thank the Romanian Government for embracing Ukrainian refugees. These people could have
been victims of the Russian war crimes, and the fact that you allowed them to come to the country saved the lives of
many of them.
Now, it would be unfair for me not to mention that, of course, I want all of my compatriots to go back to Ukraine, and to
live a new life, and to rebuild the country, and hopefully together we will bring the moment closer to when this will be
possible. But let’s be objective: some of them will stay in Romania and will start a new life here. I would like to assure you
that they will be very committed new members of your society, and the Ukrainian community will fill, will enrich the
Romanian society, and will be another joint between our governments.
Thank you for the readiness of Romania to participate in the post-war reconstruction of Ukraine. We are already thinking
about it, we are already building plans; we already have a picture of the new Ukraine that will be built. And this new
Ukraine will be a European Ukraine, and the support of Romania in providing Ukraine with candidate status at the
nearest opportunity in the end of June is very much appreciated. This will be a Ukraine that will remain a happy home, a
home for many ethnicities and nationalities, and this will be a Ukraine that will, together with friends and partners like
Romania and other countries, ensure safety and security of the entire Black Sea region.
The final words that I want to use are the following: Please, have no doubts, we will prevail!
But to make this happen rather sooner than later, we need to continue working on all fronts, on every issue, in the fastest
way possible to make sure that Ukraine receives everything that it needs, to make sure that all necessary sanctions are
imposed on Russia, to make sure that Russia is isolated everywhere in the world! We cannot stop; neither we, nor you,
nor anyone else can stop until we all defeat this evil! Thank you!
Ministry of Foreign Affairs Home Page Consultations of Foreign Minister Bogdan Aurescu with Ukrainian Foreign Minister, Dmitry Kuleba Type: Press release Date: 22.04.2022 On Friday, 22 April 2022, Minister of Foreign Affairs Bogdan Aurescu held political consultations with Ukrainian Foreign Minister, Dmitry Kuleba, who is visiting Romania at the invitation of the head of Romanian diplomacy. Minister Dmitry Kuleba's visit to Bucharest took place in the context of Russia's illegal military aggression in Ukraine and the extremely serious security and humanitarian crisis caused by it. Minister Bogdan Aurescu reiterated Romania's firm support for Ukraine's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, as well as for the Ukrainian authorities' efforts to repel Russian aggression. At the same time, the Romanian Head of Delegation also conveyed Romania's firm position condemning Russia's invasion of Ukraine, which is a flagrant violation of international law. At the end of the consultations, Minister Bogdan Aurescu and Minister Dmitry Kuleba made joint press statements, available in video format here: http://www.mae.ro/node/58482. Below is a transcript of the press statements by Foreign Minister Bogdan Aurescu and Ukrainian Foreign Minister, Dmitry Kuleba. Minister of Foreign Affairs Bogdan Aurescu: Welcome to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs! Dear Minister, dear Dmitry, welcome to Bucharest! Welcome to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs again. I'm glad we had the opportunity to meet again, to talk in person during this extremely complicated time. I want to congratulate you from the bottom of my heart for the exceptional work you are doing for the benefit of Ukraine and our common values. We had a very substantial dialogue today, which we will continue after this press conference, a very detailed exchange of views on the serious security and humanitarian crisis in Ukraine caused by Russia's illegal, unprovoked, unjustified and premeditated war on Ukraine. I reiterated Romania's firm support for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, as well as for the heroic efforts of the Ukrainian authorities and Ukrainian citizens to repel Russian aggression, which constitutes a flagrant violation of Russia's international obligations. Neither Romania, nor Ukraine, nor the international community can accept the trampling of the international rule-based order, which would mean the imposition of arbitrariness by force. I also take this opportunity to express my condolences and deep regret for the loss of human lives, for so many human lives that have been lost in this illegal aggression, for the massive property destruction in Ukraine, which has a profoundly negative impact on the life of Ukrainian society. The human dramas, the horrors, the suffering that the Ukrainian people are going through have left us, along with the whole world, in a state of grief. We stand with the Ukrainian people. Dear Dmitry, all those who have been killed in Ukraine are, in fact, our brothers and sisters, our parents and our children. That is why atrocities and war crimes, crimes against humanity, crimes of genocide cannot go unpunished, and Romania actively supports the efforts of the international community to investigate these violations of international law, of human rights, of international humanitarian law. As you know, the Romanian Government has decided to make a voluntary financial contribution to the International Criminal Court to support the investigation in Ukraine. We have also reacted promptly and consistently since the beginning of the Russian invasion with numerous measures to provide shelter and assistance to Ukrainian refugees, for whom the Russian aggression has had dramatic effects. So far, more than 800,000 Ukrainian refugees have entered our country. The assistance provided to these people, including those who have remained on Romanian territory, has been worth more than 63 million euros, consisting of free access to medical services, education - more than 1600 children are already registered in the Romanian system, students are admitted to Romanian universities -, support measures for children in special Annex 4
translation
circumstances, free transport on Romanian territory, opening of the labor market - more than 2000 Ukrainian citizens
are already employed in Romania after the beginning of the invasion.
I would like to assure you, Minister, dear Dmitry, that all Ukrainian citizens who are refugees in Romania are and will
be treated properly, will have the chance to continue their normal life under the given circumstances, until the
conditions allow their safe return to Ukraine. I must mention and welcome once again the extraordinary solidarity and
hospitality of Romanian citizens, who have supported the refugees who arrived in Romania, as well as those who
remained in Ukraine, since the first moments of the conflict. The government platform, which was created for this
purpose, contains more than 9,200 support initiatives from civil society. We have also sent several tranches of
humanitarian aid, fuel, medicines, food. I would like to mention here several support packages: that of 28 February,
EUR 3.4 million, that of 16 March, EUR 2.3 million, the donation of 11 ambulances which was completed this week
and others. The humanitarian hub in Suceava, which has been operational since 9 March, also ensures the constant
provision of international support to Ukraine, with over 31 humanitarian convoys currently passing through it, about
162 trucks from many European countries - Italy, France, Bulgaria, Austria, Slovenia, Cyprus, Romania and others.
Ukraine has to win this war and I am convinced that it will.
Then the reconstruction process will follow, once the conflict is over. In this reconstruction process, which will be a
long-lasting one, the whole international community will have to provide support and I assure my colleague that
Romania is ready to be part of this sustained effort.
I would also like to take this opportunity to congratulate Ukraine on its submission of the reply to the first part of the
questionnaire for accession to the European Union and I would like to reiterate, also on this occasion, Romania's
extremely strong support for Ukraine's European aspirations, for the recognition of the European perspective of this
friendly and neighboring state. I have constantly stated and argued at European Union level, both at meetings of
heads of state and government and at meetings of foreign ministers, which I have attended, that the European Union
must show leadership and courage in order to give Ukraine, as well as the Republic of Moldova and Georgia, the
signal they are waiting for - namely that they are entitled to be full members of the European Union.
I am also pleased to welcome the fact that today the Republic of Moldova has also submitted its reply to the first part
of the accession questionnaire.
At the same time, we know from our own experience that the path to accession is a complicated one which requires a
lot of efforts and reforms. We will continue to actively support, as necessary, Ukraine throughout this complex and
laborious process.
We also discussed the opening of the Romanian Embassy in Kiev, we reported on the decision we had taken - at the
time we announced Romania's approach, eight missions of the European Union Member States were already open in
Kiev. I hope that the preparations will be completed as soon as possible and that we will be able to resume our work
in the Ukrainian capital.
We also discussed increasing physical connectivity between our states. We discussed the opening of new border
checkpoints, because we need more connectivity between us, to facilitate the flow of people, the flow of goods, and it
shows the role that, for example, the Isaccea border crossing point has played for the movement of war-affected
Ukrainian citizens to Romania.
We have also taken measures to facilitate Ukraine's trade with other countries - for example, temporary liberalization
of transport by Ukrainian operators on Romanian territory - a decision adopted on 5 April. We also discussed
cooperation on energy security and I am pleased to welcome Ukraine's connection to the European electricity grid on
16 March.
We also discussed the fact that the strong ties between our countries stem also from our related minorities. We
highlighted the exemplary role of ethnic Romanians in Ukraine, who supported the joint effort to defend the Ukrainian
state. We will continue to deal with the problems of the Romanian and Ukrainian communities in Romania and
Ukraine respectively and I am convinced that we will solve all their problems.
I will conclude here. I express once again my conviction that, through our joint effort, we can bring our bilateral
relations to a new level, to build a model of cooperation in this part of Europe. I know from the very close relationship
we have, and which we have built up over the last few years, that there are not only prospects, but certainties in this
respect. And this very complex period, of war, of aggression, of human suffering, has only brought our societies, our
citizens, closer together.
Dear Dmitry, please.
Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, Dmitry Kuleba:
Thank you, Bogdan! I really appreciate that you agreed to receive me on the Eve of Easter, as your Prime Minister
and your Minister of Defense did. This is yet another example of the real, sincere friendship that we have between
Ukraine and Romania.
When it comes to the substance, you almost stole all of my speaking points, I can only subscribe to what Bogdan just
said, on all accounts. Let me say just a couple of points, in addition to that.
Every time President Putin tries to stop Ukraine in its development, in its European integration, the only result that he
achieves is the speeding up of this process. To my and our deepest regret, every such attempt by Putin comes at a
price for Ukraine. But what is happening now is not only another attempt of Russia to maintain its influence in this part
of Europe, in the Black Sea region, not only the attempt to stop Ukraine, it’s also the final battle. The final battle for
the right of all European nations - and it’s not only about Ukraine, it’s also about Georgia, about Moldova, about all
countries in the Black Sea region - it’s our common final battle for the opportunity to live in peace, in prosperity, as
part of a whole and free Europe. And I have no doubts, and I appreciate that Bogdan doesn’t have any doubts either,
that we will win this battle! Ukraine will prevail!
And there are two components which are necessary for us to prevail. The first one is the Ukrainian stamina and
courage. The second one is friends, friends who stand by Ukraine in practical terms, who support providing Ukraine
with all necessary equipment, who support more sanctions against Russia, who embrace Ukrainian refugees, giving
the chance for husbands, fathers and brothers to fight against Russia, knowing that their mothers, sisters, and
children are in safety and taken care of. As long as these two ingredients are in place, the victory is getting closer and
closer.
And I would like to commend the Government of Romania for shaping a very smart policy, since the beginning of
aggression, to provide, to stand by Ukraine.
We all share the Black Sea and this war, as I said, is also about the future of the Black Sea region. Our security is
your security. You are helping us, you are also helping yourself. The fair deal that Ukraine offers to the world is
simple: you give us everything that we need to fight and to win, and we, in return, contain Putin in Ukraine and defeat
him there, so that he doesn’t dare to test Article 5 of NATO, and doesn’t try to expand further his aggression.
Those in Europe, who believe that this is just a Ukraine - Russia war and Putin will never dare to test Article 5,
shouldn’t be naive! We, in Central and Eastern Europe, are not naive, we know history. But others should be aware
of a very simple fact: the best way to stop Putin is to give Ukraine everything it needs.
During the war, the divisions are all gone. In Ukraine, ethnic Ukrainians, ethnic Romanians, ethnic Hungarians, ethnic
Belarusians, ethnic Georgians, Moldovans, Russians, they all fight for Ukraine. Some of them, regretfully, die in the
war, in combat, but they understand what they’re fighting for: they’re fighting not only for Ukraine, but for their own
motherlands, for their countries, so that they do not know the tragedy of war. And we respect highly every sacrifice on
the battleground. And the Romanian community in Ukraine, while being an inseparable part of a broader Romanian
culture, they also fight for their motherland, for Ukraine, and this is another element that brings us even closer, us -
Ukraine and Romania.
Now, unspeakable crimes were committed by the Russian army in Ukraine, but unfortunately this is only the tip of the
iceberg of all the crimes committed, especially in Mariupol. Romania and Bogdan personally, have vast experience in
international adjudication, in the prosecution of international crimes, at international level, so, yes, we discussed how
we can use the ICJ - International Court of Justice, the International Criminal Court, to bring Russia to account for
everything it has done, and we will be happy to learn, to work with Romania on this.
I would like, once again, to thank the Romanian Government for embracing Ukrainian refugees. These people could
have been victims of the Russian war crimes, and the fact that you allowed them to come to the country saved the
lives of many of them.
Now, it would be unfair for me not to mention that, of course, I want all of my compatriots to go back to Ukraine, and
to live a new life, and to rebuild the country, and hopefully together we will bring the moment closer to when this will
be possible. But let’s be objective: some of them will stay in Romania and will start a new life here. I would like to
assure you that they will be very committed new members of your society, and the Ukrainian community will fill, will
enrich the Romanian society, and will be another joint between our governments.
Thank you for the readiness of Romania to participate in the post-war reconstruction of Ukraine. We are already
thinking about it, we are already building plans; we already have a picture of the new Ukraine that will be built. And
this new Ukraine will be a European Ukraine, and the support of Romania in providing Ukraine with candidate status
at the nearest opportunity in the end of June is very much appreciated. This will be a Ukraine that will remain a happy
home, a home for many ethnicities and nationalities, and this will be a Ukraine that will, together with friends and
partners like Romania and other countries, ensure safety and security of the entire Black Sea region.
The final words that I want to use are the following: Please, have no doubts, we will prevail!
But to make this happen rather sooner than later, we need to continue working on all fronts, on every issue, in the
fastest way possible to make sure that Ukraine receives everything that it needs, to make sure that all necessary
sanctions are imposed on Russia, to make sure that Russia is isolated everywhere in the world! We cannot stop;
neither we, nor you, nor anyone else can stop until we all defeat this evil! Thank you!
© Copyright 2008 MFA. All rights reserved.
16.10.2022, 21:31 Lithuania formally intervenes in a case at the International Court of Justice | Ministry of Justice of the Republic of Lithuania
https://tm.lrv.lt/en/news/lithuania-formally-intervenes-in-a-case-at-the-international-court-of-justice 1/3
My GovernmentMinistry of Justice of the Republic of LithuaniaFollowing Lithuania's formal application to intervene in the case Ukraine v. Russia at theInternational Court of Justice (ICJ), the Minister of Justice Ewelina Dobrowolska stressed at apress conference that this step is particularly important because in this case charges are madeagainst Russia, i.e., against the state but not against its individual citizens. According to Ms Dobrowolska, if Russia is held liable in this case, this fact would allow Ukraine toclaim damages which is, among others, Ukraine's most important expectation that the UkrainianMinister of Justice has been raising in all international formats. The funds received asLithuania formally intervenes in a case at the InternationalCourt of JusticeDate2022 09 13Rating0BDAR
Annex 5
16.10.2022, 21:31 Lithuania formally intervenes in a case at the International Court of Justice | Ministry of Justice of the Republic of Lithuania
https://tm.lrv.lt/en/news/lithuania-formally-intervenes-in-a-case-at-the-international-court-of-justice 2/3
compensation would help Ukrainians not only to rebuild the country but also to continue to
defend its freedom, sovereignty and democracy.
The Minister stressed that Lithuania is the first country to take legal aid initiatives to help Ukraine
in order to ensure that justice is not delayed.
The Vice Minister of Justice Gabija Grigaitė-Daugirdė noted at the press conference that
Lithuanian lawyers are working hand-in-hand with Ukrainian lawyers seeking to strengthen
Ukraine's legal struggle, to express support and to prove once again that the solutions of
international law do exist; however, it is important to mobilize efforts and make use of these
solutions without delay.
The Vice-Minister stressed that under international law, the International Court of Justice is the
only institution that can address issues concerning responsibility of a state.
„All members of the United Nations are bound by the decisions of this Court, so it is very
important that non-compliance with these decisions could be addressed by the United Nations
Security Council or the General Assembly; this raises hopes that Russia's responsibility for the
violation of international law will be established and that reparation for the damage done to
Ukraine will be guaranteed", - said Ms Grigaitė-Daugirdė.
As many as 43 European states and world powers as well as the entire EU have expressed their
intention to intervene in this case at the International Court of Justice thus condemning Russia's
military aggression and the international crimes Russia has committed.
In this case, Ukraine also asked the Court to establish interim measures, and on 16 March 2022,
the Court issued an order whereby it ordered to immediately cease the hostilities committed by
military units that are under the direct or indirect control of Russia. Failure to comply with this
judgment is a violation of international law.
War crimes and crimes against humanity committed by Russia are also investigated by the
International Criminal Court. Lithuania has proposed to the international community to consider
establishment of a Special Tribunal on Russia's aggression against Ukraine.
Also read
BDAR
14.10.2022, 15:49 NZ to join International Court of Justice case against Russia | Beehive.govt.nz
https://www.beehive.govt.nz/release/nz-join-international-court-justice-case-against-russia 1/3
Releases (/releases)30 JUNE 2022NZ to join International Court of Justice caseagainst RussiaHON DAVID PARKER(/MINISTER/HON-DAVID-PARKER)HON NANAIA MAHUTA(/MINISTER/HON-NANAIA-MAHUTA)Attorney-General (/portfolio/labour-2020-2023/attorney-general)Foreign Affairs (/portfolio/labour-2020-2023/foreign-affairs)Aotearoa New Zealand will join Ukraine’s case against Russia at the International Court of Justice (ICJ),which challenges Russia’s spurious attempt to justify its invasion under international law.Ukraine filed a case at the ICJ (https://www.icj-cij.org/en/case/182) in February arguing Russia hasfalsely claimed genocide had occurred in Luhansk and Donetsk regions, as a prelude to its so-called‘special military operation’. Ukraine emphatically denies a genocide has occurred. Attorney-General David Parker and Foreign Affairs Minister Nanaia Mahuta announced the governmenthas agreed to formally intervene as a third party in the case at the ICJ, the United Nations principaljudicial body based in The Hague.“As a party to the Genocide Convention and a strong defender of the international rules-based system,New Zealand has a real interest in ensuring the Genocide Convention is properly interpreted andapplied. Disputes between states should be resolved by peaceful means, including through the ICJ, andnot by the illegal use of force,” David Parker said.“Intervention enables a country that is not a party to the case to put its legal views before the court,”said Nanaia Mahuta.SHARE THIS
Annex 6
14.10.2022, 15:49 NZ to join International Court of Justice case against Russia | Beehive.govt.nz
https://www.beehive.govt.nz/release/nz-join-international-court-justice-case-against-russia 2/3
“Aotearoa New Zealand has only taken such action at the ICJ once before, in Australia’s 2012 case
against Japanese whaling in the Southern Ocean.
“Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine and disingenuous attempt to justify it under the Genocide
Convention is a significant threat to basic principles of international law, the United Nations Charter
and the rules-based international system on which New Zealand strongly relies.
“We are profoundly concerned about the loss of life and human suffering in Ukraine as a result of
Putin’s illegal invasion, and seek to emphasise that all countries must uphold the rules of international
law and the purpose and principles of the United Nations Charter.
“Aotearoa New Zealand is prepared to play its part in assisting Ukraine and has already done so
through a range of diplomatic, military and economic measures,” Nanaia Mahuta said.
Notes
An intervention would include making written and possibly oral submissions to ensure Aotearoa
New Zealand’s views on the proper interpretation and use of the Genocide Convention are on the
record.
Third Party Interventions will be filed after Ukraine files its substantive case, which is due by 23
September 2022. Ukraine’s case seeks to establish that no acts of genocide occurred in Luhansk and
Donetsk and that Russia has no lawful basis to its invasion.
Aotearoa New Zealand recently joined a Canada-led statement (https://www.canada.ca/en/globalaffairs/
news/2022/05/joint-statement-on-ukraines-application-against-russia-at-the-internationalcourt-
of-justice.html) along with more than 40 other countries which indicated those countries would
all consider the possibility of making a third party intervention to support Ukraine.
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Republic of Poland
 Back
Poland filed a declaration of intervention to the
International Court of Justice in Ukraine’s case
against Russia
 16.09.2022
On 15 September 2022, Poland filed a declaration of intervention to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in
Ukraine’s case against the Russian Federation over allegations of genocide under the 1948 UN Convention
on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Ukraine v. the Russian Federation).
With this act, Poland has joined – for the first time in its post-war history – contentious proceedings before the ICJ.
The declaration is part of Poland’s consistent policy of firmly condemning all unlawful actions by Russia and is an
expression of our support and solidarity for Ukraine. It complements other actions the Republic of Poland is
currently taking in this area, including referral of crimes committed in Ukraine to the International Criminal Court
and a request for intervention in the Ukrainian-Russian dispute before the European Court of Human Rights,
among others.
Poland’s intervention with the ICJ, in keeping with the formal requirements set out in Article 63 of the ICJ Statute,
concerns the interpretation of the Genocide Convention, in particular Articles I and IX. With reference to Article IX,
the Polish side stressed that this provision also applies to disputes in which a request is made that the ICJ declare
that the Convention has not been violated. Thus, if one state accuses another of genocide, the latter may ask the ICJ
to declare that the accusation is factually and legally unfounded. With reference to Article I, the Polish side
emphasized that unilateral and groundless accusations of genocide constitute an abuse of the Convention contrary
to its letter and spirit, and that the Convention requires that measures to prevent and punish the crime of genocide
be consistent with international law.
As of 15 September, apart from Poland, relevant declarations of intervention have been made by (in chronological
order) Latvia, Lithuania, New Zealand, Great Britain, the Federal Republic of Germany, the United States, Sweden,
Romania and France. The full text of the Polish intervention is available on the ICJ website: https://www.icj-cij.org
/en/case/182/intervention
Łukasz Jasina
MFA Spokesperson
Ministry of Foreign Affairs Republic of Poland
ADDRESS
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Poland filed a declaration of intervention to the International Court of ...https://www.gov.pl/web/diplomacy/poland-filed-a-declaration-of-inter...
1 of 2 10/12/2022, 9:38 PM
Annex 7
Published 09 September 2022
Press release from Ministry for Foreign Affairs
Swweeddeenn ppaarrttiicciippaattiinngg iinn ttwwoo
coouurrtt ccaasseess ccoonncceerrnniinngg tthhee wwaarr
inn UUkkrraaiinnee
Sweden has chosen to intervene (participate) in two court
cases concerning Russia’s responsibility for violations of
international law. A case between Ukraine and Russia on
allegations of genocide is pending before the International
Court of Justice in The Hague. At the same time, the
European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg is hearing
an inter-state case against Russia concerning serious
violations of human rights during the war in Ukraine.
“Accountability for crimes committed in connection with Russia’s
aggression against Ukraine is a high priority for Sweden. Sweden has
therefore chosen to participate in several of the court cases currently
pending to hold Russia accountable,” says Minister for Foreign Affairs
Ann Linde.
Sweden is a party to the Genocide Convention and has chosen to
participate in the case brought by Ukraine against Russia in the
International Court of Justice earlier this year. A declaration of
intervention submitted to the Court today sets out Sweden’s view on
the questions of interpretation raised in the case.
The inter-state case before the European Court concerns widespread
and serious violations of human rights during the war in Ukraine. A
key question in the case is the extent to which Russia can be held
Sweden participating in two court cases concerning the war in Ukrain...https://www.government.se/press-releases/2022/09/sweden-participati...
1 of 2 10/12/2022, 9:42 PM
Annex 8
legally responsible under the European Convention on Human Rights
for events on Ukrainian territory. Yesterday, the Government decided
that Sweden should request leave to intervene in the case as a third
party.
In both cases, Sweden will put forward positions that are in line with
those of Ukraine. For Sweden, it is of fundamental importance that
international law is respected, that accountability for acts of
aggression is ensured and that any potential war crimes are
investigated. Deliberate attacks on civilians and civilian objects are
contrary to the laws of war. Human rights and fundamental freedoms
apply even in wartime and must always be protected.
Press contact
Adriana Haxhimustafa
Press Secretary to the Minister for Foreign Affairs Ann Linde
Phone (switchboard) +46 8 405 10 00
Mobile +46 76 117 32 60
 email to Adriana Haxhimustafa, via senior registry clerk
Sweden participating in two court cases concerning the war in Ukrain... https://www.government.se/press-releases/2022/09/sweden-participati...
2 of 2 10/12/2022, 9:42 PM
Justin Trudeau
@JustinTrudeau
Officiel du gouvernement - Canada
Canada supports Ukraine’s application against Russia
before the International Court of Justice. We have been
very clear: We stand with Ukraine, and with the brave
women and men who are fighting to defend its
sovereignty and territorial integrity. bit.ly/3MEUjnh
Володимир Зеленський @ZelenskyyUa · May 20
Ukraine government official
42 states took Ukraine’s side in the case against Russia at the International Court
of Justice and intend to join the proceedings. Grateful to partners who chose the
right side of history. The side of truth, international law, and justice. Together,
we'll hold Russia accountable.
11:18 PM · May 20, 2022 · Twitter for iPhone
291 Retweets 31 Quote Tweets 1,743 Likes
Tweet your reply Reply
Justin Trudeau @JustinT · rudeau May 20
Officiel du gouvernement - Canada
Replying to @JustinTrudeau
To make sure they have the resources they need, and to help stabilize the
Ukrainian economy, we’ve announced additional financial support for
Ukraine. This is in addition to the military assistance and humanitarian aid
we’re providing. bit.ly/3Pwfqdj
216 101 687
Justin Trudeau @JustinT · rudeau May 20
Officiel du gouvernement - Canada
We’ve also imposed sanctions on 14 additional individuals who have directly
enabled this war and must be held to account. On top of that, we’ve banned
the export of targeted luxury goods to Russia, and the import of targeted
luxury goods from Russia. bit.ly/3wtXEjn
Thread
Justin Trudeau on Twitter: "Canada supports Ukraine’s application aga...https://twitter.com/justintrudeau/status/1527745602611814400?lang=en
1 of 4 10/16/2022, 9:34 PM
Annex 9
14.10.2022, 16:04 99/03/30 Daily Press Briefing
https://1997-2001.state.gov/briefings/9903/990330db.html 1/13
Other State Department Archive Sites
The State Department web site below is a permanent electronic archive of information released online from January 1, 1997 to
January 20, 2001. Please see www.state.gov for current material from the Department of State. Or visit http://2001-
2009.state.gov for information from that period. Archive sites are not updated, so external links may no longer function. Contact
us with any questions about finding information. NOTE: External links to other Internet sites should not be construed as an
endorsement of the views contained therein.
Great Seal
U.S. Department of State
Daily Press Briefing
INDEX
TUESDAY, MARCH 30, 1999
Briefer: JAMES P. RUBIN
SERBIA (KOSOVO)
STATEMENT
1,6 Secretary's call to Montenegro's President
1 Prime Minister Primakov's trip to Belgrade
2,4 Milosevic's proposal / Rambouillet Status
2,8-9,12 Genocide unfolding in Kosovo
3,10 Overthrowing of Montenegro Government
3,4,5 Reports of atrocities / Assassination of ethnic
Albanians
5,13,14 Status of Kosovar Liberation Army / Crimes against
humanity
MONTENEGRO
10,11 Toppling of the Government / Autonomy from
Belgrade
ALBANIA
11,12 Number of Refugees / Aid to Refugees
CROATIA
Annex 10
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12 Visit of Foreign Minister Granic
MACEDONIA
7,12 Inflow of Refugee
BOSNIA/KOSOVO
13 Similarities and Differences
MIDDLE EAST
PEACE PROCESS
15,16 Implementation/Commitments of the Wye River
Memorandum
16 Closure of Offices
CAMBODIA
17 Khmer Rouge Leaders / Cut off of US Aid
NORTH KOREA
17-19 US-DPRK Missile Talks
18 Agreed framework / Food aid
NIGERIA
19 Readout of Secretary's Meeting with President Elect
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
DAILY PRESS BRIEFING
DPB #40
TUESDAY, MARCH 30, 1999, 2:50 P.M.
(ON THE RECORD UNLESS OTHERWISE NOTED)
MR. RUBIN: Greetings. Welcome to the State Department briefing.
Before addressing the question of the meeting between Prime Minister Primakov and President Milosevic, let me say that
Secretary Albright called to President Djukanovic of Montenegro on March 29 to express her deep concern about the large
inflows of displaced Kosovar citizens and the effects they could have on political, economic and social stability in
Montenegro. She indicated that we will be increasing our humanitarian assistance to Montenegro to help care for displaced
Kosovars. We are also going to work intensively with UNHCR.
She commended President Djukanovic of Montenegro for his steadfast leadership through difficult times, and underscored that
American support for Montenegro is strong and unwavering. She told President Djukanovic that she remains concerned about
a possible attempt by Belgrade to oust his government. Any attempt by Belgrade to overthrow the democratically-elected
government in Montenegro would only fuel wider regional instability, lead to deeper isolation for the Yugoslavian authorities,
and escalate the conflict with NATO.
14.10.2022, 16:04 99/03/30 Daily Press Briefing
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We are focused on preserving democracy and stability in Montenegro and we have worked closely with NATO to exercise
restraint and care in targeting Yugoslav military capabilities in Montenegro. NATO is not conducting air strikes against the
people of Montenegro and Serbia, but against President Milosevic's ability to inflict more human suffering, repression and
violence against the people of Yugoslavia.
With that statement, let me say with regard to the questions all of you have been asking all day with regard to Prime Minister
Primakov's trip to Belgrade, President Clinton spoke to Chancellor Schroeder in the last hour, and Secretary Albright spoke to
Foreign Minister Fischer as well as Foreign Ministers Vedrine and Cook. With respect to the President's call, my
understanding is that the President and the Chancellor indicated that they see eye-to-eye on the need to continue in a
determined fashion NATO's military operations against the brutal forces conducting this crackdown in Kosovo.
With respect to the details of what the Prime Minister received from President Milosevic, let me say that we regard this
suggestion as falling far short of what is necessary in order for NATO to stop its air campaign. We have said what is required.
Clearly, the proposals put forward by President Milosevic fall far short of what we think is necessary. Our position is clear:
Milosevic must halt the offensive against the Kosovar Albanians, withdraw his forces, and embrace a settlement based on the
Rambouillet framework.
QUESTION: Could you give more details on the Milosevic proposal?
MR. RUBIN: As far as I understand it, it's an indication that says he's prepared to pursue a political solution and indicates that
if the bombing stops, then he would be prepared to reduce his forces and talk about a political solution. This is far short of
what we think is necessary. We do appreciate the effort that Prime Minister Primakov made, and any movement towards our
demands would be positive; but we regard this as falling far short.
QUESTION: What's the status of Rambouillet at this stage? I'm thinking specifically of the component which gives the Serbs
sovereignty over the territory and ensures it by giving them control of the border posts. As we know now, their stripping all
expelled refugees of all their papers. So if you have Serbs controlling the border posts, then they'll never come back in.
MR. RUBIN: We do believe that all the refugees must be able to return to Kosovo.
QUESTION: To follow up, does the Rambouillet plan, in that regard, make sense at this stage?
MR. RUBIN: Well, we don't think simply the fact that the Serb authorities have stripped people of their papers is going to
prevent our determination to allow people to return to their homes.
QUESTION: You didn't mention this, but the reports from Europe say that Milosevic suggested a cease-fire. Is that part of
your understanding?
MR. RUBIN: It was unclear to me, in my debriefing of what has been proposed, where exactly a cease-fire does or does not
fit in. But regardless, we regard the proposals as woefully inadequate. They fall far short of what is necessary for NATO to
stop its air campaign.
QUESTION: And on a related subject also, to Milosevic, has this government made a determination whether what is going
on in Kosovo now amounts to genocide?
MR. RUBIN: As I indicated yesterday, and you were here, I said that we have very clear indicators that genocide is unfolding
in Kosovo. We are looking at a mixture of confirmed and unconfirmed reports at this time. But we don't see any need to await
confirmation of genocide; clearly, there are crimes against humanity occurring in Kosovo. Our response to this criminal
activity by Milosevic's forces is taking place right now. The full response we are now embarked upon with our NATO allies is
fully justified by the crimes against humanity we know are being committed.
QUESTION: Did the Secretary speak to Foreign Minister Ivanov; and if so, did she get a more direct idea of what exactly the
proposals are?
MR. RUBIN: As of 3:00 p.m. today, she has not yet spoken to Foreign Minister Ivanov. The meeting just broke a few minutes
ago between Prime Minister Primakov, Foreign Minister Ivanov and Chancellor Schroeder and the German Foreign Minister.
She immediately got on the phone with Foreign Minister Fischer and then spoke as well to Foreign Ministers Vedrine and
Cook. She has not yet spoken to Foreign Minister Ivanov.
The descriptions -- our understanding of this proposal is that they are not based on the demands the international community
has set forth.
QUESTION: Today is like the fourth or fifth time in a row that you've had a strong warning from Milosevic about
Montenegro, and this one seems to be even stronger than the previous ones. Is the US aware of any plot by Milosevic to try
and overthrow the government there?
MR. RUBIN: We have concerns in this regard. We do have information suggesting this is a possibility, and we are determined
to make clear our views about it in advance if it is going to occur.
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QUESTION: Yesterday you said something like, Milosevic is in danger of losing Kosovo; and today the President, as you
know, said that the prospect of international support for Serbia's claim to Kosovo is jeopardized by his current actions. Could
you explain what is being said here?
MR. RUBIN: Yes. The fact of the matter is there are some terrible crimes going on in Kosovo. The Serb authorities are
committing forced expulsions. We have evidence that houses are burning throughout Kosovo. People are being forced out of
their towns and pushed towards the border. We have reports of possible atrocities in many different situations. What has
happened is that through this brutality, the Serb authorities are radicalizing the population of Kosovo and making it all the
more difficult to imagine a circumstance where the peoples can begin to live together again. We're not saying that's not
possible. But clearly the radicalization grows with each atrocity and each brutality the Serbs conduct.
QUESTION: Does that also mean that the United States may not feel as strongly about opposing Kosovo's independence and
keeping it within Serbia as a result of these actions?
MR. RUBIN: Our position on independence has not changed.
QUESTION: You are talking about all the refugees have to be returned to Kosovo; but according to all wire reports, all the
houses, the villages burned by the Serb's forces. If they return to Kosovo, they don't have any sanctuary.
MR. RUBIN: Well, what we have said is that the Serb forces have to withdraw; the Serbs have to pursue a peace settlement
based on the framework of Rambouillet. There were 250,000 displaced persons last fall. When the situation improved, they
were able to return to their homes. What we're saying is we're determined that they will be able to return to their homes.
QUESTION: I wonder if you can help me with the middle ground between two of your responses. You say that the
population of Kosovo may become so radicalized that it would no longer be able to tolerate control by Serbia; yet, at the same
time, the United States does not support independence. Is there something in between there that you are leaning towards that
you could tell us about?
MR. RUBIN: No.
QUESTION: They seem to be contradictory. How do you square that?
MR. RUBIN: There is something in between.
QUESTION: There have been reports out of Europe that some of the ethnic Albanians involved with the peace process have
been assassinated and are even being targeted. Do you know if there is anything like a hit list, or are these people just being
picked up in the general sweeps that are going on; and what are we doing about it?
MR. RUBIN: Well, obviously, we're getting a lot of reports of these kinds of assassinations and target lists. It's very difficult
to confirm each one of those reports. We've had some conflicting reports, for example, on the status of Mr. Agani in the last
24-hours and others. Clearly, there are people being killed in Kosovo for who they are and their ethnicity and their moderate
position and their role as intellectuals and others. That is clearly going on.
We are continuing, as I think the Pentagon indicated, an air campaign that is now increasingly focused on a wider range of
targets, including the capabilities to conduct these kinds of crackdowns and interfering and disrupting the ability of the Serb
forces to conduct these crackdowns. As far as these types of crimes are concerned, we are collecting and will continue to
collect all the evidence we can to make sure that those responsible are brought to justice. And we are going to share that
information with the War Crimes Tribunal.
QUESTION: Jamie, yesterday you said that the ambassador had talked to Thaci. Has she talked to him?
MR. RUBIN: The Secretary.
QUESTION: Right, I'm sorry. You said that the Secretary had talked to Thaci the day before. Has she talked to him again?
MR. RUBIN: No, he called into the Department today and he provided another chilling account of what's going on in
Kosovo. He basically indicated that the situation is worse today than it was yesterday.
QUESTION: Could you elaborate on that -- why it is worse, how it is worse?
MR. RUBIN: He said that the killing is more widespread; that there is shelling of a whole series of towns; that the Kosovar
Liberation Army is doing the best it can under the circumstances but that it's becoming increasingly difficult. He indicated that
people were being held in the soccer stadium in Pristina; that people were being held in two other locations; that several
thousand people who had been evacuated from a particular town, whose name I don't have in front of me, are missing; and a
number of other reports of that nature.
QUESTION: Are you able to confirm any of these reports, like the people being held in the soccer stadium, which would be
an open target, I presume?
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MR. RUBIN: We've heard a lot of reports of that. I'm not able to confirm it. What I am able to confirm is that there is
widespread fires in Kosovo in many different towns, and the refugee flows we're able to confirm on our own. But as far as that
particularly incident, I'm not.
QUESTION: You dismissed what Milosevic offered through Primakov as woefully inadequate and falling far short, and you
restated what seems to be the standing US position without any wavering in it. However, did anything occur on the edges of
this situation? Has Primakov made any headway to start any sort of a helpful or constructive dialogue? Is there any room, do
you see any give at all in Milosevic's position; or is this a one-shot deal that is flatly off the mark?
MR. RUBIN: I wouldn't rule out efforts to continue to convince President Milosevic to reverse course. We're not going to
dissuade people from doing so, if he really will reverse course. But what I've said is that the position as we understand it is
woefully inadequate; it falls far short.
QUESTION: Do you know if the Russians have said whether they will make an effort?
MR. RUBIN: I don't have any information on their intentions.
QUESTION: I mean, they didn't tell the US they would?
MR. RUBIN: Oh, she hasn't spoken to Foreign Minister Ivanov yet today.
QUESTION: Primakov has a history of freelancing when on these diplomatic missions. Is there any indication that he did
come up with any ideas of his own, other than the message he was supposed to deliver?
MR. RUBIN: Well, he wasn't going at our behest, so he wasn't delivering our message. As I indicated yesterday, the United
States and Russia have very different views about the appropriateness of the use of force. So I don't expect him to have gone
in there and made the case that we would have made for why the use of force is justified.
Primakov and Foreign Minister Ivanov were well aware of the West's and NATO's position with regard to what President
Milosevic needs to do to reverse course. The proposal that President Milosevic proffered falls well short of that.
QUESTION: Given the history of fairly good relations between the United States and Russia, would you have expected
Prime Minister Primakov to at least telephone some official in this country before he went to Germany or after he went to
Germany? What do you make of this extended pregnant period of time before the Russians contact you, and the Secretary's
inability to get a hold of Ivanov?
MR. RUBIN: Well, I didn't say she was trying to get a hold of Ivanov, so that information you suggest is incorrect.
Let me say this -- Secretary Albright has been in regular contact with Foreign Minister Ivanov in the last couple of days. She
spoke to him yesterday; she spoke to him the day before yesterday; and she spoke to him on Friday. So we've been in regular
contact with Foreign Minister Ivanov. As I indicated to you, the meetings just took place with Foreign Minister Fischer and
Chancellor Schroeder just in the last hour and a half. Foreign Minister Ivanov was meeting with Prime Minister Primakov and
Chancellor Schroeder and then German Foreign Minister Fischer called her immediately afterwards. So we got a read-out
through that mechanism. I don't think the Russians had any doubt that the first person that Foreign Minister Fischer was going
to call was going to be Secretary Albright, and I would expect Secretary Albright to be in touch with Foreign Minister Ivanov
shortly.
QUESTION: No ill feelings, then?
QUESTION: During Secretary Albright's conversation with President Djukanovic, did she explain what is viewed by the
Montenegrin people as a contradiction -- on the one hand the United States expressing strong and unwavering support for the
leadership of Montenegro, yet on the other, bombing various sites within that province?
MR. RUBIN: I think the leadership in Montenegro understands there are certain targets -- particularly air defense targets --
that are in Montenegro that we can't responsibly leave off our list. But what we have said is we are exercising restraint and
care in the targeting of FRY military capabilities in Montenegro.
QUESTION: Is Montenegrin leadership to understand that the bombing campaign in Montenegro is not finished as far as
NATO is concerned?
MR. RUBIN: I'm not in a position to specify future targeting.
QUESTION: One other question on Pristina. From the Thaci conversation or anything else, can you say anything more about
what's going on in Pristina? There are some reports that an ethnic cleansing campaign has begun there in a couple of quarters
where they are literally clearing everybody out, all the Albanians out. Do you know anything about that?
MR. RUBIN: Yesterday, Mr. Thaci told the Secretary that Pristina had become kind of a dead city. We have also received
reports since then of people being moved out of certain neighborhoods of Pristina, and we've received some horrible oral
reports about what is going on there.
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QUESTION: It looks like the Macedonians have again restricted the inflow of ethnic Albanians from Kosovo. Does the
United States take a position on this? Are you in favor of completely unrestricted inflows?
MR. RUBIN: Well, we have been working very closely with Macedonia throughout this crisis. There were times when
refugee flows were restricted and then opened, and we obviously want to do all we can and work with the Macedonian
Government to do all we can to make it possible for refugees to be cared for and fed and sheltered.
QUESTION: Have you asked them to --
MR. RUBIN: I don't know what specific direct contact we've had, but we obviously want to be able to work with them in
making it possible for the refugees to be taken care of.
QUESTION: There have been reports that the Serbs are holding back men in Kosovo, not allowing them to leave. But I
believe last night, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, someone from that group, said that some young women -- reports
that young women are being held back as well. Can you elaborate on what you're hearing?
MR. RUBIN: Again, we all, I think, are dealing with the same database of reports, oral reports, that some women are being
held back and possibly raped. I mean, it's all very horrific. I just don't have any confirmation of it.
QUESTION: Can we bring two things into this discussion? The Yeltsin speech, the Yeltsin message to the nation, would
seem to be heavily critical of the Kosovo operation and conciliatory, for instance, on arms control. Is it about what you
expected from the Russian leader; have you had a chance to appraise it? Secondly, this is, I guess, a question for a therapist
but if you could indulge the question, is there any size-up here of why Milosevic offered what he offered? Is he beginning to
feel the pain, or is he playing some game where he will move back about a quarter of an inch if he can get the bombings
stopped? What is he up to, do you suppose?
MR. RUBIN: Well, I'm neither a psychiatrist nor a criminal psychiatrist. Let me say that it's not possible for me to ascertain
what his motivations are. The fact of the matter is that the Serbs know precisely what they need to do, and they know how to
go about doing it. If they choose to reverse course, then NATO's bombing campaign will stop.
With respect to President Yeltsin, he also indicated that Russia did not have any intention of being dragged into this conflict.
He indicated there were certain things they were going to continue to work with the United States and the West on -- certain
things that they fundamentally disagreed with. It's much like my answer to someone's question yesterday about our views
about the effect this is having on the US-Russian relationship. That is very simple: we fundamentally disagree about the
question of whether we should have stood idly by and watched, by doing nothing, when President Milosevic and his military
and police forces conducted this massive crackdown on Kosovo.
We think that NATO did the right thing by making sure that Milosevic and his forces pay a heavy price for this kind of
brutality and barbarism. The Russians have a different view. Meanwhile, we have common interests on arms control, on
highly enriched uranium agreement that was worked on, on the Conventional Forces in Europe Treaty. As you know, the IMF
Director was in Moscow yesterday, working on economic matters. So we will continue to work together where we can and try
to overcome the differences where they exist. They clearly exist on this subject.
QUESTION: Jamie, when you say that NATO and the United States expects Milosevic to agree to a cease-fire, withdraw his
troops and embrace the settlement of the Rambouillet framework, are we to understand that to include NATO-led
implementation force and, obviously, the cease-fire?
MR. RUBIN: Well, our view hasn't changed on this. In the absence of an implementation force, we have no reason to believe
that any agreement would work; because in the past, President Milosevic has not implemented agreements that did not have an
implementation force to ensure that they were implemented.
QUESTION: The rhetoric coming out of NATO in Brussels seems to be getting harsher. Yesterday it was, this is compared to
possibly the greatest humanitarian catastrophe since the end of the Second World War. Today it's being likened to 1975 and
Cambodia. Does the State Department or the US share specifically these analogies that are being made in Brussels?
MR. RUBIN: Well, I don't want to comment on every comment a spokesman makes in another part of the world. Let me say
that clearly some terrible, terrible things are going on in Kosovo. We're talking about forced expulsions; we're talking about
rape; we're talking about mass murder; we're talking about hundreds of thousands of people being moved out of their homes.
It's a terrible, terrible thing. Crimes against humanity are occurring, and there are indications that genocide is occurring. There
is no need to compare it.
QUESTION: You used genocide -- indicators of genocide yesterday. The White House spokesman, when asked about it, said
he'd like to look into it; it has legal implications. Today he said exactly what you said yesterday. It's a term of art but also a
legal term. Is there any serious analysis being made within the Administration if this indeed is genocide under international
law? Because if it is, there are all sorts of implications.
MR. RUBIN: Let me say we have been and are taking significant action through NATO right now to confront the criminal
conduct of the Yugoslav Army and police in Kosovo as a result of the campaign that's going on.
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Declaring it genocide wouldn't change our determination to continue to pursue action through NATO.
I fear for my legal hide.
QUESTION: No, you used the phrase "mass murder," and Strobe Talbott, in The New York Times this morning used a
phrase, "frenzied slaughter." It implies that you actually have some examples, some facts that you haven't quite maybe given
us all the --
MR. RUBIN: Well, I've given you as much information as I can, Roy. I will continue, during my briefings, to provide you as
much information as I can in this forum. We are making judgments based on a variety of reporting, a variety of our own
information; and we have come to the conclusion that crimes against humanity are occurring.
QUESTION: Jamie, to just follow up on that earlier point, you say you're taking action within NATO. What do you mean by
that?
MR. RUBIN: The air strikes that are being conducted every day, the determination we have to see this air campaign through
to the end.
QUESTION: In terms of using any sort of prosecutorial means to go after Milosevic or any other members of the Serb
leadership, are you doing anything --
MR. RUBIN: No, I think you're mixing apples and oranges there. What I'm saying is that the fact that we know crimes
against humanity are occurring has caused us to take military action against the Serbs in a massive air campaign that we're
determined to see through the end. Whether or not the formal definition of genocide has been met, there are indicators that
genocide is occurring, and our reaction would be the same.
As far as the criminal aspect of this is concerned, let me say this -- we are determined to use all of our available resources to
try to determine what's going on there, to try to find the evidence and to make that evidence available so that those who are
conducting this criminal campaign are brought to justice.
QUESTION: Do you know what the legal implications are of a finding of genocide?
MR. RUBIN: My understanding is it would be no different than what we're doing right now, which is conducting military
operations against the Serbs in Kosovo.
QUESTION: No, no (inaudible) prosecution. The United States took a long time subscribing to the concept of genocide
because isolationists felt it would involve the United States in all sorts of international disputes that maybe the US would have
a different view of. So if it's genocide, that means the US is obliged by treaty to support, as you said, war crimes, et cetera. It's
more than just bombing the Serbs.
MR. RUBIN: It's also to take action, and we are taking action. Our legal scholar in the second row has nodded his head, so I
feel much better.
QUESTION: Going back to October '98 and the Holbrooke-brokered truce, up until the start of the bombing, the human
rights groups list several hundred people, a number of incidents -- several hundred horrific incidents where approximately 200
or 300 people were killed. Since the bombing began, you've got mass displacement, hundreds of people being killed and so on
and so forth. Is there any concern that the NATO cure is worse than the problem to begin with?
MR. RUBIN: We think it would perverse in the extreme to blame NATO for the conduct and barbarity of President
Milosevic's forces. This campaign has been going on for 14 months. There are thousands of people that died over the last year;
hundreds of thousands that were forced from their homes. In January of this year, there was a massacre at Racak. We had
every reason to believe that President Milosevic had both the intent and the capability to conduct offensive operations during
the very time we were negotiating in France. Prior to the NATO air strikes, this offensive operation began.
Has it intensified? Yes, it's intensified. The difference now between now and the last 14 months is that President Milosevic's
forces are going to pay a heavy, heavy price for their intent and their capability to conduct this kind of crackdown.
QUESTION: Did the North Atlantic Council today reach any consensus on approving a third phase for the air campaign?
MR. RUBIN: I don't want to get into phases. I believe agreement was reached, but you would have to check with NATO.
QUESTION: Can we go back to Montenegro for a second? Two questions -- you said that there are indications that Milosevic
might be trying to topple the government there?
MR. RUBIN: Over the last couple of years, there's been many indications that he has worked with certain allies in
Montenegro to destabilize President Djukanovic. We have indications in recent days that that is a risk. It justified the Secretary
writing Djukanovic a letter, justified her speaking to him yesterday and making clear the points that I made clear to you.
QUESTION: Okay, just to flesh it out a little more and then to follow up, can you say a little more about these indications?
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MR. RUBIN: No.
QUESTION: Okay. There's also reports out of Montenegro that the Montenegrins have been doing some things
bureaucratically within their government to separate them bureaucratically from Belgrade -- some legal changes, some
parliamentary changes -- that are viewed as quite provocative in Belgrade. Can you talk about that?
MR. RUBIN: Well, all I can say is that we believe that President Djukanovic has been pursuing a democratic program in
Montenegro, and has been trying to disassociate his government from the criminal program that has been pursued by the
Yugoslav authorities in Kosovo. So the fact that Montenegro is taking steps to disassociate itself from the policies that are
being pursued in Kosovo, we regard as a good thing.
QUESTION: Do you think that Montenegro might deserve, perhaps, some sort of greater autonomy from Belgrade?
MR. RUBIN: We haven't changed our position on the status of Montenegro.
QUESTION: I'm not sure I've ever heard your position on the status of Montenegro. Do you have it?
MR. RUBIN: It's on the record and it remains unchanged.
QUESTION: Which record is that?
(Laughter.)
MR. RUBIN: The record we'll provide you after the briefing.
QUESTION: Do you have any refugee counts going into Albania? There have been reports today that it could be up to
100,000.
MR. RUBIN: UNHCR reports an additional 5,000 have fled into Albania since yesterday's reports. This means that some
70,000 refugees have moved into Albania since March 24, bringing the total to over 83,000 refugees. In addition, some 20,000
have moved into Montenegro in the past several days, bringing that total up to approximately 45,000. UNHCR also reports
there are approximately 25,000 refugees in Macedonia, and some 15,000 in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
We continue to work closely with UNHCR and other relief organizations to increase their capacity to respond to the conflict.
Secretary Albright was informed the European countries are going to be taking significant steps in the next couple of days to
assist the refugees. And as you know from the briefing yesterday, we are stepping up our efforts as well.
QUESTION: Do you have anything out of the pledging conference in Geneva?
MR. RUBIN: I have no new information on that.
QUESTION: Is this in addition to the $8.5 million announced on Friday?
MR. RUBIN: As I indicated, as Julia Taft indicated yesterday, there will be reprogramming monies available in addition to
the $8.5 million.
QUESTION: Along the lines of the refugee assistance for Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, whomever, have you gotten any
requests from any of those governments for American troops to help out with refugee assistance?
MR. RUBIN: I'm not aware of that. Let me say that we are going to be putting together a plan to try to assist the refugees as
best we can.
QUESTION: Given the reports of genocide and the war crimes that you say are occurring, how is the United States
encouraging regime change in Belgrade, and are you seeking regime change there?
MR. RUBIN: I have nothing new for you on that. We're conducting a massive air campaign. It's been in operation many days,
and it will continue until either President Milosevic reverses course or the military objectives are met. Secretary Albright has
been very heartened in her discussions with her counterparts that what has happened in the last few days is the images that
have been seen around the world of the terrible brutalities and atrocities of the Serb regime have only redoubled the
determination of NATO's leaders from all 19 countries to continue this air campaign until it's completed.
QUESTION: Could I follow up? Did you anticipate anything like the scale of what has occurred and the need for a NATO
response?
MR. RUBIN: Absolutely. I think we understood completely that the offensive that we expected this spring, knowing of what
happened last fall when 250,000 people were moved out of their homes and put into the hills, that we could be dealing with a
situation of this magnitude.
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QUESTION: Jamie, the Croatian Foreign Minister is coming in to see the Secretary tomorrow. That brings to mind the
Bosnia situation and the apparent lack of spill-over. So it's sort of a two-part question. Is the Secretary is it just he that's
coming, or is the Secretary going to have now consultations with other Foreign Ministers in the region in Washington? And if
Milosevic is keeping his part of the bargain in Bosnia, why do you suppose he is, or is he?
MR. RUBIN: Well, we don't believe Milosevic has been a helpful influence on the situation in Bosnia in recent months; on
the contrary, he's played a negative role in trying to stir up political opposition to the agreement there. Nevertheless, we have
NATO's SFOR force on the ground that is ensuring its implementation and is there to provide a secure environment for the
peace process to work.
The Secretary will meet with Foreign Minister Granic here in Washington. They will meet at the State Department tomorrow
late in the morning. The Secretary plans to review developments in Kosovo and to express appreciation for Croatia's
forthcoming stand on NATO operations there. She will also review US-Croatian relations and discuss issues related to
implementation of the Dayton peace accords.
QUESTION: (Inaudible) -- permission for using their airspace -- have they given permission?
MR. RUBIN: You would have to check that with the Pentagon.
QUESTION: Could I ask another question about the goals, as they now seem to be emerging, of the Milosevic campaign?
One of the often discussed theories is that he may be trying to clear Kosovo -- certainly at least the top third of Kosovo -- and
to resettle that with Serbs and to have the bottom two-thirds either an empty space or whoever is left there. Is there any
indication that you've seen that this is actually his goal, his policy?
MR. RUBIN: As far as what his intentions are, I do not want to make any specific comment. All I can tell you is what we've
seen; and what we've seen is people kicked out of their homes, tens of thousands of people on the move, terrible reports of
atrocities. But I don't want to speculate further.
QUESTION: (Inaudible) -- partition, because this might also be, at the end of the day, if negotiations ever take place, this is
obviously going to be a proposal that people will be making -- to partition Kosovo into a Serb-ethnic --
MR. RUBIN: Our position on basic political configurations in the former Yugoslavia hasn't changed. I have no new positions
to provide you.
QUESTION: Follow-up on the previous topic of the alleged Serb atrocities. In light of the reports that you're getting, how
realistic is it to work with Milosevic after the campaign ends on peace in Kosovo?
MR. RUBIN: Well, clearly, as the President indicated, the international community is finding his policies increasingly
abhorrent. On the other hand, he does now control the military force in Kosovo and in Serbia, and he is in charge. Meanwhile,
we are pursuing a democratization policy in Serbia to assist in various ways those who are trying to pursue democracy so that
some day Serbia can really be a democracy.
QUESTION: On the KLA, are you getting any reports or information on the status of the KLA now, in light of the Serb
offensive? How viable an organization is it now politically and militarily?
MR. RUBIN: Well, clearly, they're having a tough time right now with over 10,000 Yugoslav forces involved directly in an
offensive, supported by another 30,000 in the region. They are outgunned substantially with heavy equipment -- 300-plus
tanks -- heavy other artillery and armored vehicles that they don't have. They're having a very tough time of it.
QUESTION: Jamie, going back to Bosnia, even the President talked about the similarities between Bosnia and Kosovo.
While a lot of analysts think there are similarities, some think there are big differences; one being that while the bombing back
in '95 eventually led to Milosevic backing down, in part that's because it came four years into a war -- both sides were tired
and exhausted and ready to go to the peace table. But here both sides may not be so willing and they're probably willing to
keep fighting. What do you say to that?
MR. RUBIN: Well, there are similarities and differences between Bosnia and Kosovo. One of the big similarities is the brutal
policies of President Milosevic. One of the differences is that the international community acted very early on in making sure
that we didn't stand idly by as millions of refugees were kicked out of their homes, as they were in Bosnia. The international
community got together and is making sure that President Milosevic and his forces pay a heavy, heavy price; that they can't
conduct the kind of grisly policies in Kosovo with impunity that they conducted in Bosnia with impunity for many years.
That's one of the big differences.
As far as where it will all end up, we're determined to continue this air campaign until President Milosevic reverses course or
its objectives are met. That will be different than Bosnia.
QUESTION: Are you really saying that we stood idly by for three years while millions were evicted from their homes in
Bosnia?
MR. RUBIN: Well, the air strikes didn't get conducted until 1995.
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QUESTION: What does the US make of these appeals by certain prominent Serb politicians that NATO should stop this
because they are brother Christians for this coming Holy Week -- not just a Christian holiday but also a Jewish holiday?
MR. RUBIN: I retract the word "idly."
QUESTION: Does that mean you didn't hear the first part?
MR. RUBIN: I heard your question.
QUESTION: Okay. What do you make of these calls? And then an adjunct to that, the Vatican and the Pope have also said
that it is bad for this bombing to be going on during this most holy of weeks.
MR. RUBIN: I understand that many of these people didn't think the bombing should start. So that's important information as
to the motivations of the speakers who disagree on the rationale and justification and need for the air campaign to begin with.
As far as the religious question is concerned, let me say this -- we obviously respect all religions of the world, and we are
going to pursue this campaign based on what's going on on the ground. If President Milosevic is going to be pursuing these
crimes against humanity regardless of religious holidays, it would be very unseemly for the West to take into account that the
people on the ground aren't getting any advantage of.
QUESTION: The Administration has said the NATO argument is with Mr. Milosevic. Yet every day in Belgrade there are
these large gatherings, there are rock concerts and so forth, where thousands and thousands of people come out in support of
the policies, wearing targets and so forth. So isn't, in fact, part of the argument with the Serbian people?
MR. RUBIN: The argument is with President Milosevic and those who support his policies, not the Serbian people. I don't
believe that all the Serbian people support his policies. Clearly, there was to be expected a certain backlash in the short term.
But as people learn more about what's really going on and to the extent they are not blinded by the propaganda and
disinformation spewing out of Serbian television, they will find themselves in less and less support for the policies of
President Milosevic.
QUESTION: Can we go to another subject? About US policy on an Israeli withdrawal, one reason being that the Israeli
Cabinet took those accounts very seriously and it became notations in their meetings yesterday. Could you run us by it one
more time? We know there's a parallel situation; if the Palestinians do something, the Israelis have to do something --
somebody has to do something first. There's still an impression -- I don't know how widespread in Israel -- that the US view is
the Palestinians have to move first in some additional security areas before Israel would be considered obliged by the US'
reading of the Wye agreement to continue the withdrawal. Could you (inaudible) or any version, obviously we can put to rest
maybe for a day?
MR. RUBIN: Okay, let me say this. Yesterday, I was asked about a report in a respected newspaper by a very respected
reporter, based on a conversation with a senior administration official. I disputed the report because the senior administration
official, whoever he or she might be, isn't always right.
Our view -- the view of the State Department and the Secretary of State -- is that our position on implementation of the Wye
River memorandum has not changed. The issue is not who goes first. Rather than focus on sequence, the government of Israel
should focus on implementing their obligations. We're calling on both parties to focus on a serious process of implementing
their responsibilities. If we had a serious process under way, one in which both sides were fulfilling their obligations, we
would not be having this discussion.
On the issue of implementation, our position is as follows. During phase one, both sides work together to fulfill their
obligations under the Wye River memorandum. Under phase two, the Palestinians have fulfilled some of their commitments,
particularly with respect to fighting terror. There are other commitments under phase two that they have yet to fulfill. The
Israelis, for their part, have not fulfilled any of their commitments under phase two.
Our view is that both sides should move forward in a parallel phased approach to fulfill all of their commitments under the
Wye River memorandum. In short, if we had a serious process engaged right now, we wouldn't be engaged in discussion of
sequence.
QUESTION: Today surfaced again another old problem that you might have something on, the US view on: Palestinian
offices in East Jerusalem. There's a dispute over them. The Prime Minister is outraged or something, very angry about the
situation. There seems to be two types of offices, those that go way back and efforts, perhaps, to establish some presence in
East Jerusalem currently. Does the US have a view on this current dispute?
MR. RUBIN: We have seen reports of the closing of offices associated with the Palestinian Authority in East Jerusalem. As
with other issues relating to Jerusalem, we regard this is as an extremely sensitive matter. We urge both sides to avoid steps
that further complicate an already volatile issue, and we do understand that both sides are in contact about it now.
QUESTION: Do you have any interpretation of Oslo and Wye and Hebron, all the above, that bears on whether these offices
are supposed to remain open?
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MR. RUBIN: Not in front of me.
QUESTION: Jamie, on Israeli withdrawal, I seem to remember that when this came up at the time, you said that --
MR. RUBIN: Which issue?
QUESTION: The question of the next Israeli withdrawal.
MR. RUBIN: Okay, we were just on the offices here. You're stepping back, okay.
QUESTION: I seem to remember that you said that you didn't see any justification for delay in the withdrawal. Now you
seem to be saying that the Palestinians also have to take some --
MR. RUBIN: I don't think that's exactly what I said when this first come up. I think I've been quite clear: we want both sides
to fulfill their obligations. We believe that the Palestinians have moved forward on some of their obligations, including
fighting terror. Both sides now need to focus on fulfilling their obligations.
QUESTION: Could you be more specific on what the Palestinians need to do?
MR. RUBIN: All the obligations and the Israelis --
QUESTION: What are they?
MR. RUBIN: I'll be happy to provide you a copy of the Wye River memorandum.
QUESTION: I have it, but you are the judges of what they have completed and what they have not.
MR. RUBIN: What I said is some of their obligations, including fighting terror, they have been implementing. Let me say,
our interest here is not to get into a public squabble and a public scorecard. Our interest is in getting both sides to approach
this matter seriously.
QUESTION: One more on it.
MR. RUBIN: Okay.
QUESTION: Which comes to mind -- and I won't get into the difficult background because I think you know it, and I know
it. Is any assurance in the midst of going out, or has any assurance gone out to the Palestinians on the withdrawal? Should I go
a little further?
MR. RUBIN: Yes.
QUESTION: All right, you don't want the Palestinians to be making unilateral statehood declarations. It's my understanding
part of the deal is that the US, who will submit a statement, that it intends to see Israel to continue to withdrawal. Has any
assurance like that gone to them?
MR. RUBIN: I haven't heard about that deal.
QUESTION: See, they are concerned also about yesterday. They think that means you've eased back on withdrawal.
MR. RUBIN: I haven't heard about that deal.
QUESTION: But you're not easing back on withdrawal, that's clear.
MR. RUBIN: Our position remains unchanged.
QUESTION: Yes, Jamie, I have two questions, one on Cambodia and one on North Korea. There was a Reuters report this
morning which said that Senator Mitch McConnell apparently told Hun Sen in Cambodia that if Khmer Rouge leaders are not
tried in an international tribunal, there could be a complete cut off of US aid to Cambodia. I was wondering whether that
reflects Administration policy?
MR. RUBIN: I'm not aware that we coordinated that with Senator McConnell.
QUESTION: Okay, and then also, do you have anything on the conclusion of the missile talk sin Pyongyang?
MR. RUBIN: With respect to the missile talks, let me say that we do have a comment on the missile talks. The US and North
Korea met March 29-30, for another round of missile talks. The talks occurred in Pyongyang in North Korea, and the US
delegation was led by our Deputy Assistant Secretary Robert Einhorn. The talks were business like, substantive and detailed.
The entire range of missile proliferation issues were discussed and covered. We used the talks to press our serious concerns
about North Korea's development, testing, deployment and export of missiles and missile technology and to call for tight
constraints on these activities.
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In particular, we stressed that further launches of long missiles or further exports of such missiles or their technology would
have serious negative implications for US-North Korean relations. The sides agreed to hold another round of talks as soon as
possible. We will work out the timing and venue through the New York channel.
It's not surprising to us that we have not yet reached an agreement. For those of you who ask me about the Kumchang-ni talks
time after time after time, you know that negotiating with North Korea is a marathon process with our marathon negotiators,
and they are determined to continue to pursue our objectives.
QUESTION: This is a follow up to yesterday question, that the Japanese Government has now confirmed that the two ships
they shot at were North Korean. Is there a US reaction; and also, did they discuss this at the missile talks?
MR. RUBIN: The United States remains seriously concerned about the incursion of the two unidentified ships into Japanese
waters. We have been in close consultations with our Japanese allies on this issue, and we continue to cooperate with Japan on
this matter. As regards whether this came up in our discussions with North Korea, we do not wish to comment on this kind of
detail of our diplomatic exchange.
QUESTION: Jamie, when you say that further launches would complicate --
MR. RUBIN: Serious negative implications for US-North Korean relations.
QUESTION: Does that include attempts to launch communication satellites or other types of satellites?
MR. RUBIN: Well, what we're talking about is long-range missiles, and we define that our way. A long-range missile is a
long-range missile, but I will try to get a technical answer for you.
QUESTION: But when you say that's serious implications for North Korea, does that mean you're going to cancel the potato
program?
MR. RUBIN: Well, we have developed an ongoing process with North Korea, a step-by-step program including the agreed
framework and all that goes with it that has very serious programs. We have this food aid; we have a lot of other programs. We
have always made our policy on food aid based on humanitarian concerns. I don't want to be more specific on what a serious
negative implication would be, other than to say that it would have serious negative implications.
QUESTION: I understand you didn't reach agreement in these talks, but can you tell us whether you saw any progress? And
can you in some way describe the response of the North Koreans to these points that you put to them?
MR. RUBIN: Well, from our perspective, we achieved the objective of pressing our concern about the North Koreans'
indigenous missile activities and missile exports and of calling for tight constraints on these activities. We've only had four
meetings to discuss this important and complex issue. We don't think it's surprising that we have not yet reached agreement.
They did agree to hold another round of talks as soon as possible, so we're able to continue the process.
It would not be appropriate for me to get into the details of the talks; however, we made our concerns very clear. We have
made clear our concerns with both missile exports and with indigenous development and deployment activities. Both elements
must be addressed. We've also made clear to the North Koreans the US is not prepared to "compensate" North Korea for
stopping destabilizing missile sales it should not be making in the first place.
QUESTION: Can you give us any readout on the meeting with the President-elect of Nigeria today?
MR. RUBIN: Yes, the President, I think, will be meeting shortly or is now meeting with the Nigerian President, so I don't
want to give you too much information about that pending that meeting; except to say that Secretary Albright did discuss
bilateral issues, including regional security and the challenges Nigeria faces as it moves to inaugurate its first democratic
government in over 15 years.
Nigeria is Africa's most populous country. A successful transition to civilian democratic rule there will impact not only
Nigeria but the whole region. We hope to work with Nigeria to ensure its successful transition to the economic, political and
social leader it can and should be in Africa.
The discussions will be wide-ranging, focusing on how we can best work together with the current government of Nigeria and
the President-elect on the challenges and opportunities Nigeria has at hand. These include economic reform, reconstituting
democratic institutions, improved cooperation in counter narcotics efforts and Nigeria's role in regional peacekeeping.
QUESTION: Did you say the Secretary will be going to his inauguration?
MR. RUBIN: I have no detail on that plan or non-plan.
QUESTION: Thank you.
(The briefing concluded at 3:45 P.M.)
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January 20, 2001. Please see www.state.gov for current material from the Department of State. Or visit http://2001-
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Department
Seal
David Scheffer, Ambassador-at-Large for War Crimes Issues
On-the Record Briefing on Atrocities in Kosovo released by the Office of the
Spokesman, U.S. Department of State, Washington, DC, April 9, 1999
Flag bar
AMBASSADOR SCHEFFER: Thank you, Jim. Welcome. My purpose this afternoon is to provide a better
understanding of the overall context in which the crimes unfolding in Kosovo have been and are being
committed.
Briefly, I want to remind everyone here of our recent statements to this effect so that you can see the chronology
of how we have been speaking of this within the last couple of weeks. On Friday, March 26th, the spokesman,
Jamie Rubin, issued a statement, indicating at that time within day or two of the start of the bombing, that we are
using national technical means to observe the activity on the ground with respect to possible atrocities; and that
we put the Yugoslav Army and Ministry of Internal Affairs on notice that attacks are, indeed, being observed.
On Monday, March 29th, spokesman Rubin from this podium described what we concluded were ethnic
cleansing, war crimes, crimes against humanity and indicators of genocide occurring in Kosovo. On Wednesday,
April 7th, again, spokesman Rubin from this podium put named commanders of the VJ and the MUP, the police,
Annex 11
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on notice that we are extremely cognizant of what is occurring with the armed forces and the police on the
ground. We know that they're undertaking criminal activity; and that the responsibility of command of those
forces is with those named commanders. They have a duty under international law to prevent and punish the
actions of their subordinates.
I think I can show you today six of the nine individuals -- photos of those individuals -- who were named by
Jamie Rubin on Wednesday. I won't take your time to list through them all, but these are six of the nine that we're
able to provide you with visual images of and obviously invite you to take some snapshots of that if you wish.
Also, on Wednesday, April 7th, my report of my trip to the region was released by the State Department, and
that's now available on the State website. Finally, I need to note for all of you that the ethnic cleansing and
KVM/KDOM reports issued through our facilities are also on the State website. So there's actually quite a bit out
there that can be looked at for purposes of specific actions that we've observed and heard reports about on the
ground.
Finally, I just want to remind everyone of prosecutor Louise Arbour's letter of March 26th to -- she addressed this
letter to 13 top Yugoslav authorities, including President Milosevic. In that letter, she put them on notice that they
are responsible in terms of command responsibility for the actions of their forces, their police on the ground in
Kosovo; and that she is, in a sense, aggressively investigating those actions on the ground. She also publicly
announced the indictment of Arcan on March 31st.
Now, we have sought to provide you what we can, in real time, of what we know from refugee interviews and
other sources of information about the criminal actions being perpetrated in Kosovo. I want to place this
afternoon those events in a larger context for you, particularly in terms of the criminal conduct of primarily the
Serb military, paramilitary and police.
I want to start that context with a quick drop back to 1998, because the criminal conduct that we're concerned
about stretches back to March of 1998. It intensified during May and early June of 1998. The Office of the
Prosecutor of the Yugoslav War Crimes Tribunal affirmed its jurisdiction on March 10th of 1998, and again on
June 12th of 1998, and again in July of 1998, to the Contact Group that it had jurisdiction over the events in
Kosovo; and that those events constituted an internal armed conflict, which is the factual prerequisite for bringing
indictments for crimes against humanity or violations of the laws and customs of war. The United States agreed
with the prosecutor's statement to the Contact Group that Belgrade's attempt to deny the Tribunal's jurisdiction on
grounds that Kosovo is a "police action" is simply wrong both in law and in fact.
In May of 1998, the United States provided $400,000 to the Yugoslav Tribunal to investigate Kosovo crimes. In
late July, August, September and early October 1998, that assault on Kosovo by Serb military, paramilitary and
police clearly established the pattern which has now been shown in a much more accelerated and intensified
manner in the last few weeks. During that period in 1998, KDOM and NGOs were actually on the ground to
report the pattern as it unfolded.
I, myself, reported in September of 1998 that actions by Serb authorities in Kosovo have resulted in widespread
burning of settlements, the displacement of hundreds of thousands of Kosovar Albanians and the deaths of many
innocent civilians and humanitarian aid workers; and that we concluded serious violations of international
humanitarian law were occurring.
Quickly listing those, we saw a scorched earth policy unfolding. We saw over one-third of the villages being
damaged. At least an estimated 4,000 houses were severely damaged or destroyed during that period. At least 59
town sustained 50 percent or more damage. There was crop burning, the slaughter of livestock. The level of
destruction in September of 1998 rose dramatically. Serb forces also delayed relief convoys, conducted protracted
shelling of targets in areas of no military necessity, forced displacement of hundreds of thousands of Kosovars.
Then in November, I visited Kosovo, saw the destruction myself, as well as recent killings.
We concluded that these attacks served no military objective; and that that points toward the kind of activity
prohibited under well established customary international law. The conduct of last year demonstrated a clear
capacity and intent on the part of the Yugoslav authorities to commit war crime and crimes against humanity
against the Kosovar Albanians. We need to remember this when we examine the ferocity with which similar
actions have been undertaken in the last few weeks.
The pattern was established in 1998. Indeed, one might consider what happened in 1998, as a practice run for
what was unleashed with remarkable speed and thoroughness in the last few weeks. Milosevic and the Serb
leadership are trying to bring to closure what they began in 1998.
Now, the events of the last few weeks exceed in magnitude and ferocity all that occurred in 1998. Without
question Serb assaults on the civilian population of Kosovo are widespread and systematic. Let me point you to
the definition as provided in the Yugoslav War Crimes Tribunal Statute of crimes against humanity. That
definition is not very hard to understand:
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"Persons can be prosecuted -- those who are responsible for the following crimes when committed in armed
conflict, whether international or internal in character, and directed against any civilian population. It includes:
murder; extermination; enslavement; deportation; imprisonment; torture; rape; persecutions on political, racial
and religious grounds and other inhumane acts."
Many of these crimes are being committed in Kosovo. There are also clear violations of the Geneva Conventions
and of the Laws and Customs of War. In particular, I would point you to destruction of civilian property as a
major factor.
A consistent pattern of reports from refugees and other sources of information indicates that Serb forces have
been responsible for criminal violations of international humanitarian law throughout much of Kosovo. These
violations include -- first, forced expulsion of large segments of the ethnic Albanian population on a scale not
seen in Europe since World War II. Serb forces are systematically expelling ethnic Albanians from both villages
and the larger towns of Kosovo, including from many places that had not been scene of any previous UCK or
KLA activity or fighting. At least 800,000 Kosovars probably are internally displaced.
At this time, I would like to point to the map the my colleague, Pierre Prosper, is putting up. This ethnographic
map shows you about 20 sites, which are the blue triangular sites, that we have been able to locate internally
displaced sites of significant magnitude. Also on this point -- also on this map, I'd like to point out that it's
interesting if you -- and this will pertain both to what I'll be talking about in a minute which are the yellow dots
that the destruction of towns, as well as the internally displaced sites which are the blue triangles -- you'll notice
that eastern Kosovo, as well as the very northeastern quadrant of Kosovo, as well as these two areas here, are
generally devoid of either destruction or internally displaced persons. You'll notice that those are areas where
there is a relatively small percentage of Kosovo Albanians in residence.
So the dramatic, I think, feature of this map is the systematic character of going after the Kosovar Albanian areas
of Kosovo without much appreciable damage or internally displaced populations from those areas that are largely
populated by Serbs.
Now, under this issue of forced expulsions, I can give you some details if you wish of more details about that
particular violation, but it does include forced removal of Albanians from their homes at gun point; destruction of
all official and identifying documents; cramming of Albanians into trains; infliction of unsanitary conditions on
the trains, et cetera.
The second major category, I would describe as detention and summary execution of military-aged men and mass
executions. Refugees have provided accounts of summary executions in at least 50 towns and villages throughout
Kosovo. Some accounts refer to large numbers of Kosovars being killed in apparent massacres. At least one
report appears to have been corroborated. The summary executions of approximately 100 men at Velika Kruska.
The bodies of some 70 ethnic Albanians ranging in age from 14 to 50 were discovered by internally displaced
persons on April 1st.
Now some of the details are killings of intellectuals and leaders; separating fighting-aged men from the group;
killing of fighting-aged men; causing of serious bodily harm; and mass executions.
Now the third major category brings us to burning and destruction of civilian homes and villages. This brings us
back to this map. The yellow dots, we've been able to confirm with overhead imagery, are villages and towns that
have been torched or otherwise destroyed by gunfire during this most recent conflict. You can see the large
number. We have counted about 220 sites indicated on this map. But as of today, we've counted 250. It is a
dynamic number that continues to rise.
I'd like to show you just a couple of photographs, imagery. This is damage to buildings. This graphic illustrates
systematic destruction of a neighborhood around a mosque in Grejkovce. The mosque is also heavily damaged --
and that's located right here -- but you can actually still see the smoke rising from the burned area of the town.
The next image is a damage to buildings in Kosovska Mitrovica, and the graph illustrates before and after
imagery of the systematic destruction of residential homes at that location. The homes are on the edge of a
village. They were originally built of concrete and stone.
Of course, you'll notice here the absence of any battle damage, any cratering or any damage to any of the land
around these homes. Clearly, it's not a battle scene. These homes would have appeared to have been simply
because of the nature of the occupancy of those homes.
I believe there's one other photo or image that we did not get up during my reference to internally displaced
persons, but it's a very interesting one. Let's go back to IDPs for a moment because I want to describe this to you.
This graphic illustrates numerous tents and campsites in central Kosovo. Some of the many sites located
throughout five valleys within the Laupusnik Mountain range, sheltering tens of thousands of IDPs. This is
actually a more narrow shot of what is present in the larger area. These IDPs stretch throughout this valley.
They're without permanent shelter. What you are seeing are some of their vehicles, tents, et cetera that they have
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been able to bring with them. They are exposed in this area. Typically, one can discern VJ or police who are in the
area around these IDPs and placing them at obvious risk.
With respect to the destruction of civilian property, the third category that I pointed to you, I just want to point to
what we believe we have incontrovertible evidence of the burning of residential areas in most of the larger towns
and cities of Kosovo and in many of the villages, i.e., those areas of Kosovo that I outlined on the map that I
showed you earlier.
Now, if you take the totality of this information that we have acquired so far, we believe that it creates the basis
for stating that there are indicators of genocide unfolding in Kosovo. Now, some questions have been raised
recently about the provision of evidence to the Yugoslav War Crimes Tribunal. Let me confirm to you that we are
providing information as quickly as we possibly can to the Yugoslav Tribunal during a period of very dynamic
action on the ground.
The procedures that were established several years ago were procedures that related typically to events that had
occurred some time in the past. Therefore, there was a very methodical procedure of cataloging and providing that
information to the Yugoslav Tribunal. Under these circumstances, with a situation that is happening so quickly,
we have accelerated those procedures, and we are starting to flow that information to the Tribunal as quickly as
you can.
I have spoken directly with the deputy prosecutor, Graham Bluett. I've spoken with the chief of investigations to
confirm to them and to obtain their confirmation that this information is starting to come in, in real time, and as
quickly as we can possibly get it to them. But we do need to follow the necessary provisions under Rule 70 and
other procedures to provide information to the Tribunal, and they understand that.
I would also like to say that the United States Government, as part of its contribution to the Kosovo Verification
Mission, is assisting in the collection of information for the Tribunal in the field with respect to interviews with
refugees. We thus have people on the ground doing those interviews. Their interviews are being given to the
Tribunal -- the records of those interviews.
The Tribunal, in my opinion, seems fully committed to a vigorous investigation of the events in Kosovo. I have
just recently confirmed that with the officials of the Tribunal to my satisfaction. So with that I think I will leave
the formal briefing. Jim, how would you like to proceed?
QUESTION: There are so many questions that could and should be asked. So let me try to just ask one or two.
When you hold these commanders up as potentially responsible -- the nine -- is it based on them giving orders or
setting a climate, an atmosphere, permissive? Do they actually tell the troops to go out and kill civilians? I ask
that for a purpose, because then how and why don't you bring your same accusation against Milosevic, who is the
ultimate commander? Why do you stop short? I ask this against the back-drop of a government that made a big
fuss over Bosnia and the major accused are still free in Bosnia. So your track record suggests some lack of resolve
once the firing stops.
AMBASSADOR SCHEFFER: No, I would beg to differ, Barry. The answer is really quite simple. On March
26th, Prosecutor Arbour named Milosevic directly in her communication to not only Milosevic but the 12 other
top leaders of the government in Belgrade. We firmly support what she did. We look primarily to the prosecutor
of the Tribunal to take actions of this character.
So therefore, what I can confirm to you is that we found Prosecutor's Arbour's communication on March 26th to
be an entirely appropriate communication by the prosecutor of the Tribunal, alerting Mr. Milosevic and other
leaders of exactly the points that we then found it useful to alert the Kosovo-level commanders of precisely the
same points.
QUESTION: So is it the U.S. Government view that Milosevic is potentially guilty of war crimes?
AMBASSADOR SCHEFFER: President Milosevic has political responsibility for the conduct of these forces.
Let me just say this --
QUESTION: Political sounds like a cop-out.
AMBASSADOR SCHEFFER: No, there's nothing contradictory here, Barry. Neither these commanders that
we've identified, nor Mr. Milosevic, nor anyone else is being fingered by the United States Government for
criminal responsibility as individuals. That's the job of the prosecutor. We have not identified these individuals as
anything other than commanders of forces that we believe are committing war crimes and crimes against
humanity in Kosovo.
So therefore, we're simply stating the facts. These guys are commanders. Under the laws of war, they have
command responsibility. We've stated very clearly that the responsibility for what takes places in Kosovo does
stretch back to Belgrade and to the leadership in Belgrade.
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QUESTION: Isn't that tantamount to an accusation?
AMBASSADOR SCHEFFER: Not at all. The job of indicating someone for criminal culpability is the job of the
prosecutor --
QUESTION: But that's an indictment. I mean, anyone can accuse anyone of anything else. That doesn't take a
Tribunal to do that.
AMBASSADOR SCHEFFER: But we're not accusing anyone in any of these statements.
QUESTION: Why not, though?
AMBASSADOR SCHEFFER: Why should we? That's the job of the prosecutor.
QUESTION: But -- well, the prosecutor's job is to take an accusation and turn it into an indictment --
AMBASSADOR SCHEFFER: Look, from 1993, we've strongly supported the establishment of an international
criminal tribunal for Yugoslavia, whose job and responsibility is to do precisely that, to investigate, draw up
indictments and prosecute. That is not the job of the United States Government.
QUESTION: Why is it taking so long? I mean, Milosevic's track record -- as the Secretary of State herself has
said -- is long and quite demonstrable. Why is there not an indictment today?
AMBASSADOR SCHEFFER: Prosecutor Arbour has actually answered that many times on the public record. I
think if you look at her public statements, we would be very understanding and supportive of what she has said
publicly about this. She will undertake investigations as she sees fit in the most professional manner possible. We
have a very high degree in confidence in how she is actually conducting her investigations.
QUESTION: Can I just follow-up? Your statements were quite dramatic in its indictment of the Serb forces for a
pattern of abuses. It seems to me that if it is quite so certain that a year ago we saw what is now a practice run for
this -- what's going on now and -- I mean, aren't your words also an indictment of the international community for
not acting sooner?
AMBASSADOR SCHEFFER: Absolutely not. The United States Government in early August initiated
discussions and actions within NATO that resulted in an ACTORD in early October to respond to what was
occurring on the ground. So it wasn't as if we were sitting aside and not reacting to the criminal activity that was
occurring on the ground. We were reacting to it.
We also -- in terms of the judicial side of the matter -- the investigative side, in May of 1998, we were the first
country to commit a very large, voluntary contribution to the Yugoslav Tribunal to initiate Kosovo investigations -
- exclusively Kosovo investigations. We have been at the forefront of the international community in encouraging
the Tribunal to continue to focus on Kosovo. So I don't see us not acting. In fact, I see us acting.
QUESTION: Well, I'm not saying that the United States didn't act. I mean, obviously, you have been at the
forefront of a lot that's gone on. But on the other hand, the international community did not seriously move with
military action to try to stop this -- the Serb offensive in Kosovo until now.
AMBASSADOR SCHEFFER: Well, I will leave actually to others to comment more broadly on your point. I
would only say that I have a great deal of confidence in how our government acted in 1998 to respond as quickly
as we could to these actions, both in terms of our engagement with NATO and in terms of our effort to get talks
underway with President Milosevic.
QUESTION: You said -- in preface to your remarks -- that the conduct last year demonstrated a clear capacity
and intent. How does that fit in with the Administration's line in the last several weeks that they were surprised at
how quickly this unfolded and how ferociously the acts are committed on the ground?
If you all were so clearly aware of the capacity and the intent, how was it that you were surprised when this
actually came out?
AMBASSADOR SCHEFFER: No, the intent that I was describing for 1998 was not some specific intent that in
March and April of 1999 within a two-week period he would sweep through Kosovo with this kind of ferocity.
But I think that what was demonstrated in 1998 is that the Serb authorities clearly demonstrated a will and a
capacity to assault the civilian population of Kosovo in an egregious and criminal character. But it is true that no
one could have predicted -- I think -- with a great deal of accuracy that within a two-week period he would have
unleashed his army with this kind of ferocity.
QUESTION: Ambassador Scheffer, given what you said earlier following up on that, why couldn't they predict?
Wouldn't there be human intelligence on the ground? I mean, this isn't North Korea; it isn't Iraq. Why wouldn't
you know he would be doing something like this?
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AMBASSADOR SCHEFFER: Well, all I will say is this, that I, myself, recognized before March 24th and 25th
when the bombing began that the massing of the forces and the village by village decimation that was going on by
units of the Yugoslav Army and police that were coming into Kosovo, clearly started to demonstrate to me that
the horror of 1998 was starting to be repeated.
Now if we had not launched that bombing campaign, I have every degree of confidence that we would have seen
the sweep occur anyway.
QUESTION: But not on that, but just that element -- were you surprised or not surprised by what has taken
place?
AMBASSADOR SCHEFFER: I don't understand why the issue of surprise is so pertinent to everyone. The fact
is it happened, and we're trying to respond to it happening. It's just hindsight analysis.
QUESTION: I want to go back to the role the US is playing with the tribunal. If it's not the US role to
investigate, how is it exactly that you've been able to come up with these nine names? I mean, surely that takes
investigation, so the US has been doing some investigation. You've gone there yourself and interviewed these
people. So I don't understand why the US is not in a position to directly accuse whoever it wants or whoever it
thinks is doing this stuff to the Tribunal.
AMBASSADOR SCHEFFER: It's the job ofd the prosecutor to investigate precisely an individual's relationship
to criminal activity. We can provide the prosecutor with a great deal of information. It is not the job of the United
States Government to make that determination. It is the job of the prosecutor, looking at the evidence, to make
that determination.
What we can do is set the context for the prosecutor by ourselves as a government, concluding that the facts on
the ground clearly demonstrate criminal activity. We can point to who commands these forces, but then we leave
it to the prosecutor to actually arrive at determinations that would results in indictments.
QUESTION: The Pentagon, today, talked about an incident in which Serb forces gathered women at Dakovica
barracks and apparently raped them and killed them. Do you know anything about that?
AMBASSADOR SCHEFFER: I really don't. I've only heard the report. I know nothing further than what has
been reported and as you have stated it.
QUESTION: Can you give us a breakdown of percentage -- the map that you had up there earlier -- the villages
burning -- what percentage of villages, what percentages of the towns; and also, displacement internally and
externally, just a bigger picture of that.
AMBASSADOR SCHEFFER: We're trying to determine that percentage as you speak. We don't have it yet
because there's so much coming in. All I know is with what percentage we had in September of 1998, and I,
myself, will be interested to compare now what percentage. We know it's much greater. We just don't actually
know what that percentage is. In terms of -- did you ask for percentages of IDPs, was that it?
QUESTION: Yes.
AMBASSADOR SCHEFFER: I actually don't have the figure, other than the IDP number -- I just don't have it
for you. I just know it's in the hundreds of thousands. What percentage that is of the Kosovo population, which
was 1.7 million the last time I heard, we're looking at about 330-340,000 IDPs that we're guestimating at this
time.
QUESTION: Refugees -- I mean I heard a figure earlier of 1.1 million?
AMBASSADOR SCHEFFER: Yes, there the numbers reached to a million or so, but I would leave that to
others in this building to get you the exact figures on those.
QUESTION: Also, one other thing, you mentioned that you're now getting this information -- I think you were
referring to villages burning or whatever -- real time, so you can actually -- can you explain that a little more?
AMBASSADOR SCHEFFER: Well, we're using, obviously, national technical means. I can't go into any details
of that, other than to say within the last couple of weeks, we've been able to determine with a great deal of
accuracy, what's burning.
QUESTION: I'm sorry you said 330-340 in internally displaced -- because I thought earlier you said 800,000?
AMBASSADOR SCHEFFER: No. That's a total number -- well, can we have someone else check those figures,
Jim, because 800,000 is a total internally displaced in their totality in this conflict.
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QUESTION: Can you talk a little bit -- you had the map earlier with the blue triangles, and you made the point
how you didn't see some of this destruction and expulsion activities in places where there aren't ethnic Albanians.
The stated goal of the Serbian forces is to go after the KLA, which some officials have called a terrorist
organization. To what degree is the discrepancy between the areas where there are expulsions and the areas that
you pointed out that weren't expulsions a factor of where the KLA is? Wouldn't one think that the KLA would be
dispersed within the ethnic Albanian populations as opposed to the Serbian populations of Kosovo?
AMBASSADOR SCHEFFER: I think all I will say on that is there's an enormous number of non-KLA civilians
living in these areas. What we've noticed both in August and September as well as in this campaign is that
villages are being destroyed long after we've seen any indication of KLA activity anywhere near that village. It's
very much long after their presence, that the destruction is actually taking place. In fact, in some of the extreme
areas in the north and in the south, where there has never been any record of KLA activity, the villages are being
torched anyway.
QUESTION: In your opinion, is it fair to say that the sweep of the VJ and the MUP that began with the bombing
was primarily undertaken uproot ethnic Albanians, as opposed to targeting the KLA? Is that their primary
intention?
AMBASSADOR SCHEFFER: I don't see how you can reach any other conclusion. When you assault a civilian
population with this severity and so systematically -- as I described in my April 7th report -- that is not a military
action against a guerrilla force. That is an assault, wholesale on a civilian population. I can't think of a better
example of it, frankly, than what has unfolded in Kosovo in the last two weeks.
MR. FOLEY: Other questions?
QUESTION: What indication do you have about the extent of the planning of this sweep that existed, you know,
right prior to the bombings? Does this seem to you something that was meticulously planned weeks or months in
advance?
AMBASSADOR SCHEFFER: I don't care to comment on that other than to say if you look at how it has
unfolded on the ground, it's very, very difficult -- if not impossible -- to conclude that what happened on the
ground was anything other than planned. This was not a spontaneous action -- village-by-village. It was a sweep.
In fact, within villages and towns, it was neighborhood by neighborhood. I, for one, don't see how that could
happen without it having been planned and pursuant to a policy.
QUESTION: How much does that make a difference -- the extent of the planning in terms of the severity of
possible charges -- possible charges that could come against?
AMBASSADOR SCHEFFER: Let's just say that obviously, if you can demonstrate a well thought out plan that
has an intent behind it, then -that's why we point to indicators of genocide. But I want to emphasize that
regardless, you can have a very well planned campaign of crimes against humanity, and there is no question that
that's what's unfolded in Kosovo.
QUESTION: Do you have any estimates, how many ethnic Albanians have been killed? I though before the
international observers were forced to leave that the number was about 2,000. I wonder if you have any estimates
now?
AMBASSADOR SCHEFFER: That was the number that really rose from 1998, when we actually had monitors
on the ground and were able to keep a far more accurate count. I think it would be very problematic to speculate
at this time on a number. It simply -- I fear -- would be too low if I did speculate. I think we have to wait to find
what the death count is.
QUESTION: Thank you.
[end of text]
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Great Seal
Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright and
U.K. Foreign Secretary Robin Cook
Press Conference
Washington, D.C., April 22, 1999
As released by the Office of the Spokesman
U.S. Department of State
Blue Bar
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Good morning. Let me welcome you here. Foreign Secretary Cook and I have had,
already, a very useful meeting. The Foreign Secretary is here, of course, for the NATO summit, which begins
tomorrow and marks the biggest invasion of Washington since what we diplomats refer to as the "unpleasantness
of 1812."
(Laughter.)
Fifty years ago, another distinguished British Foreign Minister, Ernest Bevin, came to Washington. He said, in
signing the NATO treaty, that "at last, democracy is no longer a series of isolated units; it's a coherent organism."
The intervening years proved the wisdom of those words, as NATO provided the shield behind which a generation
of our citizens grew up and grew old in peace.
Today, too, NATO stands united. And nowhere is that unity stronger than in the enduring friendship between the
United States and the United Kingdom.
This morning, we have reviewed plans for the NATO summit; we have discussed the latest developments in
Kosovo. NATO's position is rock-solid: we will persist until the conflict in Kosovo can be ended on the terms we
have set. We will help care for the people of Kosovo made refugees by Milosevic's depredations and we will help
them return and rebuild.
Let me just say how disgusted I was to hear Milosevic repeat in an interview broadcast last night his big lie; that
refugees from Kosovo are fleeing NATO's bombs, not Belgrade's ethnic cleansing. That will certainly be news to
the refugees, who are giving eyewitness accounts of the atrocities perpetrated at Milosevic's order.
Milosevic can deny the truth, but he cannot change it. The truth is that his forces are responsible for the worst
crimes committed in Europe in more than half a century. In that connection, we will do all that we can to share
information with the War Crimes Tribunal and to see that those who commit atrocities are held accountable.
We're considering new economic measures designed to deny Belgrade the ability to wage war on its own people,
such as an embargo on oil products. We will do our part in a broader initiative to bring the Balkans fully into the
mainstream of a Europe whole and free.
The United States, Britain and others have put forward very good proposals. We must now move forward on a
coordinated effort to consolidate democracy, promote economic growth and support those who strive for peace
across Southeast Europe.
With respect to the question of ground forces -- a subject of much speculation amongst all of you -- let me tell you
where we are. We are confident that a sustained and relentless air campaign can achieve our objectives, and I
think that most recently the targets of the Socialist Party headquarters and command and control centers are
evidence of the continued damage that our air campaign is doing.
We do not favor the deployment of ground forces into a hostile environment in Kosovo. We do, however, believe
it is prudent to update our plans and assessments and to support Secretary General Solana's efforts to do so.
Annex 12
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Events in Kosovo have shown clearly why we need a strong and adapted NATO with new members and new
capabilities, ready to take on new missions. The Foreign Secretary and I discussed the remaining summit issues,
and I welcomed Prime Minister Blair's ideas on strengthening the European pillar of our alliance to help make
Europe more able to act effectively while maintaining its strong links to NATO.
NATO's fundamental purpose -- safeguarding the ideals, interests and territory of its members -- is unchanging.
At its foundation are enduring ties of trust and friendship between America and its allies. No bond is stronger than
the one we share with the United Kingdom, and none is more certain to endure for another 50 years and beyond.
And now, my good friend, the Foreign Secretary.
FOREIGN SECRETARY COOK: Thank you, Madeleine. I'll just gloss over 1812 and we can put that one
behind us.
(Laughter.)
But I do want to go back 50 years, and I welcome Madeleine's reference to Ernest Bevin, the distinguished
previous Labor Foreign Secretary. Fifty years ago, NATO was born out of the defeat of fascism in Europe. This
weekend we'll be commemorating those 50 years of security which we have brought to Europe and to the free
world. But just as we were born out of the defeat of fascism, NATO cannot tolerate the rebirth of fascism within
Europe. And that is what we are witnessing at the present time.
In 1945 when we looked at the Europe that we inherited, it was a Europe scarred by genocide, by mass
deportation of peoples, by ethnic confrontation and ethnic aggression. The tragedy is that we witness all of those
again in Kosovo today.
Over the past three weeks, I have met a number of Kosovar Albanians in London. They all bring the same tales of
the savagery from Kosovo. Earlier this week, I met one man who was one of the last to leave Pristina. He
described the methodical way in which that town was emptied by Milosevic's thugs -- district by district; time
after time families being told the same thing, that they have five minutes to get out of the house. If they looked
wealthy, they were also told that if you have 5,000 DM, we will allow you to take your father with you; how
much value do you put on your mother, that you would take your mother with you.
We cannot tolerate the return of the doctrine of ethnic superiority to Europe; nor can we tolerate the aggression
that's been practiced by President Milosevic's forces without conveying a clear signal of encouragement to
dictators around the world. That is why it is so important that we make a stand in Kosovo.
I agree absolutely with the point that has already been made by Madeleine Albright that President Milosevic lies
when he says that the Kosovar Albanians have fled NATO's bombing. Tens of thousands, hundreds of thousands
of refugees have come out of Kosovo over the past month. Not one has said that they were fleeing from NATO
bombs. All have said that they are fleeing from President Milosevic's special police and from his paramilitary
thugs.
That is why we have given an undertaking that we will pass all our information to the War Crimes Tribunal,
including our own intelligence, in order that they can come to a judgment as to who is guilty of those war crimes
and bring to justice before the International Tribunal those who have been guilty of the atrocities within Kosovo.
I want to make, also though, a message not of shock and revulsion alone, but of determination that we are going
to reverse the atrocities and the ethnic cleansing of Kosovo. Our air campaign is being effective; it is cutting off
the communications of the Yugoslav Army; it is making them run low on fuel; it has denied them air cover, so
that much of the time they stay in hiding rather than venture out into the open.
I am in total agreement with the point that has already been made by Madeleine Albright that we are not going to
commit ground forces in a hostile environment; nor do we need to. Time is our greatest ally. As President
Milosevic gets weaker with the passage of time, so too, does the strength of our case for returning the Kosovars
under international protection.
This weekend, NATO will demonstrate its resolve to complete the job to which we have set our hand. The best
basis for that resolve is the unity of the Alliance. I want to end with a particular word of appreciation for the
contribution that has been made by Madeleine Albright to building that unity and strengthening that resolve.
I think we've spoken almost daily for four weeks now, Madeleine, and I know also that Madeleine speaks equally
frequently to my colleagues in France and Germany and Italy, and has built up a great respect throughout Europe
as a person who has provided leadership among the foreign ministers to ensure that unity in the Alliance and the
resolve to complete the task. Nobody worked harder than Madeleine at Rambouillet to try and achieve peace, and
nobody should forget that President Milosevic had every opportunity to resolve this issue through dialogue.
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It was his refusal to negotiate in good faith that produced the conflict. And now that we are in that conflict, it is
vital that for the sake of the refugees -- and for the sake of the Alliance -- we make sure we secure our objective
of enabling the refugees to return, of forcing President Milosevic to reverse the ethnic cleansing, and securing the
entry of an international military presence which will help us to rebuild Kosovo and create a free and democratic
Kosovo.
QUESTION: You both made rather straightforward statements about ground troops, appearing to rule them out.
But the speculation, as the Secretary described it, is based on statements by the British and French, and also based
on the fact you haven't won the war and it's taking a long time to deliver that knock-out punch and to get at the
Serb troops who are torturing those people you talk about. So is there something between the lines here that we
miss when the Secretary refers to plans being looked at again this weekend? Is there some nuance here about
ground troops? Could everybody have interpreted French and British statements incorrectly, as if the use of
ground troops is on the table? The US has said no; that's great. But following the French and British positions has
been a little difficult. Could you give us some help?
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Let me just make one comment and then let Robin respond. I think it is
inappropriate to rule anything out, and we have not done so.
FOREIGN SECRETARY COOK: I would absolutely agree with that.
First of all, we're both quite clear at some point ground troops will be required in Kosovo; indeed, we agreed to
that at Rambouillet even before the commencement of the present military conflict. We have always said that
ground troops would be necessary in Kosovo to guarantee security and a cease-fire in Kosovo.
I have to say, after the last four weeks, it will be necessary to give the refugees the confidence to return to have
that international military presence.
We are also absolutely clear that we are not sending in troops to fight their way in in a ground force invasion.
That has never been on. Therefore, what will happen in the future and the endgame -- to make sure when the time
is right, when it's appropriate, when it is safe to commit those ground troops to guarantee a cease-fire in Kosovo --
that will be a NATO decision. It will be one that will be taken jointly. And there is no difference between us in the
need to make sure we do some preparation so we are ready when that moment comes.
QUESTION: Are you now not using -- or why are you not using the term "permissive environment?" You've
used the word "hostile" -- that you wouldn't want to send ground troops into a hostile environment. But what
about the permissive environment; is that still on the table, as it were, or can you sort of live with a permissiveminus,
as it were?
FOREIGN SECRETARY COOK: I'm not sure what a permissive-minus would be. First of all, nobody goes in
in a hostile environment. Secondly, no problem if we get agreement from Belgrade. Sure, there may be
circumstances in which Belgrade has not signed a formal treaty in which it may be appropriate to go in. But what
is a permissive environment and what is an appropriate time to go in is a judgment that we can only make when
that time comes. It's a judgment we'll make together; it's a judgment we'll make with the military on board.
QUESTION: But do you need a formal agreement from Belgrade to allow troops in, or will you consider sending
troops in in a non-permissive environment?
FOREIGN SECRETARY COOK: I'm not sure that we would necessarily make it an absolute condition that
there has to be a formal treaty signing with a ceremony and photographs. But at what point is appropriate to go in
is a matter we have to judge with care and with very clear regard to military advice.
QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, you had said earlier -- I believe it was before Parliament -- that it is possible to
conceive of circumstances in which it may be feasible to commit ground troops. Could you elaborate on that and
explain what you meant by that?
FOREIGN SECRETARY COOK: I think I've been elaborating about that since we started questions. I'm not
sure that there is that much fresh that I have to add to what I said. But let me just repeat for the ones that doubt: no
ground troops that have to fight their way in; yes ground troops to guarantee a cease-fire; when it would be
appropriate to commit those ground troops will depend on a judgment as to what the circumstances are in Kosovo
and how near we are to that cease-fire.
QUESTION: How, then, is NATO going to look at revising its policy on ground troops if there's still no way that
it's going to agree to send in ground troops that have to fight to get into Kosovo? How does this revision occur?
What gets revised?
FOREIGN SECRETARY COOK: I don't think anybody's proposing we revise the policy. I mean, the policy
that I have spoken to is one that we jointly share and that our allies are on board for. Obviously, we want the
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military to be ready for contingencies and to make sure that they're ready for all options. But that doesn't mean to
say the policy is changing.
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: I think, first of all, as you all know, there were assessments made last fall about the
situation on the ground. We believe that it is prudent for those military planners and assessors at NATO to take as
a statement of fact to recognize the current situation and provide for NATO an update in their assessment and
plans. That's what's happening.
QUESTION: Madame Secretary, you spoke about considering new economic measures, and you did mention the
oil embargo as one of them. Are there any other economic measures that are under consideration?
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Well, first of all, let me say that we are particularly focusing on oil because that is
the way that forces move around. As you know, some of the targets have been specifically against oil refineries.
Therefore, we have agreed, in these many, many conversations, that basically it didn't make a lot of sense for us to
be bombing refineries and at the same time not doing enough to prevent the access of oil by sea.
So the EU decided on an oil embargo. We believe that additional steps can be taken whereby each country in
interpreting its laws can, in fact, search and visit the vessels that are on the Adriatic, which in no way would
interfere with neutral shipping.
I think we are looking at a variety of other ways, but I'm not prepared to discuss any more details.
QUESTION: Madame Secretary, regarding the 20,000 Kosovar refugees that the US has agreed to take in, first,
can you tell us how it will be decided who will come to the US? When will they come? And also, why the change
of heart -- not going to Guantanamo Bay?
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Well, first of all, let me say that I think we are looking to families and those who
have families that there can be reuniting and a sense that many of the European countries that are undertaking this
kind of a reception of the Albanians do not have the same kind of status that we do in terms of temporary. We
wanted to be on the same footing to show the generosity of spirit of the American people, as the British are
showing.
QUESTION: Madame Secretary, on the European pillar, ten days ago or so I read your Brookings Institution
speech as not favoring the European pillar. You were saying that it would tend to create a split within NATO. Has
there been an evolution of your position on that?
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: I think you misread my speech. We have always favored a European pillar, we just
don't want it to be separate from NATO. We have argued for the fact that there should be no de-coupling, no
duplication and no discrimination. But we do believe that there is great value in having a European pillar, but not
outside of NATO.
FOREIGN SECRETARY COOK: May I just add briefly to that? Britain would not be proposing the initiatives
being done on European security if we felt that was in any way a threat to our alliance with the United States. We
believe that if Europe is better able to make its security contributions to the Alliance -- and perhaps also manage
some crisis management of its own in Europe, where it is appropriate to do so -- that is a strength for the Alliance;
it is not weakening the Alliance. The last few weeks have reminded our people how very much we need that
alliance with the United States.
QUESTION: Madame Secretary, speaking of revising plans, is there any revision of plans being looked at in
terms of air drops of humanitarian supplies to the internally displaced inside Kosovo?
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Again let me say -- and we have had this discussion -- we are very concerned about
what is happening to the people inside Kosovo, concerned about their physical condition as well as where they're
living and whether they have enough to eat and medicines. We are looking at a variety of ways to get supplies to
them.
As we talk about the potential ways, we do talk about air drops. But I think that we have been told by the experts
that is not a slam dunk, as we would say -- that it is difficult --
FOREIGN SECRETARY COOK: Pardon?
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: It is an American term, basketball.
(Laughter.)
FOREIGN SECRETARY COOK: Oh, I see.
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Just to show that I know about sports terms. But basically one can't be sure that it
will accomplish the goals and that the airplanes can actually deliver to the places that are necessary.
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FOREIGN SECRETARY COOK: Can I just add to that? I think it's a great shame that President Milosevic did
not use his interview yesterday to come clean on what is the state of those refugees in Kosovo, to tell us about the
conditions, to confirm whether or not it is true they are short of food and water and have been living in the open --
in some cases, for three or four weeks.
We are reviewing all possible ways in which we can help them, but it is a very difficult task to do so from outside
Kosovo. But let's not lose sight of whose responsibility their fate is. President Milosevic keeps claiming that they
are his citizens and that Kosovo is his territory. Very well; they are his responsibility. He will be held to account
for what happens to those refugees.
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: I can't resist reading one paragraph from this incredible interview. This is
Milosevic's words.
"Everybody's running away because of bombing -- Serbs, Turks, Gypsies, Muslims; of course, Albanians, their
number is biggest. Everybody's running. Deers are running, birds are running, everybody's running away because
of bombing. Bees are running; everybody's running away. And who can ask to understand a civilian population
cannot play the role of hero, staying in their places when bombs are going down. That's not possible. And you
know that before the 24th of March, when they started damn bombing, they started their dirty aggression against
this country, there was no one single refugee."
I think --
FOREIGN SECRETARY COOK: There were 400,000 already before it began.
SECRETARY ALBRIGHT: Yes. Thank you.
FOREIGN SECRETARY COOK: Thank you.
[End of Document]
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SPEAKERS IN GENERAL ASSEMBLY URGE EVENHANDED
APPROACHES TO CRISES
38-48 minutes
29 September 1999
Press Release
GA/9616
SPEAKERS IN GENERAL ASSEMBLY URGE EVEN-HANDED APPROACHES TO CRISES
19990929
"Rwanda demonstrates what Kosovo might have become, had we not intervened in 1999 and
Kosovo demonstrates what Rwanda might have been, had we intervened in 1994", Bronislaw
Geremek, the Foreign Minister of Poland, told the General Assembly this afternoon as it
continued its general debate.
"We have learned that what should not repeat itself is the unacceptable inaction which occurred
in the past", he stressed. Could the new outbreaks of conflict in Kosovo and East Timor have
been averted and was there the political will to head them off in the future? The international
community had the same responsibility to all ethnic groups, yet in Kosovo, while the ethnic
cleansing of Albanians by Serbs had been stopped, Serbs and Roma were now under threat.
Donald McKinnon, Foreign Minister of New Zealand, said a comparison between East Timor and
Kosovo was inevitable. Collective action to stop a humanitarian disaster should never be held
hostage to the veto. Otherwise the Security Council would lose its credibility and relevance. The
world must never again witness horrors such as those in Kosovo, while the Council remained
impotent. The credibility of that body depended largely on its being seen as even-handed in its
attention to crises wherever they occurred, whether the Cable News Network (CNN) was there or
not.
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Annex 13
As the United Nations must be able to respond effectively to crises, the trend towards relying on
voluntary funding to finance new peacekeeping operations was disturbing, warned the New
Zealand Foreign Minister. That could mean that regions that did not attract donor support would
not receive the response to which they were entitled. All operations must therefore be put on an
equal financial footing by means of assessed contributions. Also, the largest contributors' arrears
to the peacekeeping and regular budgets continued to cast a shadow over the Organization.
Yerodia Abdoulaye Ndombasi, Foreign Minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, said
Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi had invaded his country, claiming to defend their borders but
actually committing genocide and plundering his country’s cobalt and diamonds. Those
resources were now trading on the Stock Exchange and people were buying
General Assembly Plenary - 1a - Press Release GA/9616 17th Meeting (PM) 29 September
1999
them, even though they came from bloody hands. The three countries should go home. He
called upon the international community to intervene to stop the invasion, and said that countries
acting against the principles of the Charter should not attend the Assembly.
Expressing concern about diminished cooperation for development and a hardening of attitudes,
Seymour Mullings, Foreign Minister of Jamaica, said the challenge to the banana regime
established within the framework of the Lomé Convention and the ruling of the World Trade
Organization panel on that issue underlined the indifference of some countries to the plight of
others. The banana controversy signified the extent to which the interests of small producers
were at the mercy of those in a position of dominance in the world economy and world trade.
Malam Bacai Sanha, President of Guinea-Bissau, said the conflict in his country had deeply
shaken his people and led to massive flows of refugees, as well as devastation of socioeconomic
structures. An emergency programme was needed in his country to ensure lasting
peace and economic development. He made an urgent appeal for support in his country's efforts
to restore the constitutional order.
Also speaking in today's debate were the Foreign Ministers of Tunisia, Armenia, Gabon, Saint
Vincent and the Grenadines, Lithuania, and Antigua and Barbuda.
Statements in exercise of the right of reply were also made this afternoon by the representatives
of Rwanda, Uganda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
The Assembly will continue its general debate tomorrow, at 10 a.m.
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Assembly Work Programme
The General Assembly this afternoon continued its general debate. The President of Guinea-
Bissau as well as the Foreign Ministers of Jamaica, Poland, New Zealand, Tunisia, Armenia,
Gabon, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Lithuania, and
Antigua and Barbuda were expected to speak.
Statements
SEYMOUR MULLINGS, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Foreign
Trade of Jamaica, expressed concern about diminished cooperation for development and a
hardening of attitudes. The banana regime established within the framework of the Lomé
Convention and the ruling of the World Trade Organization panel underlined the indifference of
some countries to the plight of others. The economies of some Caribbean States faced a danger
not only to their prospects for economic stability and growth, but to their very survival. The
banana controversy signified the extent to which the interests of small producers were at the
mercy of those in a position of dominance in the world economy and world trade.
He said that another discouraging trend was the reduction of levels of development cooperation.
In the case of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), technical assistance had
been shrinking over the last five years. The process under way was directed at generating cost
savings and pooling resources, without increasing the quantum of funding available for
development cooperation under United Nations auspices.
Jamaica was also concerned about the growing trade in weapons, terrorist activities, and drug
trafficking. He welcomed preparations for the first international conference on small arms.
Turning to international security, he endorsed the Secretary–General’s quiet diplomacy.
International law affecting the sovereignty of States should not be brushed aside. The Security
Council should not be ignored in favour of unilateral action. Expressing support for peace efforts
in West Africa, Angola, the Horn of Africa, the Middle East and South-East Asia, he said Jamaica
expected the States in his own region to solve their disputes by peaceful means. The continued
embargo against Cuba carried the risk of conflict. He called for dialogue, normalization of
relations and an end to policies of confrontation and exclusion.
BRONISLAW GEREMEK, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Poland, asked whether the new
outbreaks of conflict in Kosovo and East Timor could have been averted. Was there the political
will to head them off in the future? If the answer was positive, what should be done to translate
political commitment into action in a concerted and effective way? How should the system of
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international relations be improved to give people the hope that they would not be left
defenceless in the face of genocide and persecution? The Charter had been born of the lessons
from a devastating world war. Most of today's conflicts, however, were of an intra-state nature.
"Can we tackle the new challenges with existing concepts and notions only?" he asked. "We
have come to accept that absolute sovereignty and total non- interference are no longer
tenable." There could be no sovereign right to ethnic cleansing and genocide. "What should not
repeat itself is the unacceptable inaction which occurred in the past … Rwanda demonstrates
what Kosovo might have become, had we not intervened in 1999 and Kosovo demonstrates
what Rwanda might have been, had we intervened in 1994."
The international community’s responsibility was the same with respect to all ethnic groups, he
said. In Kosovo, the ethnic cleansing of Albanians by Serbs had been stopped and reversed, but
Serbs and Roma were now under threat in Kosovo. It was not easy to reflect adequately the
primacy of the human person and human rights in international law. First, there were still too
many cases where the practice of curbing and limiting human rights to preserve political power
hid behind hypocritical lip-service to those rights. Second, the legal framework of intervention,
which should enable quick and effective action, was too often distorted by selective and
subjective interpretations. On the one hand, the banner of humanitarian intervention should not
be used as a pretext for imposing political control and domination from the outside. On the other
hand, the principle of humanitarian intervention had to be fairly and consistently applied to avoid
double standards.
He said the development of international law should uphold the basic truth that a sustainable and
secure world order could only be built on the freedom of the human being. Armed intervention
was a sign of the failure of cooperative methods. "We support wholeheartedly the efforts to foster
a new culture of prevention." The world still needed the United Nations; the Organization needed
a new vision and a reinforced commitment to the principles of the Charter on the part of Member
States. Those actors who were closer to events and had a larger stake in regional stability might
be more willing to react promptly and with greater determination. Thus, the key was closer
political and operational cooperation between the Security Council and regional organizations.
The process of United Nations reform needed to be deepened and accelerated. "Let us think
anew on how to strengthen the authority of the Council, and how to preclude a possibility that its
decisions are ignored or mis-implemented by individual States".
He said that a few weeks ago two young African stowaways had frozen to death in a flight from
Conakry to Brussels. They had left behind a moving letter addressed to "you and officials of
Europe", which said: "Help us. We suffer enormously in Africa. As children we have no rights.
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We have wars and diseases, and lack of food. We wish to be educated. Help us so we can study
and be in Africa the same way that you are in Europe." There was no appeal more eloquent than
those words of despair written by children. "We need to find the right solutions to social and
economic despair", he stressed. Social failure and frustration caused conflicts and
destabilization. "We must think about how to integrate social and economic programmes within
the general imperative of a new culture of prevention."
MALAM BACAI SANHA, President of Guinea-Bissau, said Africa was seeing an increase in the
number of conflicts. West Africa had not been spared, having undergone a number of fratricidal
crises, including those in Liberia, Sierra Leone and his own country. Among the most important
causes of the crises were the ineffectiveness of State authority, bad governance, violations of
human rights, non-compliance with the principle of separation of powers between sovereign
bodies, corruption, and deterioration of living conditions, as well as frustration and despair in the
fight for freedom.
The events of 7 June 1998 had resulted from such causes, he said. That tragedy had deeply
shaken his people and led to massive flows of refugees, as well as the devastation of economic
and social structures. Now the people of Guinea- Bissau wished to live in peace, fully enjoying
their fundamental rights. His country wanted to promote peace and national reconciliation on the
basis of democracy and the rule of law. He was also pleased to announce that a conference on
national reconciliation had recently been held. Elections were scheduled for 28 November.
However, an emergency programme was needed to ensure lasting peace and economic
development. He appealed urgently for support for his country's efforts to restore the
constitutional order. He stressed the importance of positive relations with the countries of the
subregion, including Senegal and Guinea.
Continuing, he expressed solidarity with the people of East Timor and demanded that their right
to self-determination be respected. He appealed to the international community to step up their
assistance towards the rebuilding of East Timor. His Government also supported the United
Nations and the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in the search for peaceful solutions to crises
in Africa. The situation in Angola was a cause of concern; energetic action was needed to
restore peace there. The situation in the Middle East also deserved particular attention. He
hoped that the embargo against Cuba would soon be lifted.
DONALD MCKINNON, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade of New Zealand, said the Security
Council's response to today's problems did not always increase confidence in the Organization.
The Secretary-General's remarks about the need to reconcile universal legitimacy and
effectiveness in defence of human rights were most timely. East Timor and Kosovo represented
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two extremely serious challenges that the Council had faced this year. New Zealand was proud
to be a contributor to the multinational force in East Timor. The people responsible for crimes
against humanity there should be brought to account. The overriding objective now must be to
ensure the realization of the outcome of the ballot and East Timor's transition to independence. It
was clear that the United Nations would be indispensable in laying the basis for East Timor's
future.
Comparison between East Timor and Kosovo was inevitable, he said. Collective action to put a
stop to a humanitarian disaster should never be held hostage to the veto. Otherwise the Council
would lose its credibility and relevance. New Zealand had never accepted that narrow interests
of any one of the five countries should be able to override the will of the clear majority of
members. The world must never again witness horrors, such as those in Kosovo, while the
Security Council remained impotent. The credibility of the Council depended in large part on its
being seen as even-handed in its attention to crises, wherever they occurred, whether CNN was
there or not. For much of the past year, the Council had been virtually paralyzed on the important
question of the disarmament of Iraq of its weapons of mass destruction. The reason again has
been the divisions among the permanent members who could block any action by veto. That was
unacceptable. Regarding the reform of the Council, he added that he was not convinced that a
more equitable representation would be achieved if the regional groups continued to reflect the
political geography of the 1960s. New Zealand was looking forward to joining a regional group,
which would include its Asia/Pacific neighbours.
In New Zealand's immediate region, he continued, the United Nations had demonstrated its
ability to respond by supporting the regionally inspired peace process in Bougainville and
assessing the needs of the population in the Solomon Islands. As the United Nations must be
able to respond effectively, the trend away from financing new peacekeeping operations by
means of assessed contributions and an increasing reliance on voluntary funding was disturbing.
In practical terms, that was likely to mean that those regions which failed to attract donor
support, would not receive the response they were entitled to. For that reason, all operations
must be put on an equal financial footing by means of assessed contributions. Also, the largest
contributor’s arrears to the peacekeeping and regular budgets continued to cast a shadow over
the Organization. As for official development assistance (ODA) , he applauded the efforts to turn
the situation around and to put the UNDP on a more secure footing with more clearly defined
priorities.
SAID BEN MUSTAPHA, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Tunisia, said that the issues giving rise to
the security problems confronting Africa should remain a top priority. Strong international support
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was needed to overcome them. Africa had given priority to the settlement of disputes to put an
end to the bloodshed in the continent, alleviate the sufferings of Africans and ensure security,
peace, stability and prosperity. The Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and
Resolution had achieved encouraging results that reflected the determination of African countries
to rely, first and foremost, on their own capabilities to solve the problems which threatened their
security. The Mechanism needed stronger financial and technical support from the international
community, to enhance its capacities and develop its efficiency.
He said there could be no stability without sustainable development. Despite the relentless
efforts undertaken by African countries in the political, economic and social fields aimed at
improving the situation of their peoples, there were still many difficulties preventing many
countries from implementing their development programmes. The African continent urgently
needed strong and continuous support, on the basis of their national priorities.
The year 1999 represented a landmark in Tunisia in the consolidation of the democratic process,
he said. It would be marked by pluralistic presidential and parliamentary elections, based on full
transparency and freedom of choice for its citizens in the framework of the respect of law. He
reviewed his Government’s efforts to promote women's freedom, consolidate the protection of
children, and enhance the protection of other vulnerable groups.
Calling for recognition of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, especially its right to an
independent state with Al Quds Al-Sharif as its capital, he stressed the importance of resuming
negotiations on the Syrian and Lebanese tracks. He called for Israel’s complete, unconditional
withdrawal from South Lebanon and the Syrian Golan. He also called for a speedy and final
lifting of the embargo against Lybia. Finally, he said Tunisia expected the reform of the Security
Council to lead to fulfilment of the requests of the developing countries, primarily African
countries, to have permanent representation.
VARTAN OSKANIAN, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Armenia, said it was evident all countries of
the world would continue to be substantially affected by globalization. Markets would continue to
specialize and widen through trade, there would be larger division of labour, and more efficient,
diversified allocation of financial resources, which would increase overall productivity and raise
living standards. No country would benefit spontaneously and automatically from the process,
however. The major tasks before governments was to develop and pursue sound policies and
appropriate structural adjustments to meet the challenges and take advantage of the
opportunities offered by globalization. Sound domestic economic planning and reforms were
critical, while regional cooperation and integration were essential.
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He said both his country and his region were adjusting to the multiple stresses of post-Soviet
economic, cultural and political transformations, both within States and among them. Neither
would allow itself to be marginalized. Rather, lasting stability and prosperity based on a sense of
solid and shared emergent values would be achieved through close regional cooperation,
whether political, economic or security based. As a young republic in transition between the
nightmare of a totalitarian single-party State and an emerging democratic, free market and open
society, Armenia was simultaneously faced with three tasks. It had to consolidate its State
structures, move its economy forward and resolve a territorial conflict over Karabagh.
The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) played a key role in finding a
peaceful solution to the Nagorno-Karabagh conflict, he said. It had been actively involved in
defining the elements for a durable peace and stability in the Transcaucasus. It was trying to
reconcile seemingly incompatible principles. At issue was the need to distinguish between
stability and the forced maintenance of the status quo. Conflating the two was neither wise nor
practicable in the long run, and a political status quo was neither inherently permanent nor a
viable policy for stability, which required a mechanism accommodating an evolutionary, dynamic
process of managing change. Those issues concerning Armenia’s affairs were among the
fundamental phenomena of countries that needed the attention of a world preoccupied with
immediate crises.
JEAN PING, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Gabon, said that some nations steadily acquired
prosperity and progressed while others, many of them African, seemed destined to become ever
more destitute. There were 1.5 billion people around the world who lived on less than a $1 a day,
1 billion who were incapable of reading and writing, and 3 million Africans who lived on the
fringes of the global village. There were also those who were reduced to slavery in modern
times, at the mercy of moneylenders. It was crucial that the debt problem be analysed not only in
terms of socio-economic indicators but also in terms of the measures that States must employ to
combat poverty. While his Government praised the initiative by the Group of Seven industrialized
countries and the Russian Federation to cancel the debt of the most heavily indebted countries,
the criteria for eligibility were very restrictive. The rich North had not only a duty but an interest in
making sure that its poor southern neighbours could take advantage of the opportunities
presented by globalization.
The time had come to seriously tackle the unavoidable problem of poverty eradication, he said.
The Organization must promote enhancement of living standards, full employment and social
development. The Organization's efforts to maintain international peace had been severely put to
the test, particularly in Africa. Nonetheless, there were some encouraging signs in certain African
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subregions. Gabon was also pleased with the resumption of the peace process in the Middle
East. However, more efforts were needed in Angola due to the National Union for the Total
Independence of Angola (UNITA) lack of adherence to agreements. Somalia was also still
without state institutions. The illegal circulation of small arms and light weapons hampered
development, peace and security and encouraged the phenomena of child soldiers and
racketeering.
Gabon was not immune to the of armed conflicts that plagued Africa, he went on. Some
countries paid heavy prices for their solidarity with peoples driven from their homes and
countries. Even though it had lived in peace and had never experienced war with another State,
Gabon shared the burden of war. Large migratory flows into his country had led to internal
disruption; it had recently accepted 50,000 refugees. His President had recently proposed the
creation of an African centre for emergency humanitarian intervention.
Although Gabon was the only sub-saharan country where financial and monetary institutions
were classified in the highest bracket of middle-income countries, its development indicators
were similar to those of many other African countries, he said. It had opened its economy, lifted
tariff and non-tariff restrictions, and set up new stable and legal institutions to encourage
investment. The stage had been set but the actors had not yet made an entrance; investors had
avoided Africa so far.
ALLAN CRUICKSHANK, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Tourism and Information of Saint Vincent
and the Grenadines, said that the argument that the United Nations had outlived its usefulness
and now existed only as “the world’s most expensive debate club”, was the argument of big,
powerful nations who could afford to take that position. For small, vulnerable developing
countries, however, the United Nations and other multilateral organizations were important
buffers in the interplay between finance and politics in the international arena. "The operating
budgets of many transnational corporations are far greater than the national budgets of
developing countries like my own”, he noted. "We are all painfully aware that the international
development agenda is controlled by these corporations."
He said the benefits of globalization had not been evenly distributed, and that developing
countries continued to be marginalized. While he respected the general thrust towards open
markets, competition and free trade, the economic survival and social stability of Saint Vincent
and the Grenadines remained closely linked to the banana trade. In fact, banana exports
accounted for 50 per cent of the gross domestic product (GDP) for the Windward Islands, but
Windward Island exports accounted for only 1 per cent of the world trade in bananas. Saint
Vincent and the Grenadines provided 40 per cent of the employment for the banana industry.
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"The imminent collapse of our major banana market demonstrates just how powerless small
developing States continue to be against powerful countries and their mega- corporations." The
United States’ disregard for that situation was inexplicable. The consequences of such a stance
would be economic and social dislocation manifested by increased unemployment,
impoverishment of farmers, crime and the erosion of basic human rights and dignity.
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines was resolute in its opposition to the international drug trade,
he said. The Government had moved bilaterally and with member countries of the Organization
of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS) and the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) to establish
agreements of mutual assistance in criminal matters. His Government recognized its own
limitations in confronting the enormous power and resources or drug traffickers; it had signed an
agreement that allowed foreign authorities to pursue such criminals in its territorial waters. It had
also enacted financing regulations to ensure against laundering of drug money.
He condemned the transshipment of hazardous material through Caribbean territorial waters,
and said that implementation of the Barbados Programme of Action was imperative to his
country’s survival. Finally, he called for remodelling of the Security Council along democratic
lives.
YERODIA ABDOULAYE NDOMBASI, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Democratic Republic of
the Congo, expressed concern about the ongoing invasion of his country. Rwanda, Uganda and
Burundi had invaded the Democratic Republic of the Congo on 2 August 1998 without being
provoked. Since then, they had been violating the principles of Article 2 of the Charter. They
claimed to defend their borders but they had turned into genocidal killers. They wanted his
country’s rich cobalt and diamond resources. Those materials were now trading on the Stock
Exchange and people were not refusing to buy them, although the sellers had bloody hands.
The invaders had arrived just when the Congolese were rebuilding their country, he said. Since
they had crossed the Congolese borders, his people had suffered many atrocities. Many were
hiding in the forests to escape massacres. Many children could not be vaccinated because
Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi had destroyed vaccines sent by the United Nations. He urged the
United Nations
Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi, if they were his country’s “friends” should go home because
"they have nothing to do with our country". He called upon the international community to
intervene to stop the invasion. He stressed that countries acting against the principles of the
Charter should not attend the General Assembly. Despite the ceasefire agreement signed on 10
July 1999, Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi had never stopped their massacres and atrocities.
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ALGIDRAS SAUDARGAS, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Lithuania, said that Member States
should be able to find common ground in Charter principles and the defence of humanity. Just
last year, Angola, Kosovo, Sierra Leone and East Timor had posed new challenges to the United
Nations and made the international community re-evaluate its actions in conflict prevention, the
role of the Security Council and its interaction with regional organizations.
The reform of the Council was urgently needed; too often had it been accused of failures in the
maintenance of international peace and security, he said. Its efficiency could be enhanced by
improving its representativity, legitimacy and credibility, which could promote wider acceptance of
its decisions. There were two most qualified industrialized countries which could become
permanent members of the Security Council. Developing nations deserved additional seats in
both permanent and non-permanent categories.
The United Nations needed resources and cooperation to fulfil its mandate to maintain
international peace and security, he continued. Lithuania had signed the Stand-by Agreement at
the beginning of 1998. A substantial part of its contribution was comprised of well-trained civilian
police, who would serve in Kosovo. A comprehensive set of political measures would have to be
elaborated to be approved at the Millennium Summit. New instruments were needed to ensure
accountability for gross violations of human rights and crimes against humanity.
Weaponry and armaments could be reduced by common actions, regardless of borders, he said.
Although there was a consensus that weapons of mass destruction must be eliminated, nuclear
disarmament was unacceptably unstable. Conventional arms also destroyed lives. Europe was
blessed with good regional security instruments. The proposed European security charter would
further build on the ideals of democracy, peace and unity.
PATRICK ALBERT LEWIS (Antigua and Barbuda) said globalization could severely reduce the
sovereignty of the weakest States. There had been a sad lack of attention to the pace, direction
and content of liberalization, taking into account different levels of development and the need to
build up national capabilities. Protectionist devices such as subsidies, guaranteed markets, and
production-ratio and price-level controls were provided for farmers in the dominant economies.
But when former colonial countries provided preferences to their previous colonies of
exploitation, they were challenged in the World Trade Organization by multinational enterprises.
There was no more blatant example of that than the actions of Chiquita in regard to the
Caribbean banana producers. The United Nations should stand up to the encroachment of
multinational enterprises that attempt to stifle the lifeblood of legitimate and sovereign countries.
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His Government had been surprised that a member of the Security Council had challenged his
country's first country cooperation framework, on the basis of Antigua and Barbuda’s per capita
income in 1998 and its rank in the United Nations Development Programme's Human
Development Report. But there had been no mention of the fact that Antigua and Barbuda
ranked extremely high in the vulnerability index, due in part to the damage inflicted upon the
islands by frequent hurricanes. To narrowly base the environmental, economic and
developmental health of the twin island State on per capita income and to ignore the persistent
problems confronted by most Caribbean small island developing States was unfair and unjust.
He said that there was an urgent need for the World Trade Organization to apply special and
differential treatment to small island States, as it did to least developed countries. There was
also a need to set up a disaster fund. "Whereas the existing mechanisms address the purpose of
relieving immediate suffering and agony, they are woefully insufficient for reconstruction and
rehabilitation.
Statements in Right of Reply
JOSEPH MUTABOBA (Rwanda) said that after hearing the baseless allegations by the Foreign
Minister from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, he felt compelled to set the record straight.
The international community was well aware of the tragedy endured by his country. It would take
too long, however, to respond to the Congolese Minister's long and confusing speech. The first
aggression had been against Rwanda. Armies had been allowed to re-group and re-train from
refugee camps located along the border between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the
Congo. Those armies had been fed and granted refugee status in violation of the Charter. In
addition, large numbers of Rwandans were held hostage, with the support of the ex-President of
the former Zaire, Sese Mobutu.
He said the Congolese leadership could not deny the assistance against Mr. Mobutu which they
had sought and received from Rwanda and other countries. They had even acknowledged this in
writing, accepting assistance from several friendly countries. There was a need to distinguish
between fact and fiction, perception and reality. President Laurent Kabila of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo had to answer in a court. The Congolese speaker had referred to
Rwandans today in vile terms. The last time he had heard such an inflammatory speech was in a
market in Ethiopia.
He said the cycle of impunity was still taking place. He asked the Assembly to continue efforts to
resolve the crisis in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, as the problem of disarming the
criminals who were responsible for the genocide still remained
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HAROLD ACEMAH (Uganda) said his country’s position on the internal conflict in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo was well known. It had been clearly enunciated in the
General Assembly, the Security Council and other forums. Ugandan troops were in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo as a result of the agreement between the two countries, an
issue which had been discussed as recently as last week before the General Assembly. "I shall
not waste any more time on that issue."
He categorically denied the false, malicious and gratuitous statements made against Uganda by
the Democratic Republic of the Congo. He reiterated that Uganda abided by all the principles of
the Lusaka Accords.
He also reminded the Congolese speaker that, without the gallant efforts of Uganda, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo would still be Zaire, "ruled by Mobutu and his cronies". And
the Minister himself would most likely be "hiding somewhere in the jungles of the Congo".
Finally, he said that the "unnecessary diatribe" by the speaker from the Democratic Republic of
the Congo was in violation of the letter and spirit of the Lusaka Accords, which had been signed
by the speaker's own President. ANDRE MWAMBA KAPANGA (Democratic Republic of the
Congo) said that there had been genocide in Rwanda in which 500,000 had died in 1994.
However, that genocide had been perpetrated by Rwandans against Rwandans on Rwandan
soil. Not a single Congolese had gone there to kill Rwandans. The Democratic Republic of the
Congo had received Rwandan refugees who had created desolation and extreme poverty in his
country. The genocide did not mean that Congolese should tolerate Rwandan soldiers in the
Congo perpetrating further death and genocide. The underlying reason for the presence of
Rwandans and Ugandans in the Congo was the resources that were available.
He said his country had committed itself to respecting the Lusaka Accords and would see that its
terms were applied. It was not the Democratic Republic of the Congo that was guilty of holding
up implementation. Today, Uganda and Rwanda were amassing troops, bringing in weapons and
occupying other parts of his country, even after signing the Lusaka Accords. That showed that
they were not committed to peace. After signing the Accords, his Government had requested the
Council and the United Nations to send a peacekeeping force as soon as possible so that peace
could prevail in his country and the rest of the region.
* *** *
14.10.2022, 16:10 SPEAKERS IN GENERAL ASSEMBLY URGE EVEN-HANDED APPROACHES TO CRISISES | Un Press
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14.10.2022, 16:00 Transcript: Clinton addresses nation on Yugoslavia strike - March 24,1999
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Transcript: Clinton
addresses nation on
Yugoslavia strike
March 24, 1999
PRESIDENT CLINTON: My fellow
Americans, today our armed forces joined our
NATO
allies in airstrikes against Serbian forces
responsible for the
brutality in Kosovo. We have
acted with resolve for several
reasons.
We act to protect thousands of innocent people in
Kosovo from a
mounting military offensive.
We act to prevent a wider war, to defuse a
powder keg at the
heart of Europe, that has
exploded twice before in this century
with
catastrophic results.
We act to stand united with our allies for peace.
By acting now, we are upholding our values,
protecting our
interests, and advancing the cause
of peace.
Tonight I want to speak with you about the
tragedy in Kosovo and
why it matters to America
that we work with our allies to end it.
First, let me explain what it is that we are
responding to.
Kosovo is a province of Serbia, in
the middle of south eastern
Europe and about 160
miles east of Italy. That's less than the
distance
between Washington and New York, and only
about 70 miles
north of Greece.
Its people are mostly ethnic Albanian and mostly
Muslim.
In 1989 Serbia's leader Slobodan Milosevic, the
same leader who
started the wars in Bosnia and
Croatia, and moved against Slovenia
in the last
decade, stripped Kosovo of the constitutional
autonomy
it's people enjoyed, thus denying them
their right to speak their
language, run their
schools, shape their daily lives. For years,
Kosovar's struggled peacefully to get their rights
back. When
President Milosevic sent his troops
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Annex 14
14.10.2022, 16:00 Transcript: Clinton addresses nation on Yugoslavia strike - March 24,1999
https://edition.cnn.com/ALLPOLITICS/stories/1999/03/25/clinton.transcript/ 2/6
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and police to crush them, the
struggle grew
violent.
Last fall, our diplomacy, backed by the threat of
force from our
NATO alliance, stopped the
fighting for awhile, and rescued tens of
thousands
of people from freezing and starvation in the hills
where
they had fled to save their lives. And last
month, with our allies
and Russia, we proposed a
peace agreement to end the fighting for
good.
The Kosovar leaders signed that agreement last
week.
Even though it does not give them all they want,
even though
their people were still being
savaged, they saw that a just peace
is better than
a long and unwinable war.
The Serbian leaders, on the other hand, refused
even to discuss
key elements of the peace
agreement. As the Kosovars were saying
yes to
peace, Serbia stationed 40,000 troops in and
around Kosovo
in preparation for a major
offensive and in clear violation of the
commitments they had made.
Now they've started moving from village to
village, shelling
civilians and torching their
houses. We've seen innocent people
taken from
their homes, forced to kneel in the dirt and
sprayed
with bullets. Kosovar men dragged from
their families, fathers and
sons together, lined up,
and shot in cold blood. This is not war in
the
traditional sense. It is an attack by tanks and
artillery on a
largely defenseless people, whose
leaders already have agreed to
peace.
Ending this tragedy is a moral imperative. It is
also important
to America's national interests.
Take a look at this map. Kosovo is
a small place,
but it sits on a major fault line between Europe,
Asia, and the Middle East, at the meeting place of
Islam and both
the Western and Orthodox
branches of Christianity.
To the south are our allies, Greece and Turkey. To
the north,
our new democratic allies in Central
Europe. And all around Kosovo,
there are other
small countries, struggling with their own
economic
and political challenges, countries that
could be overthrown by a
large new wave of
refugees from Kosovo.
All the ingredients for a major war are there.
Ancient
grievances, struggling democracies and
in the center of it all, a
dictator in Serbia who has
done nothing since the Cold War ended,
but start
Strike on Yugoslavia
The Conflict:
From TIME: The
Kosovo Catastrophe: In
Pictures
Kosovo Primer
Message Board:
Your thoughts...
14.10.2022, 16:00 Transcript: Clinton addresses nation on Yugoslavia strike - March 24,1999
https://edition.cnn.com/ALLPOLITICS/stories/1999/03/25/clinton.transcript/ 3/6
new wars and pour gasoline on the flames of
ethnic and
religious division.
Sarajevo, the capital of neighboring Bosnia, is
where World War
I began. World War II and the
Holocaust engulfed this region. In
both wars
Europe was slow to recognize the dangers, and
the United
States waited even longer to enter the
conflicts. Just imagine if
leaders back then had
acted wisely and early enough, how many lives
could have been saved? How many Americans
would not have had to
die?
We learned some of the same lessons in Bosnia
just a few years
ago. The world did not act early
enough to stop that war either.
And let's not forget
what happened. Innocent people herded into
concentration camps, children gunned down by
snipers on their way
to school, soccer fields and
parks turned into cemeteries. A
quarter of a
million people killed, not because of anything
they
had done, but because of who they were.
Two million Bosnians became
refugees.
This was genocide in the heart of Europe, not in
1945, but in
1995. Not in some grainy newsreel
from our parents' and
grandparents' time, but in
our own time, testing our humanity and
our
resolve.
At the time, many people believed nothing could
be done to end
the bloodshed in Bosnia. They
said, "Well, that's just the way
those people in the
Balkans are." But when we and our allies
joined
with courageous Bosnians to stand up to the
aggressors, we
helped to end the war. We learned
that in the Balkans, inaction in
the face of
brutality, simply invites brutality. But firmness
can
stop armies and save lives.
We must apply that lesson in Kosovo, before
what happened in
Bosnia, happens there, too.
Over the last few months, we have done
everything we possibly
could to solve this
problem peacefully. Secretary Albright has
worked tirelessly for a negotiated agreement. Mr.
Milosevic has
refused.
On Sunday, I sent Ambassador Dick Holbrooke
to Serbia to make
clear to him again on behalf of
the United States and our NATO
allies that he
must honor his own commitments and stop his
repression or face military action. Again, he
refused.
Today, we and our 18 NATO allies agreed to do
what we said we
would do, what we must do to
restore the peace. Our mission is
clear -- to
14.10.2022, 16:00 Transcript: Clinton addresses nation on Yugoslavia strike - March 24,1999
https://edition.cnn.com/ALLPOLITICS/stories/1999/03/25/clinton.transcript/ 4/6
demonstrate the seriousness of NATO's purpose
so that
the Serbian leaders understand the
imperative of reversing course,
to deter an even
bloodier offensive against innocent civilians in
Kosovo and, if necessary, to seriously damage the
Serbian
military's capacity to harm the people of
Kosovo.
In short, if President Milosevic will not make
peace, we will
limit his ability to make war.
Now I want to be clear with you, there are risks
in this
military action -- risk to our pilots and the
people on the ground. Serbia's air defenses are
strong. It could decide to intensify
its assault on
Kosovo, or to seek to harm us or our allies
elsewhere. If it does, we will deliver a forceful
response.
Hopefully, Mr. Milosevic will realize his present
course is
self-destructive and unsustainable. If he
decides to accept the
peace agreement and
demilitarize Kosovo, NATO has agreed to help to
implement it with a peacekeeping force.
If NATO's invited to do so, our troops should take
part in that
mission to keep the peace, but I do not
intend to put our troops in
Kosovo to fight a war.
Do our interests in Kosovo justify the dangers to
our armed
forces? I thought long and hard about
that question. I am convinced
that the dangers of
acting are far outweighed by the dangers of not
acting -- dangerous to defenseless people and to
our national
interests.
If we and our allies were to allow this war to
continue with no
response, President Milosevic
would read our hesitation as a
license to kill.
There would be many massacres, tens of
thousands
refugees, victims crying our for
revenge. Right now, our firmness
is the only hope
the people of Kosovo have to be able to live in
their own country, without having to fear for their
own lives.
Remember, we asked them to accept peace and
they did. We asked
them to promise to lay down
their arms and they agreed. We pledged
that we,
the United States and the other 18 nations of
NATO would
stick by them if they did the right
thing. We cannot let them down
now.
Imagine what would happen if we and our allies
instead decided
just to look the other way as
these people were massacred on NATO's
doorstep. That would discredit NATO, the
cornerstone on which our
security has rested for
50 years now.
14.10.2022, 16:00 Transcript: Clinton addresses nation on Yugoslavia strike - March 24,1999
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We must also remember that this is a conflict
with no natural
national boundaries. Let me ask
you to look again at a map. The red
dots are
towns the Serbs have attacked. The arrows show
the
movement of refugees north, east and south.
Already, this movement
is threatening the young
democracy in Macedonia, which has its own
Albanian minority and a Turkish minority.
Already, Serbian forces have made forays into
Albania from which
Kosovars have drawn
support. Albania has a Greek minority. Let a
fire
burn here in this area, and the flames will spread.
Eventually, key U.S. allies could be drawn into a
wider conflict
-- a war we would be forced to
confront later, only at far greater
risk and greater
cost.
I have a responsibility as president to deal with
problems such
as this before they do permanent
harm to our national interests.
America has a
responsibility to stand with our allies when they
are
trying to save innocent lives and preserve
peace, freedom and
stability in Europe. That is
what we are doing in Kosovo.
If we've learned anything from the century
drawing to a close,
it is that if America is going
to be prosperous and secure, we need
a Europe
that is prosperous, secure, undivided and free.
We need a Europe that is coming together, not
falling apart. A
Europe that shares our values,
and shares the burdens of
leadership. That is the
foundation on which the security of our
children
will depend. That is why I have supported the
political
and economic unification of Europe.
That is why we brought Poland,
Hungary, and the
Czech Republic into NATO, and redefined its
mission. And reached out to Russia and Ukraine
for new
partnerships.
Now what are the challenges to that vision of a
peaceful,
secure, united, stable Europe? The
challenge of strengthening a
partnership with a
democratic Russia, that despite our
disagreements, is a constructive partner in the
work of building
peace. The challenge of
resolving the tensions between Greece and
Turkey, and building bridges with the Islamic
world.
And finally, the challenge of ending instability in
the Balkans,
so that these bitter, ethnic problems
in Europe are resolved by the
force of argument,
not the force of bombs. So that future
generations
of Americans do not have to cross the Atlantic to
14.10.2022, 16:00 Transcript: Clinton addresses nation on Yugoslavia strike - March 24,1999
https://edition.cnn.com/ALLPOLITICS/stories/1999/03/25/clinton.transcript/ 6/6
fight
another terrible war. It is this challenge that
we and our allies
are facing in Kosovo.
That is why we have acted now -- because we
care about saving
innocent lives, because we
have an interest in avoiding an even
crueler and
costlier war and because our children need and
deserve
a peaceful, stable, free Europe.
Our thoughts and prayers tonight must be with
the men and women
of our armed forces, who are
undertaking this mission for the sake
of our
values and our children's future.
May God bless them, and may God bless
America.
MORE STORIES:
Thursday, March 25, 1999
• House, Senate approve fiscal 2000 budget plan
• Congress offers its ideas on Kosovo policy
• Transcript: Clinton addresses nation on Yugoslavia strike
• Prosecutors press McDougal on her knowledge of financial
transactions
• 2000 Census battle heats up
• Congress passes resolution supporting U.S. troops
• House Republicans push their 2000 budget
• Comparison between budgets offered by Republicans and
Clinton
• Grand jury forewoman would have indicted Clinton for perjury
• Analysis: Attack on Serbs tests Clinton's leadership, credibility
• Senate committee approves Y2K lawsuit bill
• Higher campaign contribution limits urged
• 'Sober, serious' day of diplomacy, military action for Clinton
• Georgia Legislature approves anti-sprawl agency
• Clinton signs new law to protect nursing home Medicaid
patients
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14.10.2022, 16:01 CRISIS IN THE BALKANS: THE PRESIDENT; Clinton Underestimated Serbs, He Acknowledges - The New York Times
https://www.nytimes.com/1999/06/26/world/crisis-in-the-balkans-the-president-clinton-underestimated-serbs-he-acknowledges.html 1/3
https://www.nytimes.com/1999/06/26/world/crisis-in-the-balkans-thepresident-
clinton-underestimated-serbs-he-acknowledges.html
CRISIS IN THE BALKANS: THE PRESIDENT
By John M. Broder
June 26, 1999
See the article in its original context from
June 26, 1999, Section A, Page 6 Buy Reprints
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President Clinton acknowledged today for the first time that he had underestimated
Serbia's ability to withstand the NATO bombing campaign.
In a lengthy news conference this afternoon, Mr. Clinton said he had believed that
President Slobodan Milosevic of Yugoslavia would submit to allied demands after ''a
couple of days'' of bombing and halt the Serbian assault on Kosovo.
NATO and the Administration were initially criticized for that miscalculation of Serbian
stamina, and then for failing to have a strategy for a prolonged air war, a campaign that
ultimately lasted 78 days.
Until today, the President and his top advisers did not concede that they were wrong in
their initial expectation that Mr. Milosevic would capitulate after a few days of limited air
strikes.
Mr. Clinton said he had come to realize, once Mr. Milosevic withstood the first days of
bombing, that the conflict would last for many weeks until the damage compelled the
Yugoslav leader to relent in his campaign of terror in Kosovo.
CRISIS IN THE BALKANS: THE PRESIDENT; Clinton
Underestimated Serbs, He Acknowledges
Annex 15
14.10.2022, 16:01 CRISIS IN THE BALKANS: THE PRESIDENT; Clinton Underestimated Serbs, He Acknowledges - The New York Times
https://www.nytimes.com/1999/06/26/world/crisis-in-the-balkans-the-president-clinton-underestimated-serbs-he-acknowledges.html 2/3
Mr. Clinton said he had been ''surprised and heartbroken'' by the destruction of the
Chinese Embassy in Belgrade by guided weapons from an American B-2 bomber, an
incident that continues to strain relations between the United States and China.
''I had no earthly idea that our system would permit that kind of mistake,'' Mr. Clinton
said.
On another matter, Mr. Clinton said he had misspoken earlier this year when he said he
had been presented with no evidence of breaches of security at United States nuclear
weapons laboratories during his tenure in office.
''I think my choice of wording was poor,'' Mr. Clinton acknowledged today. ''What I
should have said was I did not know of any specific instance of espionage, because I think
that we've been suspicious all along.''
He said new information had since come to light, including that of the transfer of highly
classified computer codes relating to nuclear weapons design and testing from a secure
computer to the personal computer of a Chinese-American scientist at Los Alamos
National Laboratory.
The President took no position on a recommendation from his intelligence advisory
board that nuclear weapons design work be made independent of its current
bureaucratic home, the Energy Department, or given greater autonomy within the
agency. ''I have asked our people to look at it,'' he said.
He declined to answer a question about the peace talks in Northern Ireland, where
militant groups on both sides of the conflict are required to disarm by July 1 under terms
of an agreement signed in April 1998.
The parties are in intense negotiations, the President said, and time is short to resolve
longstanding issues. ''This is a very serious, serious period, and I do not want to say
anything that would make it worse,'' he said.
He was asked several questions about Kosovo during the 75-minute news conference. He
grew passionate when asked why he would not consider providing aid to rebuild Serbia,
which was significantly damaged by the allied air campaign.
He has said before that no Western aid will flow to Belgrade as long as Mr. Milosevic
remains in power. He repeated that pledge today and delivered a lectern-pounding
admonition to the people of Serbia.
''What the Serbian people decide to do, of course, is their own affair,'' the President said.
''But you know, they're going to have to come to grips with what Mr. Milosevic ordered in
Kosovo.''
14.10.2022, 16:01 CRISIS IN THE BALKANS: THE PRESIDENT; Clinton Underestimated Serbs, He Acknowledges - The New York Times
https://www.nytimes.com/1999/06/26/world/crisis-in-the-balkans-the-president-clinton-underestimated-serbs-he-acknowledges.html 3/3
He continued: ''And then they're going to have to decide whether they support his
leadership or not, whether they think it's O.K. that all those tens of thousands of people
were killed and all those hundreds of thousands of people were run out of their homes
and all those little girls were raped and all those little boys were murdered. They're going
to have to decide if they think that is O.K., and if they think it's O.K., they can make that
decision, but I wouldn't give them one red cent for reconstruction if they think it's O.K.,
because I don't think it's O.K.''
Mr. Clinton also emphatically rejected a reporter's suggestion that the United States and
NATO were guilty of war crimes for killing Yugoslav civilians and destroying electric
stations and waterworks. ''NATO did not commit war crimes,'' Mr. Clinton said. ''NATO
stopped war crimes. NATO stopped deliberate, systematic efforts at ethnic cleansing and
genocide. And we did it in a way to minimize civilian casualties.''
He said that the allied bombardment had been the most accurate in the history of warfare
and that civilian deaths had been minimal.
The Administration has not released an estimate of civilian deaths caused by the NATO
air campaign, but one official said the preliminary tally was in the ''low hundreds.'' The
Pentagon estimates that allied attacks during the Persian Gulf war of 1991 killed several
thousand Iraqi civilians.
Serbian reports have estimated civilian deaths at 1,200 to 2,000.
Mr. Clinton said he had been fooled by Mr. Milosevic when they last met, at a luncheon in
Paris in 1995 when leaders were gathered to sign the Dayton peace accords that ended
the war in Bosnia. Mr. Clinton said he had thought that perhaps Mr. Milosevic was not
responsible for the atrocities and ethnic cleansing in Bosnia that left an estimated
250,000 dead and 2.5 million homeless.
''It was a delightful and interesting lunch,'' the President said. ''And I thought, well, you
know, maybe he had some distance between the extreme activities of the Serbs in Bosnia.
And then he went right out and did it all over again, and I mean with people directly
under his control.''
14.10.2022, 16:02 CNN - Clinton 'disturbed' by reports of Serb atrocities - March 30, 1999
edition.cnn.com/US/9903/30/us.kosovo.01/ 1/2
ALSO
Thomas Pickering interview
Definition
Genocide:
"The systematic killing of, or a
program of action intended to
destroy, a whole national or ethnic
group."
Source: Webster's New World
College Dictionary
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FASTER ACCESS:
europe
japan
Clinton 'disturbed' by reports
of Serb atrocities
March 30, 1999
Web posted at: 12:24 p.m. EST (1724 GMT)
WASHINGTON (CNN) -- President
Clinton is "very disturbed" by
reports of Serb atrocities against
ethnic Albanians in Kosovo and has
"redoubled his resolve" to continue
NATO's round-the-clock air
campaign against Yugoslavia, his
spokesman said Tuesday.
"We have heard reports of atrocities,
and we have clear examples of
ethnic cleansing," White House press secretary Joe Lockhart said. But
he said the Clinton administration could not confirm that genocide was
taking place in Kosovo, a Serbian province.
"We see potential evidence of genocide and that evidence will continue
to be collected" for possible use in war crimes trials, Lockhart said.
Yugoslav officials say the thousands of ethnic Albanian refugees
leaving Kosovo are fleeing not from atrocities, but from fighting
between the Yugoslav army and "terrorists" of the separatist Kosovo
Liberation Army.
Lockhart said the Clinton administration
had not heard whether Russian Prime
Minister Yevgeny Primakov had been
successful in his mission to Belgrade to
find a diplomatic solution to the Kosovo
crisis.
Lockhart repeated comments made earlier in the day by Undersecretary
of State Thomas Pickering, who told CNN the United States is neither
optimistic nor pessimistic about Primakov's talks with Yugoslav
President Slobodan Milosevic.
In a separate interview, Pickering rejected a suggestion that the
bombing will not succeed and that NATO ground troops would be
needed to force Milosevic to sign a peace agreement.
Clinton was expected to comment on the week-old NATO offensive
during a Tuesday afternoon appearance at the State Department.
Correspondent Chris Black contributed to this report.
Annex 16
The Washington Post
Kosovo's Cruel Realities
By Salman Rushdie
August 4, 1999
In the wake of the Gracko killings, British Prime Minister Tony Blair has appealed to the Albanians of
Kosovo to set aside their enmities. "We fought this conflict," Mr. Blair said in the provincial capital Pristina
last Friday, "because we believe in justice, because we believed it was wrong to have ethnic cleansing and
racial genocide here in Europe towards the end of the 20th century, and we didn't fight it to have another
ethnic minority [the Kosovan Serb minority] repressed."
These are good-hearted, high-minded, decent words, the words of a man who believes he has fought and
won a just war, and for whom "justice" includes the idea of reconciliation. But they also indicate a failure of
imagination. What happened to the Albanians in Kosovo was an atrocity whose dark effect on the spirit
may lie beyond the power of decent men such as Mr. Blair to wish away. What happened may be, quite
simply, unforgivable.
Tragically, this is not the first such imaginative failure. In the conflict's early days, many Kosovar
Albanians also failed to grasp the scale of the horror that was coming their way. In many villages, the men
decided to flee, convinced that Milosevic's army was intent on massacring them. They vanished into the
woods, over the mountains, out of the army's murderous reach.
But they made one miscalculation: they left their families behind, unable to believe that their wives and
children and infirm grandparents would be at risk from the advancing soldiers. The human capacity for the
atrocious proved greater than these other human beings were able to foresee.
Now let us imagine the refugees' terrible return at the conflict's end. Nervously, hoping for joy, they near
their village. But before they get there they understand that the unimaginable has occurred.
The men of this village must now face a truth in which profound shame and humiliation mingle with great
grief. They are alive because they ran away, but the loved ones whom they left behind have been murdered
in their stead. The bodies which they now carry in farmyard carts to the burial ground speak accusations
through their shrouds.
The village's survivors tell the returned refugees the story of the massacre. They tell them how some of the
Serbs in the village put on Serbian army uniforms and used their local knowledge to help the killers flush
out the terrified Albanians from their bolt-holes. No, they said, don't bother to search that house, it has no
cellar. Ah, but this house, there's cellar under that rug, they'll be hiding in there.
These Kosovan Serbs have fled now. But Milosevic doesn't want them in Serbia, where they are the living
proof of his defeat. And Mr Blair, too, wants them to go home and be protected by K-FOR. They are
Kosovo's Cruel Realities - The Washington Post https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/opinions/1999/08/04/kosov...
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Annex 17
reluctant to return, fearing vengeance. And guess what? They're right. They're right and Tony Blair, with
his vision of a new Kosovo -- "a symbol of how the Balkans should be" -- is wrong.
I supported the NATO operation in Kosovo, finding the human rights evidence in favor of intervention to
be powerful and convincing. Many writers, intellectuals, artists and left-leaning bien-pensants thought
otherwise. One of their arguments was, if Kosovo, then why not Kurdistan? Why not Rwanda or East
Timor? Oddly, this kind of rhetoric actually makes the opposite point to the one it thinks it's making. For if
it would have been right to intervene in these cases, and the West was wrong not to, then surely it was also
right to defend the Kosovans, and the West's previous failures only serve to emphasize that this time, at
least, they -- "we" -- got it right.
The anti-intervention camp's major allegation was and is that NATO's action in fact precipitated the
violence it was intended to prevent; that, so to speak, the massacres were Madeleine Albright's fault. This
seems to me both morally reprehensible -- because it exculpates the actual killers -- and demonstrably
wrong.
Set aside all emotion and look at the cold logistics of Milosevic's massacre. It quickly becomes apparent
that the atrocity had been carefully planned. Now, one does not make detailed plans to wipe out thousands
of people just in case a speedy response to a Western attack should be needed. One plans a massacre
because one intends to carry out a massacre.
True, the speed and enormity of the Serb attack took the NATO forces by surprise (another failure of
imagination). That doesn't make it right to blame NATO. Murderers are guilty of the murders they commit,
rapists of their rapes.
But if "we" were right to go in, and the war was indeed fought for idealistic motives, the idealism of the
present policy looks increasingly starry-eyed. The reality, as reported by experienced foreign
correspondents who have returned from Kosovo to say that they have never seen anything like it, is that
there are few Serbs left in Kosovo, and it is probably impossible to protect them.
The old, multicultural Sarajevo was destroyed by the Bosnia war. The old Kosovo is gone too, very probably
for good. Mr. Blair's ideal Kosovo is a dream. He and his colleagues should now support the construction of
the free, ethnically Albanian entity which seems like a historical inevitability.
The aftermath of a war is no time for dreaming.
Salman Rushdie is a British novelist and essayist.
(C) 1999, New York Times Syndicate
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2 of 2 10/14/2022, 4:07 PM
14.10.2022, 16:09 CNN - NATO, British leaders allege 'genocide' in Kosovo - March 29, 1999
edition.cnn.com/WORLD/europe/9903/29/refugees.01/ 1/5
Ethnic Albanian woman
An ethnic Albanian woman stares out the
window of a vehicle as she crosses into
Macedonia on Sunday
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Clinton says he supports broadened NATO
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NATO, British leaders allege
'genocide' in Kosovo
Refugees pour across
borders
March 29, 1999
Web posted at: 5:38 a.m. EST (1038 GMT)
In this story:
1 million could be displaced
KLA representative cites 'concentration
camps'
Verification of reports difficult
People taken in trucks, Kosovars say
Yugoslav minister denies ethnic cleansing
Alleged paramilitary link
RELATED STORIES, SITES
PRISTINA, Yugoslavia (CNN) -- As
frightened Kosovars continued their
exodus by the thousands Monday,
some international leaders said that
Serb actions against ethnic
Albanians in Yugoslavia amount to
genocide.
"We are confronting a regime which
is intent on genocide," said British
Defense Secretary George
Robertson.
NATO said it is gathering evidence
of genocide to present to the
international war crimes tribunal for
possible prosecution.
More than 500,000 ethnic Albanians
have fled what NATO calls a
"scorched earth policy" by Yugoslav
forces in Kosovo. Many have
reported witnessing executions,
including the killings of parents or
Annex 18
14.10.2022, 16:09 CNN - NATO, British leaders allege 'genocide' in Kosovo - March 29, 1999
edition.cnn.com/WORLD/europe/9903/29/refugees.01/ 2/5
NATO, British leaders allege 'genocide' in
Kosovo
Primakov to try to halt NATO bombings
NATO stealth missions continue after crash
Russia: NATO strikes hurting relations with
U.S.
Clinton: NATO must keep up air campaign
Anti-NATO protests in Australia, Austria,
Russia
Report: Police detain suspects in embassy
shooting
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children. In some cases, refugees
said whole neighborhoods were
wiped out, and homes were torched.
Some Kosovars crossed into
Albania on tractors and on foot
Sunday, clutching their children.
One woman said men from her
village were taken two by two, and
shot. Her own son was killed, she
told CNN.
"I've seen massacres in Kosovo," an
elderly refugee told CNN on
Sunday. "I've seen the Serbs cutting people's throats."
However, the reports of atrocities could not be independently verified.
Yugoslavian officials denied that war crimes were taking place, and
attributed the flow of displaced people to NATO airstrikes, saying
Kosovars were fleeing the NATO attacks.
NATO Secretary General Javier Solano planned to meet with
representatives of the European Union on Monday to develop an
emergency plan to meet the needs of the refugees.
More than 1 million may be displaced
One Kosovo official estimated the number of displaced could exceed 1
million. Serbs "are continuing ltheir policy of ethnic cleansing on a
grand scale," Bajram Gecha of the Kosovo Crisis Committee told CNN
on Sunday.
"Whether we like it or not, we have to admit that we are on the brink of
a major humanitarian disaster in Kosovo, the likes of which have not
been seen in Europe since the closing stages of World War II," said
NATO spokesman Jamie Shea.
Shea expressed concern that the majority of refugees are women and
children. "What happened to the males between the ages of l6 and 60?"
he asked.
Senior U.S. administration officials, NATO representatives and
humanitarian groups have said a calculated campaign of ethnic
cleansing in Kosovo has intensified since the beginning of NATO's
military campaign against Yugoslavia.
"I think it's genocide by any definition, but specifically genocide by the
definition of the convention against genocide which over 100 countries
are parties to, including the United States, Europe and Yugoslavia," said
Barry Carter, a professor at the Georgetown University Law School.
The U.N. convention signed in 1948 says genocide involves an intent to
destroy -- in whole or in part -- a national, ethnic, racial or religious
group.
But so far, in the United States, the Clinton Administration has used the
word "genocide" sparingly, and only in connection with the war crimes
tribunal, saying it will assist in efforts to prosecute anyone responsible
14.10.2022, 16:09 CNN - NATO, British leaders allege 'genocide' in Kosovo - March 29, 1999
edition.cnn.com/WORLD/europe/9903/29/refugees.01/ 3/5
for ordering and carrying out war crimes, crimes against humanity or
genocide in Kosovo.
The 1948 convention says signatory nations may ask the U.N. to take
such action as they consider appropriate for the porevention and
suppression of acts of genocide.
KLA representative cites 'concentration camps'
A senior representative of the Kosovo Liberation Army, which is
fighting for Kosovo's independence from Yugoslavia, says Serbian
police and paramilitary forces are herding people into concentration
camps and conducting mass executions.
In a telephone interview on Sunday with CNN from his hiding place
near Pristina, Hashim Thaqi, one of the KLA delegates who signed the
Western-brokered Kosovo peace deal, pleaded for intervention by
NATO ground troops to stop the violence.
"Only NATO troops can save the people of Kosovo from further
catastrophe," Thaqi said. "This is the hour of need for Kosovo."
Thaqi said 20,000 people from the town of Drenica, including elderly
women and young children, have been taken to an undisclosed location.
He said 20,000 residents of another town were taken to a munitions
factory, where they have been held for four days.
"We can openly say there are concentration camps in Kosovo now," he
said. "It is of utmost importance that humanitarian groups and
journalists see the truth for themselves."
Verification of reports difficult
Independent verification of ethnic Albanian claims of human rights
abuses is difficult because most international observers, humanitarian
workers and journalists have either left Kosovo or were expelled by
Serbian officials.
Thaqi said 30 people were executed in one town Saturday night and 22
teachers were hanged in front of their students in another area. He
estimated that 500,000 ethnic Albanians had fled into dense woods, and
he said thousands were trying to flee across the province's borders into
neighboring countries.
In Pristina, the provincial capital, Thaqi said there appeared to be a
systematic campaign to wipe out the ethnic Albanian population.
"Pristina today is almost a dead city. There are executions happening,"
Thaqi said. "Many intellectuals are being killed, and whole
neighborhoods are being ethnically cleansed by the paramilitary forces,
Serbian military and police forces.
"The shops and houses are all being burned," he said.
Thaqi said KLA fighters have not fled the province and are "trying to
defend the civilian population." He said they have met with some
success in parts of Pristina.
14.10.2022, 16:09 CNN - NATO, British leaders allege 'genocide' in Kosovo - March 29, 1999
edition.cnn.com/WORLD/europe/9903/29/refugees.01/ 4/5
People taken in trucks, Kosovars say
Kosovars escaping from the city of Pec into nearby Montenegro also
said Serbians had committed mass executions in the streets, taken many
people away in covered trucks to undisclosed locations, and moved into
the houses from which they evicted ethnic Albanians, eyewitnesses told
CNN.
That Serbians have reportedly subjected a city the size of Pec, with
about 90,000 inhabitants, instead of smaller villages to such efforts
suggests they have an organized plan for the removal of ethnic
Albanians, some Kosovars told CNN.
Refugees heading into Albania gave similar accounts of violence and
terror. Albania is ill-equipped to handle the influx of thousands of
people. As many as 20,000 were expected Monday.
"Fortunately, I thank God, I saved my 15-year-old son," said Fehmije
Haxhiolli, who escaped into Albania with an extended family of 30. "I
put a dress on him and a shawl, and the Serbs thought he was a
woman."
Haxhiolli said the Serbs told the family they would be shot if they were
still in Kosovo the following morning.
U.N. officials characterize the situation in Albania and other
economically poor border states as desperate, predicting the current
steady flow of refugees could turn into a massive flood.
Yugoslav minister denies ethnic cleansing
A top Yugoslavian official denied that his country is committing an
ethnic cleansing.
"We need the Albanians in our state," Deputy Prime Minister Vuk
Draskovic told CNN. He insisted Kosovo rebels provoked Serbian
attacks, and gave a long list of what he said were historic Albanian
transgressions against Serbians.
"Who committed genocide against whom?" he asked.
The Yugoslav army and Serbian special police forces were pursuing
ethnic Albanians relentlessly, NATO said, chasing them from their
homes before burning houses to the ground.
Ethnic Albanian leader Ibrahim Rugova was believed to be in hiding,
U.S. officials said.
Alleged paramilitary link
The Serbs' attacks have worsened, NATO said, since bombings began
last week. NATO's campaign was launched to try to force Yugoslav
President Slobodan Milosevic to sign a peace agreement that would
stop the conflict between the Serbs and ethnic Albanians who make up
the majority of the Kosovo province.
NATO said its bombing campaign would continue in an effort to stop
"genocidal" attacks.
14.10.2022, 16:09 CNN - NATO, British leaders allege 'genocide' in Kosovo - March 29, 1999
edition.cnn.com/WORLD/europe/9903/29/refugees.01/ 5/5
NATO spokesman Jamie Shea said Sunday that NATO had received
reports that a notorious Serbian paramilitary force known as the Tigers,
linked to atrocities in Serbian campaigns in Bosnia some years ago, is
operating in Kosovo.
But Zeljko Raznjatovic, the leader of the group, denied NATO's
allegation that he was in the war-torn province.
"I am here in Belgrade," said Raznjatovic, otherwise known as Arkan,
in an interview with Reuters television Sunday.
Correspondents Mike Hanna, Chris Burns, Matthew Chance, Jonathan Aiken and Andrea
Koppel contributed to this report.
RELATED STORIES:
Kosovars flee region as NATO strikes enter Day 5
March 28, 1999
NATO stealth missions continue after crash
March 28, 1999
KLA leader: Serbs executing, rounding up civilians
March 28, 1999
Russia: NATO strikes hurting relations with U.S.
March 28, 1999
Clinton: NATO must keep up air campaign
March 28, 1999
Anti-NATO protests in Australia, Austria, Russia
March 28, 1999
Report: Police detain suspects in embassy shooting
March 28, 1999
RELATED SITES:
Yugoslavia:
• Federal Republic of Yugoslavia official site
• Kesovo and Metohija facts
• Serbia Ministry of Information
• Serbia Now! News
Kosovo:
• Kosova Crisis Center
• Kosovo - from Albanian.com
Military:
• NATO official site
• BosniaLINK - U.S. Dept. of Defense
• U.S. Navy images from Operation Allied Force
• U.K. Ministry of Defence - Kosovo news
• U.K. Royal Air Force - Kosovo news
• Jane's Defence - Kosovo Crisis
Media:
• Independent Yugoslav radio stations B92
• Institute for War and Peace Reporting
• United States Information Agency - Kosovo Crisis
Other:
• 1997 view of Kosovo from space - Eurimage
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14.10.2022, 16:10 In Germany: An Echo of Kosovo in Bonn
https://archive.nytimes.com/www.nytimes.com/library/world/europe/041399kosovo-germany.html 1/2
April 13, 1999
IN GERMANY
An Echo of Kosovo in Bonn
Related Articles
Pentagon Said to Be Adding 300 Planes to Fight Serbs
Issue in Depth: Conflict in Kosovo
Forum
Join a Discussion on the Conflict in Kosovo
By ROGER COHEN
ERLIN -- Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder was elected chairman
of the Social Democratic Party Monday, but the margin of his
victory clearly reflected some
uneasiness over Germany's
participation in NATO air strikes against Yugoslavia.
At a party congress in Bonn called to elect a replacement for Oskar
Lafontaine, the former finance minister and Social Democratic Party
leader who quit politics last month, Schroeder gained 76 percent of
the vote in an
uncontested ballot.
The vote followed a vigorous speech by Schroeder in which he said
that "the genocide in Yugoslavia cannot be met with pacifism" and
that Germany must stand by the ethnic Albanian "victims of
expulsion, rape
and murder."
The chancellor's words did not by any means convince all the
delegates of a party whose pacifist wing resisted the deployment of
Pershing missiles on German soil in the 1980's and continues to
regard war as inherently
wrong.
"This NATO military operation is based on the age-old
misconception that there is such a thing as a just war," said Henning
Voscheran, one of the party delegates. But a motion from his wing
of the party demanding
an immediate cease-fire was rejected.
Before the vote, Schroeder made it clear that he would be satisfied
with 80 percent backing. He thus fell short of his target, as close to
one quarter of the delegates voted against him. The vote was 370 in
favor, 102 against,
and 15 abstentions. Of all postwar Social
Democratic leaders, only Lafontaine in 1995 was elected with a
smaller majority.
After three weeks of bombing, opinion polls show that about twothirds
of Germans support the country's participation in the NATO
attacks. But in a country whose postwar mantra was long that "only
peace"
would go out from German soil, the return to war remains a
sharply divisive issue.
Annex 19
14.10.2022, 16:10 In Germany: An Echo of Kosovo in Bonn
https://archive.nytimes.com/www.nytimes.com/library/world/europe/041399kosovo-germany.html 2/2
In essence, Schroeder's "Red Green" coalition of Social Democrats
and Greens has argued that Germany had two guiding doctrines
after the fall of Hitler's Reich: no more war, and no more genocide.
In
the Balkans, the two have come into conflict, and the government
has decided that the latter principle must take precedence.
Both Schroeder and his Green foreign minister, Joshka Fischer, have
been firm in defending Germany's role in the NATO attacks,
repeatedly using very harsh language to describe the acts of the
Yugoslav president, Slobodan
Milosevic. But uneasiness in both
governing parties is still evident.
The vote Monday made Schroeder the Social Democratic Party's
eighth chairman since World War II and the first since Willy Brandt
to be chancellor and party leader at the same time. In theory, he
should now be in a
stronger position to push through reforms aimed
at deregulating the German economy that the left wing of his party
opposes.
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https://buffalonews.com/news/polish-leader-voices-support-for-bombing/article_9316d186-aed3-5f6aa1fe-
8c6d10b8a18f.html
POLISH LEADER VOICES SUPPORT FOR BOMBING
By DOUGLAS TURNER
Apr 24, 1999
Support this work for $1 a month
oland's Prime Minister Jerzy Buzek, here for the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization summit, is voicing strong support for the continued
bombing campaign against the Serbs and the return of the Kosovars to their
homeland.
"Several times in our history we have experienced the tragedy that has been
visited on Kosovo," Buzek said in a briefing with reporters Thursday night. "We
understand the suffering of the people. There is no question that what is going
in Kosovo is genocide.
"Every time Poles have experienced this kind of thing we have looked for some
kind of help and it has not always come."
Buzek, whose nation was inducted into NATO March 24, said "more and more
people in Poland support our NATO membership since the campaign for Kosovo
has begun."
Although the bombing campaign has not yet been successful in stopping the
atrocities, he said, it has weakened the regime of Serbian strongman Slobodan
Milosevic, and "it should not be interrupted."
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Poland was not ready to support the commitment of NATO ground forces to the
campaign, he said.
Buzek said Milosevic should be tried for war crimes, but hesitated to pass final
judgment on him pending the development of evidence. Buzek, 57, a chemistry
professor, formed a Solidarity-led government two years ago.
A large measure of credit for Poland's admission to NATO should go to Polish
Americans who lobbied the White House and Congress for its inclusion, he told
reporters who write for newspapers from middle American cities with large
Polish American populations.
"Poland has waited 200 years to become a family of democratic countries (and)
we want the integration with the alliance to go smoothly and quickly.
"Poles never lost their love of freedom, and their affection for the Western
democracies," he said.
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