Volume IX - Annexes 217-293

INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE
APPLICATION OF THE INTERNATIONAL CONVENTION FOR THE SUPPRESSION
OF THE FINANCING OF TERRORISM AND OF THE INTERNATIONAL
CONVENTION ON THE ELIMINATION OF ALL FORMS OF RACIAL
DISCRIMINATION
(Ukraine v. Russian Federation)
REJOINDER
Submitted by the Russian Federation
Volume IX
(Annexes 217 - 293)
10 March 2023

TABLE OF CONTENTS
VOLUME IX
Annexes 217-293
Annex 217 The Guardian, Euro 2012: Ukraine's festering football racism (1 June
2012).
Annex 218 Lenta.ru, Kyrym Khanlygy: Crimea Remembers Its Local Statehood (12
January 2012).
Annex 219 TASS, How the Use of the Russian Language in Ukraine Was Restricted in
Ukraine (15 July 2021).
Annex 220 Vedomosti, Ukraine Legislatively Bans Screening of Russian Movies
Filmed after January 2014 (21 April 2016).
Annex 221 TASS, Ukraine Banned 780 Russian Movies and Series Since 2014 (5
October 2018).
Annex 222 TASS, How Russian Was Restricted in Ukraine (1 August 2022).
Annex 223 MK, Kiev Schools to Abandon Study of Russian (12 August 2022).
Annex 224 RT, “The Spirit of Intimidation and Terror”: How Ukraine Is Fighting
Russian (12 November 2022).
Annex 225 TASS, Ukraine Imposes Fines for Breach of State Language Law (16 July
2022).
Annex 226 DW, Ukraine bans music, books from Russia, Belarus (29 June 2022).
Annex 227 The Guardian, Ukraine restricts Russian books and music in latest step of
‘derussification’ (20 June 2022).
Annex 228 CNE, Ukrainian ban on Russian language forces Christian radio to move
to Hungary (8 September 2022).
Annex 229 Wikipedia, Demolition of monuments to Alexander Pushkin in Ukraine.
Annex 230 Mosregtoday, Ukraine continues to dismantle monuments linked to Russian
history and culture (22 April 2022).
Annex 231 MK, From Pushkin to Suvorov: How Many Monuments Have Already Been
Demolished in Ukraine (2 December 2022).
Annex 232 Lenta.ru, Pushkin Monument Dismantled in Zaporozhye (27 July 2022).
Annex 233 Urdupoint, Ukraine Dismantles Monument to Soviet Writer Maksim Gorky
– Reports (14 November 2022).
Annex 234 Babel, A monument to Marshal Zhukov, which has been the subject of controversy for years, was dismantled in Kharkiv (17 April 2022). Annex 235 Gazeta.Ru, “The Bloody Russian”: a Monument to Vatutin Demolished in Ukraine (16 July 2022). Annex 236 TASS, Soviet Soldier-Liberator Monument Demolished in Western Ukraine (23 June 2022). Annex 237 Iz.ru, Soviet Army’s Glory Monument Demolished in Ukraine (24 July 2021). Annex 238 Lenta.ru, Ukrainians Dismantled Suvorov Monument (4 February 2022). Annex 239 RIA, Suvorov's Monument in Nikolaev is Covered in Paint (3 December 2022). Annex 240 TASS, Kutuzov Monument Dismantled in Western Ukrainian Town of Brody (25 February 2014). Annex 241 Vzglyad-Info, Journalists Found Demolished Kutuzov Monument in Ukrainian Landfill (15 March 2014). Annex 242 Gazeta.ru, Chekhov, Pushkin and Gagarin Streets Change Names in Ternopol (11 July 2014). Annex 243 RIA Novosti, Leo Tolstoy Street Renamed in Honour of Bandera in Vinnytsia (25 November 2022). Annex 244 HHRF, New Ukrainian Law on National Minorities Misses the Mark (19 December 2022). Annex 245 The Avalon Project, Nuremberg Trial Proceedings Vol. 7, Fifty-Sixth Day, Monday, 11 February 1946. Annex 246 The Independent, To see what Ukraine's future may be, just look at Lviv's shameful past (9 March 2014). Annex 247 RT, “Divide and Rule”: What Were the Real Relations between the UPA and Nazi Germany? (14 October 2022). Annex 248 Resolution of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland on paying tribute to the victims of the genocide committed by Ukrainian nationalists against citizens of the Second Republic of Poland in the years 1943 to 1945, 22 July 2016. Annex 249 Interfax.ua, Anti-Terrorist Measures to be Taken Against Separatists – Turchynov (7 April 2014). Annex 250 BBC News, Ukraine Crisis: Turchynov Announces Anti-Terror Operation (13 April 2014).
Annex 251 The Economist, Ukraine’s top soldier runs a different kind of army from
Russia’s (15 December 2022).
Annex 252 RT, Poroshenko Signs Laws Praising Ukraine Nationalists as ‘Freedom
Fighters’ (16 May 2015).
Annex 253 The website of R. Khanna, Release: Rep. Khanna Leads Bipartisan
Members in Condemning Anti-Semitism in Europe (25 April 2018).
Annex 254 The Times of Israel, Ukrainian marchers in Kiev chant ‘Jews out’ (3
January 2017).
Annex 255 Haaretz, Ukraine Designates National Holiday to Commemorate Nazi
Collaborator (27 December 2018).
Annex 256 Kyiv Post, 2019 Declared Year of Stepan Bandera in Lviv Region (13
December 2018).
Annex 257 Gazeta.ru, “Glorification of Nazism”: Kiev March Criticised by Germany
(2 January 2019).
Annex 258 Times of Israel, Hundreds of Ukrainian Nationalists March in Honor of
Nazi Collaborator (1 January 2022).
Annex 259 Ternopol City Council, From now on, the Ternopol City Stadium will bear
the name of UPA Commander-in-Chief Roman Shukhevych (5 March
2021).
Annex 260 Gazeta.ru, Kiev Residents Vote to Rename Tulskaya Square in Honour of
“UPA Heroes” (21 June 2022).
Annex 261 Lenta.ru, Turgenev Street Renamed in Honour of UPA Fighters in Lvov (17
April 2008).
Annex 262 RT, Poland Wants Ukraine to Admit Genocide (16 August 2022).
Annex 263 People’s World, Ukraine’s Ally Poland Demands It Stop Glorifying Nazi
Collaborators (18 August 2022).
Annex 264 Golos Sokalshchiny, Memorial Plaque Unveiled on the Facade of Yury
Lipa District Central Library in Yavorov (20 August 2020).
Annex 265 EurAsia Daily, OUN-UPA “Euthanasiologist” Doctor Honoured in Lvov
Region (22 August 2020).
Annex 266 Wikipedia, Yury Lipa Street.
Annex 267 Kulturologia.ru, How Nationalist Symon Petlyura Became a Hero of
Ukraine, and Why the Man Who Killed Him Was Acquitted (11 April 2022).
Annex 268 Lenta.ru, Comintern Street in Kiev Renamed to Petlyura Street (19 June
2009).
Annex 269 UKRINFORM, Nationalists Succeed in Protecting Petlyura Street in Poltava Region (28 February 2017). Annex 270 The Ukrainian News, Expert Council of Ukraine’s State Committee on Television and Radio Broadcasting Bans Swedish Historian’s World-Famous Book That Mentions Jewish Pogroms of Petlyura Times (26 December 2018). Annex 271 Time, Exclusive: Leader of Far-Right Ukrainian Militant Group Talks Revolution With TIME (4 February 2014). Annex 272 Jewish.ru, Anti-Semitism Goes Uphill (9 April 2013). Annex 273 Gazeta.ru, Mila Kunis Called “Zhyd” in Ukraine (24 December 2012). Annex 274 Wolfram Nordsieck, Parties and Elections in Europe. Supreme Council of Ukraine Elections. Annex 275 Central Election Commission, Extraordinary Parliamentary Election 2014, Data as of 29 October 2014. Annex 276 European Parliament Resolution on the Situation in Ukraine No. 2012/2889 (RSP), 13 December 2012. Annex 277 Newsweek, Yarosh: Russians, Rise Up Against Putin! (19 March 2014). Annex 278 Reuters, Commentary Ukraine’s neo-Nazi problem (20 March 2018). Annex 279 The Telegraph, Ukraine crisis: the neo-Nazi brigade fighting pro-Russian separatists (11 August 2014). Annex 280 Pravfond, Why Western Human Rights Activists Paid Attention to Ukrainian Nationalists’ Outages (18 June 2018). Annex 281 Azov.org, About Azov. Annex 282 SPIEGEL, Ukraine: German mercenaries join far-right volunteer battalion (11 November 2017). Annex 283 Gazeta.ua, Biletskiy: "Azov" will become a party" (28 May 2016). Annex 284 Newsweek, Ukrainian Nationalist Volunteers Committing 'ISIS-Style' War Crimes (10 September 2014). Annex 285 Amnesty International Briefing, Ukraine: Abuses and war crimes by the Aidar Volunteer Battalion in the north Luhansk region, 8 September 2014. Annex 286 US Department of State, Custom Report Excerpts. Annex 287 UK Government Official Site, Protests and marches: letting the police know. Annex 288 Right to Assembly, The right of peaceful assemble in France.
Annex 289 Zpravy, Law on rallies flawed, Prague officials plan amends (29 April
2008).
Annex 290 AA, German court upholds ban on pro-Palestine protest in Berlin (30 April
2022).
Annex 291 France 24, Pro-Palestinian rally in Paris banned amid rising Israel-Gaza
tensions (13 May 2021).
Annex 292 Yonhap News Agency, 11 pct of assemblies banned in Seoul last year due
to pandemic: activists (12 August 2021).
Annex 293 Report of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in the Russian
Federation, 2014.

Annex 217 The Guardian, Euro 2012: Ukraine's festering football racism (1 June 2012)

Annex 217
Euro 2012: Ukraine's festering football racism
Rajeev Syal
In a crumbling corridor in a university in Ukraine, a Nigerian student nods in agreement as he
listens to Sol Campbell's comments that black football fans should stay at home rather than join
the crowds at Euro 2012 matches in the eastern European country.
He should know. The student, known as J, plays amateur football in Lviv, one of eight host cities
for the tournament which starts next Friday. He said spectators sometimes come armed with
bananas even when the game is for fun and played in front of a crowd of a few dozen. "It has
happened to me – the monkey chants, racist comments and the fruit. I try to ignore it or turn it
into a joke by eating the fruit."
Black and Asian students in the city told the Guardian that racism here is rarely challenged and
racist violence lies just below the surface. There are random beatings, pepper spray muggings and
a liberal dose of insults – as well as an unsympathetic response from the police.
The students leave their campus for home before dark, seldom go into the city centre unless in a
group and stay away from gangs of men.
No-one supports them from Ukraine's authorities, J said. "It is difficult to stop racism here because
the police are corrupt, the authorities don't want to know. We try to be invisible."
The biggest sporting event in Eastern Europe since the fall of the Berlin Wall appears to be in crisis
over reports of racism within the host countries of Ukraine and Poland.
In Lviv, allegations that the authorities have allowed racism to fester have prompted incredulity
and soul-searching among councillors and government officials.
Few in the city believe that the tournament will experience high profile racist incidents – each
match will be heavily policed and monitored while many hardcore hooligans show little interest
away from club football.
The authorities admit, though, that they have previously given little thought to the concept of
racism until prompted to do so by intense media scrutiny.
A BBC Panorama programme on Monday broadcast brutal footage of "fans" on the terraces of
Ukrainian and Polish club teams involved in criminal, racist acts. Hooligans were filmed attacking
non-white fans as police stood by; others unfurled giant anti-Semitic banners; some fans including
those of the local team Karpaty Lviv whooped monkey noises at black players while others
appeared to give Nazi salutes during matches.
Before Campbell's comments, the families of two of England's black players Theo Walcott and Alex
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Annex 217
Oxlade-Chamberlain said they would probably not attend the 16-team tournament, fearing abuseor violence in Ukraine, where England will play their first three matches.Ukraine's president Viktor Yanukovych on Friday was forced to release a statement defending thetournament and saying there would be no racism from the terraces.J, a second year student, was one of five minority ethnic students who spoke to the Guardiananonymously, for fear of reprisals. Each, while quick to praise most Ukrainians as well meaningand polite, had personal stories of unreconstructed racism that have had a long-lasting effect ontheir lives.One football lover went to watch local team Karpaty Lviv play Seville in the Europa League inOctober 2010. He was forced to run from the ground after a black player scored and he wasthreatened by fellow Karpaty supporters.Another had a cigarette flicked into his eye as he walked to McDonalds in the city centre. He foughtback and was beaten to the ground by a gang of five men.Last year, two men, an Indian and a Moroccan, were assaulted with pepper spray before beingbeaten up outside their accommodation.J, his friends and a growing influx of non-white workers know they have a tough task to changeattitudes in this beautifully preserved city, known as "little Paris'' because of its curved, cobbledstreets and baroque architecture.The city's ruling party, Svoboda, whose slogan is "one race, one nation, one fatherland", has beenvariously described as fascist, neo-Nazi and extreme. Members prefer to say they are nationalistsand friends of Marine Le Pen's Front National.Andriy Khomytskyy, 29, a Svoboda councillor in Lviv, said that there are no issues of race toconfront within the city because there are so few foreigners."There is no problem here, not like other Ukrainian cities. In Kerch [in eastern Ukraine] they havea problem because of illegal Chinese and Koreans.Khomytskyy, a one-time regular on the terraces of Kapaty Lviv, is now a lead member of thecouncil's economic and foreign affairs committee.Perhaps unsurprisingly, he remains resistant to confronting racism either on the terraces or on thestreets where students have been beaten. He said of the fans at Kapaty: "They are patriotic, notracist." Of the apparent Nazi salutes filmed by Panorama, he said: "It [the salute] is not from theNazis, it is from the Roman empire."A father of one who teaches at a college, Khomytskyy said he bears no ill will towards people forthe colour of their skin. When told of how black students said they feared for their safety, heshrugged and said that racist incidents are difficult to prove: "It is nuanced. It is difficult to say if itis racism if a black man is attacked. Often, it is just banditism."Euro 2012: Ukraine's festering football racismhttps://www.theguardian.com/world/2012/jun/01/euro-2012-ukraine-f...Стр. 2 из 325.02.2023, 13:11
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Khomytskyy said that the best way to limit racist incidents is to limit immigration and ensure thatthe resident culture prevails, adding that he has spoken at length about race "problems" with hisassociates in the Front National."They tell me that they cannot go to certain [Arab] areas in France because you would get beatenand they might take your white girl," he said.The profile of Svoboda, which now has more than 50 councillors in Lviv, has risen as the Orangerevolution and its peaceful protests failed amid recriminations and allegations of corruption. Thereis a groundswell of anti-semitism, which campaigners said could be seen on walls around thefootball ground before a pre-tournament clean up. Some commentators have claimed that the righthere have successfully linked anti-semitism and anti-communism.For the more thoughtful members of the city council's administration, the allegations of casualracism in the media and on the terraces are an embarrassment which they are now trying toconfront. Citizens who have volunteered to help fans during the championship have been givenrace relations training.Oleh Berezuk, who is head of the mayor's office, said that the city and the country were trying todevelop strategies to educate local people and allay the fears of immigrants."Lack of knowledge presents a problem for us. One has to remember our history – the Nazis killedor deported most of the Jewish population in the 1940s and we were under Russia and the SovietUnion until 1991. These issues are relatively new for us," he said.Some have swung towards the extreme right because of a belief that the left let them down duringthe Soviet era, he claimed. Ukraine has not had the benefit of experiencing what it is like to adaptto a generation of immigrants in the same way as Britain and France."The brutality of the Soviets was something that we were told about by our parents andgrandparents. We still feel it, in the same way that people in the west still feel the lessons aboutrace. We need some time and understanding as we learn," he said.One experienced anti-fascist campaigner believes cities such as Lviv are taking their first steps intothe tricky area of race relations and are having to do so in public. Rafal Pankowski, of the Warsaw-based Never Again Association and co-ordinator of the anti-racist programme for Euro 2012, saidit should be remembered that this is the first major football event to be held in eastern Europe inthe modern era."These countries are beginning to talk about these issues . We have started a dialogue. We havealready achieved something before the tournament has started," he said.Euro 2012: Ukraine's festering football racismhttps://www.theguardian.com/world/2012/jun/01/euro-2012-ukraine-f...Стр. 3 из 325.02.2023, 13:11

Annex 218
Lenta.ru, Kyrym Khanlygy: Crimea Remembers Its Local Statehood (12 January 2012)
(translation)

Annex 218
Translation
Lenta.ru, Kyrym Khanlygy: Crimea Remembers Its Local Statehood (12 January 2012),
available at: https://lenta.ru/articles/2012/01/12/crimea/.
Kyrym Khanlygy: Crimea Remembers Its Local Statehood
Just before the New Year, the press service of the Crimean Tatar Mejlis issued a statement
which, in addition to the traditional congratulations to compatriots on the upcoming holiday,
called on all Tatars to continue the struggle for “the restoration of statehood in our land”. While
some fringe elements called for the revival of the “Kyrym Khanlygy” (Crimean Khanate) even
before, this year will see elections of the Kurultai and the Mejlis of the Crimean Tatar People
the behaviour of whose leadership has long been subjected to sharp criticism from opponents.
And it can be assumed that the nationalist and separatist cards will be played in full as part of
the pre-election struggle.
“The coming 2012 calendar year requires each of us to show even greater dedication and
concentration of will in the name of the future of the Crimean Tatar people and the restoration
of our statehood in our land for a happy future for all people living in Crimea”, the Mejlis said
in its New Year’s greetings. Summing up the results of the outgoing year, Mustafa Dzhemilev,
the Mejlis’ permanent speaker, stated one curious figure – according to his information, about
2,500 representatives of the Tatar nationality died and about 4,500 were born on the peninsula
in 2011, that is the birth rate exceeded the death rate by almost twice. No other nationality in
the former USSR can boast of such an achievement. Currently, about two million people live
in Crimea, with the share of Tatars amounting to 13%, and, given the demographic trends, this
figure is constantly growing.
“I have grown old and want to give way to the young”, the Chairman of the Crimean Tatar
Mejlis said last November in an interview with Kommersant-Ukraine. Mr. Dzhemilev has
already tried twice to resign as head of the Mejlis in 2007 and 2009, but most of the Kurultai
delegates did not accept his resignation since the statutory documents did not allow voluntary
resignation from that position. However, this time the leader of the Crimean Tatars found a way
out: “The only way out is not to run for Kurultai delegates as the Chairman is chosen from
among the delegates”.
In his New Year’s speech, Mr. Dzhemilev, who announced his upcoming retirement from
politics last autumn, repeatedly mentioned Turkey whose centuries-old patronage over the
peninsula seems to be reviving these days. According to the head of the Mejlis, in the face of
the weak financial support from Kiev, the Crimean Tatars are increasingly forced to turn to
Ankara for help.
Mr. Dzhemilev said the Ukrainian authorities last year cut the funding for “improvements for
our people to a minimum”. In particular, instead of the planned UAH 127 mln (about RUB 500
mln), only UAH 23 mln were allocated from the state budget. For this year, they initially
planned to allocate UAH 142 mln, but, according to Mr. Dzhemilev, only UAH 25 mln were
included in the adopted budget. “This money is not enough to build even half of one general
education school”, he noted. So, schools instructing in the Crimean Tatar language and the
national cultural centre will now be built with Turkish money.
By the way, not only schools. Information surfaced last November that the Turks intend to
Annex 218
invest in the Crimea’s holy of holies – its tourism sector. This year, the peninsula will receive a delegation of Turkish investors interested in building hotels and boarding houses of the type well known to everyone who prefers the all-inclusive services. The delegation will arrive as part of the “Go to Crimea” project – a joint programme of the Crimean Ministry of Resorts and Tourism and Turkish Airlines. A presentation of the Crimea was also held last year in four Turkish cities and towns – Istanbul, Ankara, Izmir, and Antalya as part of this project. The interest of Turkish businesspeople in Crimea is understandable, just as it is understandable that the local Tatars will only benefit if it will be the Turks with whom the indigenous population is connected by language, faith and customs who will eliminate the monopoly of Russians and Ukrainians in the tourism sector, this “gold mine” of autonomy. Such financial intervention is very welcome when it comes to, albeit purely hypothetically, the “restoration of statehood”. Mustafa Dzhemilev at a rally of his supporters. Photo: qtmm.org But most Ukrainian experts still see nothing dangerous in such statements. In an interview with Novy Region, Rostislav Ishchenko, a political scientist, recalled that the Mejlis had missed no opportunity to make such statements over the past 20 years. He also believes that the Crimean Tatars have no prospects of gaining independence since not only does the Russian-speaking majority having close ties with Russia live in Crimea but the factor of the presence of the Russian Black Sea Fleet also plays. “Therefore, a forceful struggle for independence is impossible, and no one will let them go peacefully”, Mr. Ishchenko concluded. Another political scientist, Vladimir Kornilov, also believes the Mejlis’ statement will unlikely “result in something bigger because the Mejlis has lost significant support from the Crimean Tatar population and is only trying to attract attention with such calls”. Indeed, Mr. Dzhemilev’s joyful statements about the support of the Mejlis by 82% of the Crimean Tatars, a split has been recently observed in the ethnic parliament itself. Last November, those dissatisfied with the leadership of the Mejlis even held a rally in Simferopol, which Mr. Dzhemilev’s supporters hastened to declare a provocation by the Russian special services. They allege Moscow is trying to eliminate the Mejlis, which, according to Nedim Useinov, a political scientist, is “the only trump card of the Ukrainian government in the struggle for Crimea”. However, the opponents of Mr. Dzhemilev and his constant deputy Refat Chubarov continue to insist that the current Mejlis only serves the interests of its Chairman and a narrow circle of his close associates. Dissatisfied people also call for an end to the speculations around the 1944 deportation and the FSB’s current insidious plans in respect of the peninsula.
Annex 218
As Ruslan Balbek, a delegate of the Kurultai of the Crimean Tatar People and the head of the public organisation “Generation Crimea” wrote in Ukrayinska Pravda, there is currently a consolidation of all forces oppositional to the leadership of the Mejlis in Crimea. Mr. Balbek also said Mr. Dzhemilev’s key drawbacks include the fact that “Crimean Tatars today are perceived as eternally dissatisfied, constantly demanding something and threatening mass riots”. “It is time for the Mejlis to stop blackmailing the population and authorities with false threats. It is necessary to create legitimate institutions of people’s self-government adapted into the state”, he believes. At the upcoming Sixth Kurultai of Crimean Tatars, 250 delegates of this representative body and then a new composition and a new Chairman of the Mejlis will be elected. The authorities in Kiev have already got used to, and have learned to work with, Mr. Dzhemilev, even in most extreme situations. However, it is no secret that Hizb ut-Tahrir, an organisation that has been banned in many countries all over the world and whose ideas to build an Islamic state (Caliphate) largely echo the pan-Islamist sentiments in Turkey, operates in Crimea almost openly. If the Islamists gain influence in the Crimean Tatar official structures, the situation on the peninsula may change dramatically. No one is talking about Wahhabi gangs on Ai-Petri, but the tension on the Kiev-Simferopol-Moscow line can grow massively.

Annex 219
TASS, How the Use of the Russian Language Was Restricted in Ukraine (15 July 2021)
(translation)

Annex 219
Translation
TASS, How the Use of the Russian Language Was Restricted in Ukraine (15 July 2021),
available at: https://tass.ru/info/11907705/.
How the Use of the Russian Language Was Restricted in Ukraine
On the 16th of July, the Law “On Ensuring the Functioning of the Ukrainian Language as the
State Language” will come into force in Ukraine
TASS-DOSSIER. On the 16th of July, the Law “On Ensuring the Functioning of the Ukrainian
Language as the State Language” will come into force in Ukraine. The Law will ukrainise the
film industry, require cultural events to be held in the Ukrainian language, and introduce exams
for proficiency in the state language.
TASS describes how and in what areas the use of the Russian language was restricted in
Ukraine.
Repeal of the Language Policy Law
On 23 February 2014, immediately after the coup d’état took place and the opposition came to
power in Kiev, the Verkhovnaya Rada of Ukraine voted to repeal the Law “On the
Fundamentals of the State Language Policy”, which had been in force since 10 August 2012.
The Law granted the Russian language and those of national minorities the status of regional
ones in those areas where they are native to at least 10% of the population. The repeal of the
Law sparked protests in Eastern Ukraine where the Russian-speaking population predominates.
As a result, Acting President Alexander Turchynov refused to approve the Rada’s decision. The
Law “On the Fundamentals of the State Language Policy” had been under consideration by the
Constitutional Court of Ukraine since 2016. On 28 February 2018, the Court found it to be
inconsistent with the Ukrainian Constitution. Following the Court’s verdict, the language issue
had been actually governed only by Article 10 of the Ukrainian Constitution, which says the
state language in Ukraine is Ukrainian and guarantees free development, use and protection for
Russian and other languages of national minorities.
Introduction of Language Quotas for Radio and Television
Annex 219
On 16 June 2016, the Ukrainian Parliament adopted amendments to the Law “On Television and Radio Broadcasting” (which entered into force on 8 November 2016) introducing language quotas for radio. TV and radio companies were obliged to make available at least 60% of the daily volume of their broadcasting for news, analytical and entertainment programmes in the state language. The share of songs in Ukrainian was set at no less than 35% of the volume of daily broadcasting for any radio stations or at least 25% for those radio stations playing songs in languages of the European Union to the extent of more than 60% of their daily broadcasting volume. At the same time, songs in the state language were to be played in prime time from 07:00 to 14:00 and from 15:00 to 22:00. On 23 May 2017, upon the initiative of President Pyotr Poroshenko (2014-2019), the Verkhovnaya Rada adopted amendments to the Law “On Television and Radio Broadcasting” requiring that the share of broadcasting in Ukrainian be at least 75% per week for national and regional television channels and radio stations and at least 60% for local ones (during the time intervals from 07:00 to 18:00 and from 18:00 to 22:00). The share of news programmes in Ukrainian was increased to 75%. A fine of 5% of the total amount of the licence fee payable by TV and radio companies was imposed for a breach of that rule. All companies broadcasting in languages of national minorities must make available at least 30% of the volume of their broadcasting for the Ukrainian language. National TV channels were obliged to broadcast foreign-produced films and programmes only in the state language. The only exception was made for those programmes and films created before 1 August 1991, which must be accompanied by Ukrainian subtitles. Ban on Russian in Education On 5 September 2017, the Ukrainian Parliament adopted a new version of the Law “On Education” (which was signed by the President on 25 September 2017 and entered into force on 28 September 2017). It provided for a phased ban on the use of Russian and the languages of other national groups in Ukraine in the educational system. The education process in secondary schools and higher educational institutions should be carried out only in Ukrainian. Since 2018, those classes with instruction in Russian and other languages could only be retained in elementary schools. Beginning from 1 September 2020, those schools instructing in a language other than Ukrainian had to virtually cease to exist. Beginning from 1 September 2023, those schools instructing in languages of national minorities of the EU countries should switch to Ukrainian. The Law caused a negative reaction in Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, and other Eastern European countries whose expatriates had communities in Ukraine. In particular, Budapest stated that Hungary would block all international initiatives of Kiev until an agreement on language issues was reached between the Ukrainian authorities and the Hungarians of Transcarpathia. On 27 September 2017, the State Duma of the Russian Federation issued a statement “On the Inadmissibility of Violations of the Fundamental Right of Indigenous Peoples and National Minorities of Ukraine to Study in Their Native Languages”. The Russian parliamentarians pointed out that the new Law fails to meet the principles and rules of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and other international treaties and constitutes an “act of ethnocide” of the Russian people in Ukraine. On 13 March 2020, Ukrainian President Vladimir Zelensky (elected in 2019) signed the Law “On Complete General Secondary Education”, which came into force on the 18th of March of
Annex 219
that year. It provides for a gradual reduction of teaching in the languages of national minorities, including Russian. Those national minorities whose languages are related with Ukrainian as well as those living mainly in the speech environment of their native languages were allowed to study in primary schools in their own languages, provided that that would also study Ukrainian. Beginning from the fifth grade, at least 80% of the study time should be dedicated instruction to the state language. Beginning from 1 September 2020, in accordance with the Law “On Education”, all Russian-language schools in Ukraine switched to instruction in the state language. The opportunity to continue studying in Russian at the primary level of education has only been reserved for those students who went to school before 1 September 2018. Adoption of the Language Law On 25 April 2019, the Verkhovnaya Rada of Ukraine adopted the Law “On Ensuring the Functioning of the Ukrainian Language as the State Language”, which significantly limited the possibility of using Russian and the languages of national minorities in the country. On 15 May 2019, it was signed by Pyotr Poroshenko, whose presidential powers expired in five days. On 16 July 2019, the Law entered into force, with the exception of certain provisions. According to the Law, the only state official language in Ukraine is Ukrainian. Attempts to introduce multilingualism are considered as actions aimed at forcibly changing or overthrowing the constitutional order. In addition, the Law prohibited any distortion of the state language in official texts and documents, including “intentional violation of the requirements of Ukrainian spelling”. According to the requirements imposed by the Law, all governmental officials and employees as well as all people engaged in trade, services, education, medicine, culture, etc. must know and use Ukrainian in performing their duties. The only areas not subject to the Law are religious rites and private communications. The National Commission for Ukrainian Language Standards (established by the Ukrainian Cabinet of Ministers on 6 November 2019) was charged with determining the level of language proficiency for holding governmental and other offices and positions. All cultural events in Ukraine must be only held in the state language, and theatrical performances in other languages should be accompanied by subtitles in the state language. In addition, Ukrainian is established as the main language for the film industry, printing, and publishing. According to the Law, Ukrainian is mandatory for all media, including online publications. Beginning from mid-July 2024, the share of the state language will have to be at least 90% instead of the current 75% on national channels and at least 80% instead of 60% on regional ones. All programmes in other languages must be dubbed in Ukrainian. Those print media published in national minority languages, including Russian, are required to issue an additional print run in Ukrainian, with the content of all issues required to be completely identical. Ukrainian companies must create a version of their websites and pages on social networks in the state language as a start page. Those persons wishing to obtain Ukrainian citizenship will have to pass an exam in the state language.
Annex 219
On 14 July 2021, the Constitutional Court of Ukraine found the Language Law consistent with the Ukrainian Constitution. That decision was made in response to an appeal in June 2019 by a group of Opposition Bloc deputies of the previous Verkhovnaya Rada. Effect of the Language Law The Law is being introduced in stages. The advertisement sector has switched to the state language from 16 January 2020. The scientific and medical sectors (all scientific publications must be issued in Ukrainian or in English and an official language of the European Union) and the transport one (all airport, port, station and stop names must be written in the state language) have done so from 16 July 2020. Businesses of all ownership patterns in the service sector, including online stores, have switched to Ukrainian from 16 January 2021. Services in any other language can now only be provided upon request of customers. Information concerning the services offered may also be duplicated in other languages. A language exam has been introduced from 16 July 2021 for future civil servants and applicants for Ukrainian citizenship. The requirements to hold all cultural events, serve all tourists (except for foreigners) and to print and sell at least 50% of all printed publications in the state language are coming into force. In addition, all movies and serials in foreign languages will have to be shown in the state language in Ukraine. Language quotas for nationwide print media will become effective from 16 January 2022, those for television will be increased from 16 July 2024. Liability for Compliance with the Law Beginning from 16 July 2022, breaches of the Language Law will be punished by fines ranging from 200 to 700 tax-free minimum personal revenues (UAH 3,400 to UAH 11,900). In addition, various penalties will be imposed for “public humiliation or insult to the state language” from 2024. The so-called “Language Ombudsman” (appointed by the government) should monitor the implementation of the Law. On 27 November 2019, Tatyana Monakhova was appointed to hold that office. However, she resigned on 24 April 2020 due to the lack of “proper funding” for her activities. On 8 July 2020, Taras Kremen was appointed the new “Language Ombudsman”.
Annex 220 Vedomosti, Ukraine Legislatively Bans Screening of Russian Movies Filmed after January 2014 (21 April 2016) (translation)

Annex 220
Translation
Vedomosti, Ukraine Legislatively Bans Screening of Russian Movies Filmed after January
2014 (21 April 2016), available at:
https://www.vedomosti.ru/politics/news/2016/04/21/638562-ukraine-zaprete-rossiiskihfilmov.
Ukraine Legislatively Bans Screening of Russian Movies Filmed after
January 2014
Ukrainian President Pyotr Poroshenko signed a law banning the screening of Russian movies
filmed after 1 January 2014, according to the Verkhovnaya Rada’s official website. The bill
was adopted by the Ukrainian parliament on the 29th of March. The ban concerns “broadcasting
of films made by individuals and legal entities of the aggressor state, which contain no
popularisation or propaganda [of the bodies of the aggressor state and their individual actions]”.
Those films containing such propaganda may not be shown in Ukraine if they had been made
after 1 August 1991. Non-propaganda films include feature ones as well as TV series,
programmes and shows.
As follows from the explanatory note to the document, “the purpose of the bill is to improve
the legal mechanism for protecting the national security of Ukraine in the information sphere
by limiting any form of propaganda used by the occupying state in Ukraine”.
In late 2015, the Ukrainian Ministry of Culture published a list of 83 Russian and world cultural
figures posing a threat to the national security of the country. It includes directors Karen
Shakhnazarov and Pavel Lungin as well as actors Vasily Lanovoy, Valentin Gaft and Oleg
Tabakov. The “white list” drawn up by the Ukrainian authorities includes, in particular, Andrei
Makarevich, Liya Akhedzhakova, Arnold Schwarzenegger, and George Clooney.
In total, the distribution certificates for 431 movies have been cancelled in Ukraine.

Annex 221
TASS, Ukraine Banned 780 Russian Movies and Series Since 2014 (5 October 2018)
(translation)

Annex 221
Translation
TASS, Ukraine Banned 780 Russian Movies and Series Since 2014 (5 October 2018),
available at: https://tass.ru/kultura/5643645.
Ukraine Banned 780 Russian Movies and Series Since 2014
The Ukrainian State Film Agency said the ban had caused financial losses to Russian
movie and series producers.
KIEV, 5th of October, TASS. The press service of the Ukrainian State Film Agency (Derzhkino)
announced on Facebook on Friday that the Agency had banned the demonstration of 780
Russian-made movies and series.
“In general, from August 2014 to the present day, Derzhkino has banned 780 movies and series
popularising or propagandising bodies of the aggressor state and punitive bodies of the USSR,
featuring those persons on the list of persons posing a threat to the national security or produced
by the aggressor state after 1 January 2014”, Derzhkino said.
The Agency added such ban changed the situation in the Ukrainian movie and TV market, “led
to the clearing of the Ukrainian information space from Russian propaganda and contributed to
the emergence of mass production of domestic content”. In addition, the press service claims
the ban has caused “significant financial losses to Russian movie and TV series producers”.
Six seasons of the series titled “Matchmakers” and the movie titled “Matchmakers. Life
Without Makeup” were banned in Ukraine as featuring Russian actor Fyodor Dobronravov who
has been blacklisted as “posing a threat to the national security of the country”. The list of
banned movies also includes “The Case of Dead Souls” directed by Pavel Lungin, “To the Real
You” featuring Dmitry Kharatyan, “Attraction” featuring Valentin Gaft and “Divination by
Candlelight” featuring Vladimir Gostyukhin.
Another 21 films have been banned based on the findings made by Derzhkino’s Expert
Commission on the Distribution and Demonstration of Movies. These include “Oles Buzina:
Life Out of Time”, “Officers’ Wives”, “A Task of Particular Importance. Operation Typhoon”,
“Still I Love” and others.
Ten movies were blacklisted under the law on cinematography, i.e. have been screened for the
first time after 1 January 2014. These include “The Exclusion Strip”, “Tankman”, "Love in the
City 3” and others.
Derzhkino has revoked the official permit for distributing and screening, and cancelled the
official registration of, the television films titled “My Other Children” (directed by
V. Netetsky), “A Call from the Past” (directed by S. Vaskovsky) and “You Can’t Deceive
Love” (directed by A. Zadvorny).
The screening of the Russian TV titled “The Heart is Not a Stone” as well as the TV films titled
“Still I Love” (Russian production) and “Happy Family Tariff” (Russian-Ukrainian production)
has also been prohibited in Ukraine.

Annex 222
TASS, How Russian Was Restricted in Ukraine (1 August 2022)
(translation)

Annex 222
Translation
TASS, How Russian Was Restricted in Ukraine (1 August 2022), available at:
https://tass.ru/info/15358089.
How Russian Was Restricted in Ukraine
On the 1st of August, a ban on the teaching of the Russian language and literature comes into
force in the Odessa Region.
TASS-DOSSIER. On the 1st of August, a ban on the teaching of the Russian language and
literature in educational institutions of the Odessa Region will come into force. All Russian
writers have been removed from the curriculum for the 2022-2023 academic year and will be
replaced by authors from other countries.
TASS describes how and in what areas the use of the Russian language was restricted in
Ukraine.
Situation in 1990s and 2000s
Following the declaration of independence of Ukraine, its authorities have set a course to recreate
the Ukrainian-speaking environment, especially in the central, eastern and southern
regions where the Russian-speaking population historically predominated. The authorities have
implemented a number of initiatives to switch education, media, etc. to Ukrainian. Those
initiatives were met with mixed reactions in Ukraine, especially in the traditionally Russianspeaking
regions. A significant part of the population preferred to use Russian, which was not
recognised as an official language but to which the Constitution guaranteed free development,
use and protection, as well as to the languages of national minorities.
After Viktor Yushchenko came to power in 2005, the situation changed. During his election
campaign, he promised that if he wins the elections, he will ensure the steadfast observance of
Article 10 of the Ukrainian Constitution guaranteeing free development and protection of the
Russian language as well as its use on an equal basis with Ukrainian in areas densely populated
by the Russian-speaking people, including in education. In addition, Mr. Yushchenko published
his draft decree “On the Protection of the Rights of Citizens to Use Russian and Other
Languages of the National Minorities of Ukraine in the Provision of Public Services”, which
he undertook to sign immediately after his inauguration. His election promises allowed him to
Annex 222
enlist the support of Russian organisations in the Crimea as well as in the Odessa, Nikolaev and Kherson Regions. However, after he was elected, none of the measures he promised to take to protect the rights of the Russian-speaking population were implemented. A process of ousting the Russian language from various spheres of governmental and public life has begun in Ukraine. The number of Russian-language schools has been reduced, and legal proceedings have been switched to the state (Ukrainian) language. TV and radio broadcasting quotas (valid until 2012) were set for the state language at 75% in 2006 and at 80% two years. In 2006, the municipal councils of the Kharkov, Donetsk, Lugansk, Nikolaev, Zaporozhye, Kherson and Odessa Regions, the cities of Sevastopol, Dnepropetrovsk, Donetsk, Lugansk, Kryvoy Rog and others passed resolutions giving Russian the status of a regional language. They were guided not only by the Ukrainian Constitution but also by the European Charter for Regional Languages, which was ratified by Ukraine in 2003 and entered into force in 2006. However, their resolutions provoked a protest from the official Kyiv who regarded them as “threatening national security”. Nationalist political forces also opposed them by organising a number of pickets and protests across the country. The prosecutors’ offices challenged those resolutions, so that many of them were eventually cancelled. Law on the Fundamentals of State Language Policy of 2012 In 2012, during the presidency of Viktor Yanukovych, a draft Law “On the Fundamentals of the State Language Policy” was submitted to the Verkhovnaya Rada. It granted Russian the status of a regional language in those areas where it was native to at least 10% of the local population and gave it equal rights on a par with the state Ukrainian language. The bill was opposed by Ukrainian people’s deputies Vadim Kolesnichenko and Sergey Kivalov as well as representatives of human rights organisations representing the Russian, Jewish, Hungarian and Romanian ethnic minorities. The bill caused a wide public outcry. Various events were held in the country by both opponents and supporters of its adoption. In the Rada, its consideration was accompanied by demarches and brawls between deputies and even a resignation of parliamentary speaker Vladimir Lytvyn (which was not accepted). Many governmental, political and public figures opposed it. The authorities of a number of regions stated they would refuse to comply with the new Law should it be adopted. The National Commission for the Protection of Public Morality demanded that President Viktor Yanukovych veto the bill, noting that, among other things, it “generates separatist sentiments”, contradicts the interests of Ukraine’s national security and leads to the displacement of the Ukrainian language from all spheres of public life. Nevertheless, the Law was passed by the Rada and signed by the President on 8 August 2012. As a result, Russian has begun to enjoy protection as a regional language in those areas of Ukraine where the number of its speakers exceeded 10%. According to the All-Ukrainian Census of 2001, 13 of the 27 constituent entities in Ukraine met that criterion, with the highest percentages of all Russian speakers being recorded in Sevastopol (90.6%), the Crimea (77%), the Donetsk Region (74.9%) and the Lugansk Region (68.8%). Repeal of the Language Policy Law
Annex 222
After the coup d’état took place and supporters of European integration came to power in Ukraine on 22 February 2014, the official Kiev began pursuing an active policy of suppressing the rights of the Russian-speaking population. On the 23rd of February, the day after the coup d’état, the Verkhovnaya Rada passed a resolution repealing the Law “On the Fundamentals of the State Language Policy” of 2012. The Council of Europe expressed its regret over this issue, and Astrid Tours, OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities, said the Rada’s resolution could lead to “a subsequent aggravation” in the country. The repeal of the Law caused violent protests in Eastern Ukraine – in the Crimea, Donbass, Odessa and other regions where the Russian-speaking population predominated. In order to prevent the escalation, Acting President Alexander Turchynov refused to sign the resolution until the Parliament passes a new law on language. However, this has never happened. In 2016, the Constitutional Court of Ukraine initiated proceedings on the proposal of 57 people’s deputies to check if the Law complies with the Constitution. Those proceedings lasted almost two years. On 28 February 2018, the Court declared the Law inconsistent with the Constitution, so it became null and void. In fact, through all the years that the Constitutional Court was conducting proceedings on the language Law, the official Kiev continued its policy of ousting the Russian language from all spheres of political and public life and discriminating against the Russian-speaking population. This policy, which was started under President Pyotr Poroshenko who came to power in 2014, was continued under President Vladimir Zelensky who was elected in 2019. Introduction of Language Quotas for TV and Radio in 2016-2017 On 16 June 2016, the Ukrainian Parliament adopted amendments to the Law “On Television and Radio Broadcasting” (which entered into force on 8 November 2016) introducing language quotas for radio. TV and radio companies were obliged to make available at least 60% of the daily volume of their broadcasting for news, analytical and entertainment programmes in the state language. The share of songs in Ukrainian was set at no less than 35% of the volume of daily broadcasting for any radio stations or at least 25% for those radio stations playing songs in languages of the European Union to the extent of more than 60% of their daily broadcasting volume. At the same time, songs in the state language were to be played in prime time from 07:00 to 14:00 and from 15:00 to 22:00. On 23 May 2017, on the initiative of President Pyotr Poroshenko, the Verkhovnaya Rada adopted amendments to the Law “On Television and Radio Broadcasting” requiring that the share of broadcasting in Ukrainian be at least 75% per week for national and regional television channels and radio stations and at least 60% for local ones (during the time intervals from 07:00 to 18:00 and from 18:00 to 22:00). The share of news programmes in Ukrainian was increased to 75%. A fine of 5% of the total amount of the licence fee payable by TV and radio companies was imposed for a breach of that rule. All companies broadcasting in languages of national minorities must make available at least 30% of the volume of their broadcasting for the Ukrainian language. National TV channels were obliged to broadcast foreign-produced films and programmes only in the state language. The only exception was made for those programmes and films created before 1 August 1991, which must be accompanied by Ukrainian subtitles. In addition, the broadcasting of Russian TV channels and programmes was stopped, the screening of Russian movies and the import of Russian publishing products with “anti-
Annex 222
Ukrainian content” were prohibited in Ukraine. Those artists included on the “List of Persons Posing a Threat to National Security” were also banned. For the other artists from the Russian Federation, a special procedure for touring was established, requiring them to get a permit from the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) as to perform in Ukraine. Ban on Russian in Education On 5 September 2017, the Ukrainian Parliament adopted a restated version of the Law “On Education” (which was signed by the President on 25 September 2017). According to it, since 2018, those classes with instruction in Russian and other languages could only be retained in elementary schools and all students of the fifth and higher grades should be switched to instruction in Ukrainian. Beginning from 2020, the entire education system should be switched to Ukrainian. The Law caused a negative reaction both in Russia and in those Eastern European countries whose expatriates had communities in Ukraine. In particular, Budapest stated that Hungary would block all international initiatives of Kiev until an agreement on language issues was reached between the Ukrainian authorities and the Hungarians of Transcarpathia. On 27 September 2017, the State Duma of the Russian Federation issued a statement “On the Inadmissibility of Violations of the Fundamental Right of Indigenous Peoples and National Minorities of Ukraine to Study in Their Native Languages”. The Russian parliamentarians pointed out that the new Law fails to meet the principles and rules of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and other international treaties and constitutes an “act of ethnocide” of the Russian people in Ukraine. On the 12th of October, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) adopted a resolution recommending Kiev to revise its Law that was intended to ukrainise the Ukrainian education. As a result, some amendments were made to the Law in 2018: for example, the complete transition of schools instructing in EU languages to Ukrainian was postponed until 2023. In continuation of the new policy in education, the Verkhovnaya Rada on 16 January 2020 adopted the Law “On the Complete General Secondary Education” (which was signed by President Vladimir Zelensky on 13 March 2020), providing for a reduction in teaching in Russian and languages of national minorities beginning from the fifth grade of secondary-school students. The Russian-speaking population was subjected to the most discrimination as at least 80% of their education should now take place in Ukrainian. Those ethnic minorities speaking languages of EU member states were required to get at least 20% of the educational process in Ukrainian, with a gradual increase in that degree to 60% for high-school students. The only exception was made for “indigenous peoples” who were permitted to study in their native languages along with the study of Ukrainian (the Law “On Indigenous Peoples” adopted on 21 July 2021 excluded Russians as well as most other ethnic minorities from the list of indigenous peoples of Ukraine, granting this status only to Crimean Tatars, Karaites and Krymchaks). Since 1 September 2020, Russian-language schools in Ukraine have switched to the state language in accordance with the Law. The opportunity to continue study in Russian is only reserved for those primary-school students who entered school before 1 September 2018. Law on Total Ukrainisation
Annex 222
On 25 April 2019, the Verkhovnaya Rada of Ukraine adopted the Law “On Ensuring the Functioning of the Ukrainian Language as the State Language”, which significantly limited the possibility of using Russian and the languages of national minorities in the country. This Law, which caused criticism from both the Russian-speaking population and ethnic minorities, was called the “Law on total Ukrainisation”. It was adopted four days after the presidential elections where Pyotr Poroshenko, who was the main lobbyist for the new Law, conceded victory to Vladimir Zelensky. Before taking the presidential office, Mr. Zelensky promised to conduct a “thorough review” of the Law for compliance with the constitutional rights and interests of all citizens of Ukraine. However, the authorities later concluded that the fundamental provisions of the Law “do not need to be adjusted”. The requirement to switch to Ukrainian applies to all spheres of governmental and public life, with the only exception of religious rites and private communications. The Law established that the only state official language in Ukraine is Ukrainian and obliged the citizens to use it in all spheres of public life. TV channels were required to air at least 90% of their programmes in Ukrainian, applicants for Ukrainian citizenship were obliged to pass a language exam, a ban was imposed on the use of Russian and the languages of national minorities in education, etc. At the same time, any attempts to introduce multilingualism are considered under the new Law as actions aimed at forcibly changing or overthrowing the constitutional order and are strictly punished. Situation in 2022 Following the recognition by the Russian Federation of the independence of the Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics and the beginning of the Russian special military operation in Ukraine in February 2022, a new campaign to ban the Russian language in educational and culture began there. On 16 April 2022, Taras Kremen, Commissioner for the Protection of the State Language, proposed to replace the study of the Russian language in Ukrainian schools with other subjects and to revise the foreign literature curriculum that pays much attention to Russian writers. In June, the working group for updating the foreign literature curricula under the Ukrainian Ministry of Education decided to eliminate all literary works by Russian and Soviet authors from Ukrainian schools. The Ukrainian Ministry of Culture and Information Policy has begun developing recommendations to withdraw from libraries those Russian books it considers as propaganda. According to representatives of the Ministry, the publications withdrawn from libraries “will be recycled as wastepaper to print Ukrainian books”. Furthermore, a law prohibiting the import of books and publishing products from Russia was adopted in 2022. The Kiev City Council on 1 July 2022 said it would impose a complete ban on the public use of any books, performances and concerts in Russian as well as and other “Russian-speaking cultural products” in the Ukrainian capital. A similar moratorium was earlier imposed in the Khmelnytskyi Region, and the authorities of Ivano-Frankovsk, Ternopol and Konotop prohibited songs in Russian to be performed and listened to in public places. The local authorities in the Odessa, Nikolaev and Lvov Regions have imposed a complete ban on the study of Russian at schools, and the Kharkov University has closed its Department of Russian Language and Literature.

Annex 223
MK, Kiev Schools to Abandon Study of Russian (12 August 2022)
(translation)

Annex 223
Translation
MK, Kiev Schools to Abandon Study of Russian (12 August 2022), available at:
https://www.mk.ru/politics/2022/08/12/v-shkolakh-kieva-reshili-otkazatsya-otizucheniya-
russkogo-yazyka.html.
Kiev Schools to Abandon Study of Russian
By Natalia Trushina
In the years 2022 and 2023, Kiev schoolchildren will not study Russian either as a subject or
optionally. This is stated in the response of the Standing Commission on Education, Science,
Family, Youth and Sports of the Kiev City Council, which was given to the request by the
public organisation “Youth Club of Jura”. The news was published on Friday, the 12th of
August, in the Telegram channel “Politics of the Country”.
Annex 223
Attached to the publication was a scanned copy of the official response by the Kiev Commission. The policy of gradually ousting the Russian language from education in Ukraine became obvious after the coup d’état in 2014. Since 24 February 2022, when Russia began its special military operation in Ukraine, the government has actually launched a total de-Russification campaign in the country. For example, the Kiev City Council announced on the 1st of July their intention to impose a complete ban on the public use of books, performances and concerts in Russian as well as other “Russian-language cultural products” in the Ukrainian capital. The authorities of the Khmelnytskyi Region did the same thing. And in Ivano-Frankovsk, Ternopol and Konotop, songs in Russian were prohibited to be performed and listened to in public places. Ukrainian local authorities are gradually imposing a complete ban on the teaching of Russian at schools. Such decisions have been made in the Odessa and Nikolaev Regions. The Kharkov University has liquidated its Department of Russian Language and Literature. The Mayor of the traditionally Russian-speaking town of Kryvoy Rog has also stated the need to abandon Russian.
Annex 224 RT, “The Spirit of Intimidation and Terror”: How Ukraine Is Fighting Russian (12 November 2022) (translation)

Annex 224
Translation
RT, “The Spirit of Intimidation and Terror”: How Ukraine Is Fighting Russian
(12 November 2022), available at: https://russian.rt.com/ussr/article/1072836-ukrainarusskii-
yazyk-zapret.
“The Spirit of Intimidation and Terror”: How Ukraine Is Fighting Russian
By Alexei Latyshev and Yelizaveta Komarova
In Kiev, the Russian language has been eliminated from the curricula of preschool and general
secondary education institutions. This decision has been made by the city council allegedly in
order to protect Kiev’s educational space from “hybrid influences” by the Russian Federation.
Earlier, the Russian language was banned in Nikolaev, and Alexei Danilov, the head of the
Ukrainian Security Council, said Russian is an element of “hostile propaganda” that should
disappear. Discrimination of Russian began in Ukraine immediately after the coup d’état in
2014 and is carried out with the connivance of the West, experts point out.
Kiev / Gettyimages.ru
The Kiev City Council has eliminated Russian from the curricula of the capital’s preschool and
general secondary education institutions. The news was posted on the City Council’s website
in the evening of 10 November 2022. This decision was made by 64 City Council deputies (out
of the 120) at the plenary meeting of the City Council’s Second Session.
“The Russian language will be completely eliminated from the curricula of communal
preschool and general secondary education institutions in the capital”, the press release said.
Annex 224
According to Vadim Vasylchuk, the head of the City Council’s Standing Commission on Education, Science, Family, Youth and Sports, in the context of the conflict with the Russian Federation, it would be inappropriate and incorrect to carry out the educational process and to study the Russian language in preschool and general secondary education institutions. “The leaders of the Russian Federation have repeatedly stated that “Russia is going as far as the Russian language is widespread”. In this regard, the Kiev City Council has made a decision that will help avoid escalation of tension in the society and strengthen the protection of Kiev’s educational space from the hybrid influences by the aggressor state. Language matters, and in times of war, it is a matter of national security”, Mr. Vasylchuk said. Kiev City Council / © Wikimedia Commons He added that the draft decision provides for the implementation of certain organisational and legal steps aimed at switching groups and classes from Russian to the state language. A similar decision was earlier made by the City Council of Nikolaev where a ban on the use of Russian in general secondary education institutions began to operate from 1 September 2022. As noted by Ekaterina Stokolyas, a member of the Nikolaev City Council’s Executive Committee, the measure applies, inter alia, to various electives, courses and junior classes with instruction in Russian and the Russian design of the educational environment. In turn, Alexei Danilov, Secretary of the National Security and Defence Council (NSDC), told reporters that the Russian language should disappear from Ukraine “as an element of hostile
Annex 224
propaganda and brainwashing for our population”. According to him, only Ukrainian and English should be mandatory in Ukraine. Sergey Aksyonov, the head of the Crimea, commented on his words. “It is not the Russian language that will disappear, but Ukraine, which is led by such characters. Danilov is a clear example of what a former Russian man who has sold his dignity and the memory of his ancestors for a rotten Banderite pottage can turn into”, Mr. Aksyonov wrote in his Telegram channel. Struggle with Russian Recall that the consistent eradication of the Russian language in Ukraine began immediately after the coup d’état in 2014. One of the first decisions made by the Verkhovnaya Rada after the “Maidan” was the abolition of the Law “On the Foundations of the State Language Policy”, which had been in force since 2012. That Law endowed the languages of national minorities, which Russian was also attributed to, with the status of regional ones. An attempt to repeal this law provoked mass protests in the eastern regions of Ukraine. The harsh reaction by the society forced the Ukrainian authorities to leave the Law in force, but not for long: in 2018, the Ukrainian Constitutional Court found it inconsistent with the Constitution. “Euromaidan” / АР / © Sergei Chuzavkov In parallel with this, the Ukrainian language began to be artificially implanted in Ukraine. In 2017, Pyotr Poroshenko, who then held the office of the President of Ukraine, signed the Law
Annex 224
“On Education”, which marked the beginning of drastic changes in the national educational system. One of its key provisions was the restriction of the use of minority languages at schools. Then this Law was clarified by the Law “On Complete General Secondary Education” adopted under President Vladimir Zelensky, which divided the languages of national minorities into three categories, implying a different amount of use in the educational process. Russian was assigned to the third category, which assigned the minimum amount of teaching hours to the languages of national minorities. In particular, at least 80% of the teaching time was to be dedicated to studies in Ukrainian beginning from the fifth grade. In addition, it was under Zelensky when the phased implementation of the Law “On Ensuring the Functioning of the Ukrainian Language as the State Language” began, which was signed by President Poroshenko before his resignation. According to that Law, only the Ukrainian language must be used in the public sphere, including culture and education. Advertising, transport, science, medicine, and services were all consistently switched to Ukrainian. At the same time, penalties were imposed for breach of the Law. The new rules led to numerous conflicts with employees of various organisations accustomed to using the Russian language refusing to serve customers in Ukrainian. In July 2021, President Zelensky signed a scandalous law that did not include Russians among the indigenous peoples of Ukraine despite the fact that, as analysts note, Ukraine had remained largely a Russian-speaking country throughout its existence. “Ukraine Is a Nazi State” According to Vladimir Olenchenko, a senior researcher at the Centre for European Studies of the Institute of World Economy and International Relations under the Russian Academy of Sciences, the Kiev City Council’s decision runs counter to the needs of the population and “is aimed at strengthening discrimination against Russian-speaking citizens who, according to some estimates, make up to half of the Ukrainian population”. “Russian-speaking people will have to adapt artificially. Most likely, the Russian language will be studied further, but already privately, unofficially”, the analyst suggested in an interview with RT.
Annex 224
Classes at a Ukrainian school / RIA Novosti In turn, Vladimir Shapovalov, Deputy Director of the Institute of History and Politics of the Moscow State Pedagogical University, recalled that the persecution of the Russian language has a long history in Ukraine. “All this began after the ‘Orange Revolution’ of 2004 and even earlier in some aspects. Zelensky is especially aggressive in the fight against the Russian language, although he promised his voters just the opposite. Such policy, of course, does not fit into any norms of democracy and indicates that Ukraine is a Nazi state that grossly violates the rights of a significant part of its population because the Russian language is native to millions of Ukrainian citizens”, the expert said in an interview with RT. Mr. Shapovalov also drew attention to the fact that international human rights organisations had turned a blind eye to discrimination against Russian-speaking citizens throughout all these years. “Unfortunately, all international human rights organisations depend on the West and participate in the fight against Russia. Therefore, they condone the violation of the rights of citizens of Ukraine”, the analyst said. But Russian-speaking Ukrainians did not protest against such policy because they were intimidated by the repressions from the new authorities after the “Maidan”, Mr. Shapovalov said. “An absolutely repressive government is now operating in Ukraine. For example, the party “Opposition Platform – For Life”, which was considered to represent the interests of the Russian-speaking population of the country, had been consistently among the leaders in recent public opinion polls, but it was banned and one of its leaders was sent to prison in the end.
Annex 224
Many other politicians have also been repressed or even killed and TV channels shut down. In Ukraine, the spirit of intimidation and terror reigns, so there is no resistance”, Mr. Shapovalov said. According to Vladimir Olenchenko, the Russophobic policy of the Ukrainian authorities “once again proves that the Crimea and Donbass made the right choice in 2014”. “The population of those regions does not accept the imposition of the Ukrainian language, nor will it accept it. The Russian language was used there historically, it was not introduced from the outside. It was, is and will be spoken there”, the analyst concluded.
Annex 225 TASS, Ukraine Imposes Fines for Breach of State Language Law (16 July 2022) (translation)

Annex 225
Translation
TASS, Ukraine Imposes Fines for Breach of State Language Law (16 July 2022),
available at: https://tass.ru/mezhdunarodnaya-panorama/15232059.
Ukraine Imposes Fines for Breach of State Language Law
A failure to comply with the law will entail a fine of up to UAH 8,500 (about $300), which will
be increased for repeated breaches.
KIEV, 16th of July, TASS. The next stage of the implementation of the Law “On Ensuring the
Functioning of the Ukrainian Language as the State Language” will come into force in Ukraine
on Saturday. From now on, a failure to comply with the Law will entail a fine of up to UAH
8,500 (about $300), which will be increased in the event of repeated breaches.
According to the new Law, which was adopted in April 2019 and introduced in stages,
Ukrainian citizens should use the Ukrainian language in all spheres of public life. Currently,
public administration, science, education, medicine, services, advertising, print media and
Internet websites must completely switch to Ukrainian. All cultural events must only be held in
the state language. A 75% quota for programmes in Ukrainian is set for TV channels. Foreign
movies and TV series can only be showed in the state language.
The imposition of language fines, according to experts, will primarily affect the service sector
as it is in the communications of sellers, waiters and hairdressers with customers that most
violations will occur. The Law will be monitored by the Commissioner for the Protection of the
State Language and language inspectors. Taras Kremen, Ukrainian Language Ombudsman, has
already advised Ukrainians to send denunciations to his office should they reveal any breach of
the Law, attaching a video or audio record of the incident. Language inspectors can also attend
meetings in any government bodies, demand documents from any public organisations and
political parties, and charge fines.
Taras Kremen recently accused Ukrainian President Vladimir Zelensky and several other
officials of breaching the language Law. Mr. Zelensky, who has already been reproached for
switching to Russian in some interviews, spoke English this time.
New Rules
The provisions of the Law on the state language are primarily aimed at fighting the right to use
Russian. For example, the requirement for publishers of newspapers and magazines to publish
at least 50% of their circulations in the Ukrainian language does not apply to printed
publications in The Crimean Tatar and other languages of the so-called indigenous peoples of
Ukraine (Crimean Tatars, Karaites and Krymchaks) as well as English and other official
languages of the EU. The main target of the restrictions is the Russian language, which,
according to the All-Ukrainian Population Census of 2001, was called native by 29.6% of the
respondents.
After the new Law was adopted, a number of deputies of the Verkhovnaya Rada filed a
complaint about discrimination against the Russian language with the Ukrainian Constitutional
Court. However, the Court found the Law to be constitutional.
Annex 225
Ban on the Russian Language in Education After the 2014 events in Ukraine, the government took a course to gradually reduce the use of the Russian language in education. The new version of the Law “On Education”, which was adopted in September 2017, provided for a switch to Ukrainian from 2018 for secondary schools and universities, from 2020 for primary schools and from 2023 for schools instructing in the languages of national minorities of the EU countries. After the Law caused a negative reaction in Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria and other Eastern European nations having their expat communities in Ukraine, the Law “On Complete General Secondary Education” was adopted in March 2020, which allowed national minorities living mainly in the speech environment of their native languages to study in their own language at primary school, but along with the study of Ukrainian. At least 80% of their teaching time must be devoted to the state language beginning from the fifth grade. De-Russification Campaign In accordance with the new Law, the last stage of its implementation should be the year 2024. Beginning from 16 July 2024, the share of the Ukrainian language on national TV channels should be at least 90%, all regional newspapers and magazines will have to completely switch to the state language, and the punishment for “public humiliation or insult to the state language” will be toughened. However, long before the year 2024, a campaign of total de-Russification has seized the country since the beginning of the Russian special military operation in Ukraine. On the 1st of July, the Kiev City Council announced their intention to introduce a complete ban on the public use of books, performances and concerts in Russian and other “Russian-speaking cultural products” in Kiev. A similar moratorium was earlier imposed in the Khmelnytskyi Region, and songs in Russian were prohibited from being performed and listened to in public places in Ivano-Frankovsk, Ternopol and Konotop. Local authorities impose a complete ban on the teaching of the Russian language at schools. Such decision was made in the Odessa and Nikolaev Regions, and the Kharkov University closed its Department of Russian Language and Literature. The Mayor of the traditionally Russian-speaking town of Kryvoy Rog also said the Russian language should be abandoned.
Annex 226 DW, Ukraine bans music, books from Russia, Belarus (29 June 2022)

Annex 226
CULTURE | UKRAINE
Ukraine bans music, books from Russia, Belarus
Daria Nynko | Alexander Savitsky
06/29/2022
As war rages, Ukraine's parliament is defending itself against the invaders with new laws banning Russian music
and literature. Which authors can still be read? Who can still perform there? And what exceptions exist?
ADVERTISEMENT
In Ukraine, it is now illegal to play Russian music in public or import large numbers of books from Russia and Belarus.
The new ban passed by Kyiv's parliament covers "products from artists or authors who are or were citizens of the
aggressor nation." Artists who 􀀁t that bill are also prohibited from performing in Ukraine.
Ukrainian television presenter and 􀀁lm producer Ihor Kondratyuk collected more than 25,000 signatures for a petition
banning concerts featuring Russian artists in Ukraine even before Russia's February 24 invasion. For him, the new law
seems like a logical next step to protecting the country.
"It's just as much a part of defending Ukraine as what our 􀀁ghters are doing in the struggle against the aggressor.
Russian artists should be unwelcome in Ukraine until relations with Russia are once again friendly," he tells DW. The
presenter adds that Russia's army has been using its artists as a type of vanguard since 2014, when it annexed Crimea
Live TV
I N F O C U S War in Ukraine Nigeria 2023 Election Turkey-Syria Earthquakes
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Annex 226
Image: Oleksandr Sawytsky/DWpresenteradds that Russia's army has been using its artists as a type of vanguard since 2014, when it annexed Crimeaand launched its invasion into the Donbas region.Kondratyuk says streaming platforms and YouTube are registering heightened interest in Ukrainian-language content.The authors of the new ban point to that growing popularity as one of their motivations in writing the law but are quickto add that there are exceptions built into the legislation. They say, for instance, there are exemptions for Russianmusicians who condemn Moscow's aggression toward Ukraine. Just which artists are exempted is to be determined byKyiv.ADVERTISEMENTNo more books from Russia or BelarusAnother law was passed as well. Ukraine's parliament has determined that it is illegal to import and sell books frompublishers in Russia or Belarus, as well as those in occupied parts of Ukraine.The ban pertains not only to works written in any of those places but also applies to works by authors who are Russiancitizens. Books published before the occupation are exempted from the ban.Russian-language literature published in other countries, however, may still be imported as long as it has beenapproved. According to the law, a newliterary council of experts will 􀀁rst scour works looking for anti-Ukrainianpropaganda. In addition, books by authors who hold or held Russian passports can no longer be printed in Ukraine. "That, too, is anatural societal reaction to the war. Neither 'good' nor 'bad' Russians will be given access to the Ukrainian book market,"says Oleksandr Krasovytsky — owner and director of Folio Publishers — who helped write the law. The publishing banwill not, however, apply to Russian-language books that are to be published in Ukraine before January 1, 2023.Russian classics such as Leo Tolstoy's 'Anna Karenina' may soon no longer be in school curriculaHow will the ban be enforced?That ban is focused, above all, on authors with Russian passports, says Krasovytsky. The publisher says Ukraine's councilof experts will review each case individually. According to the law, works by Alexander Pushkin or Leo Tolstoy, forinstance, can no longer be imported into Ukraine if they are printed in Russia; but if they are printed in other countriesthey may.That means things will become complicated for some authors in the future — authors like Boris Akunin, who no longerLive TVIN FOCUSWar in UkraineNigeria 2023 ElectionTurkey-Syria EarthquakesUkraine bans music, books from Russia, Belarus – DW – 06/29/2022https://www.dw.com/en/ukraine-bans-russian-music-and-books/a-62305280Стр. 3 из 727.02.2023, 23:19
Annex 226
Image: Sergei Ilnitsky/epa/dpa/picture alliancelives in Russia but still has a Russian passport. His works can no longer be imported. But that rule applies only to hisworks printed in Russia; those printed elsewhere and found by the council of experts to be free of anti-Ukrainianpropaganda can still be imported.There are also import exceptions for private individuals. Those who are carrying fewer than 10 copies of a work not onthe council of experts' list of banned books and having no intention of selling these are free to bring them into thecountry.Moscow's reaction to the law was predictable — anchoring the Ukrainian language in everyday life is a violation of therights of Russian-speaking Ukrainians, according to the Kremlin. Boris Akunin is a Russian author and translator of Georgian descentNo more Russian classics on school syllabi?The next step could be banning classic Russian literature from Ukrainian classrooms. An Education Ministry workinggroup has already advised striking some 40 Russian or Soviet authors and poets — among them Leo Tolstoy, AlexanderPushkin, Fyodor Dostoyevsky and Michail Bulgakov — from school curricula. Authorities have yet to issue a 􀀁nal decisionon the matter.Author Rostyslav Semkiv supports striking Russian literature from lesson plans entirely. "At the moment, I really don'tsee how we can excite pupils about the beauty of Russian poetry. Classrooms are full of children whose homes havebeen destroyed, who have been forced to 􀀂ee, have been shot at, or who have lost relatives," said Semkiv while speakingon Ukrainian television. German literature did not return to Soviet classrooms until 1960, for instance, 15 years aftervictory over Nazism. Goethe's "Faust" was the 􀀁rst to reappear.Andriy Hirnyk, professor of psychology and pedagogy at the National University of Kyiv Mohyla Academy, says Russianliterature and culture had an outsized presence in Ukraine before the invasion. Now, he says, greater importance willsimplybegiventoEnglish, German, French, ChineseandUkrainianliterature.This article was originally written in RussianSend us your feedbackADVERTISEMENTLive TVIN FOCUSWar in UkraineNigeria 2023 ElectionTurkey-Syria EarthquakesUkraine bans music, books from Russia, Belarus – DW – 06/29/2022https://www.dw.com/en/ukraine-bans-russian-music-and-books/a-62305280Стр. 4 из 727.02.2023, 23:19

Annex 227
The Guardian, Ukraine restricts Russian books and music in latest step of ‘derussification’
(20 June 2022)

Annex 227
Ukraine restricts Russian books and music in latest
step of ‘derussification’
Ukraine’s parliament has voted through two laws that will place severe restrictions on Russian
books and music as Kyiv seeks to break many remaining cultural ties between the two countries
following Moscow’s invasion.
One law will forbid the printing of books by Russian citizens, unless they renounce their Russian
passport and take Ukrainian citizenship. The ban will only apply to those who held Russian
citizenship after the 1991 collapse of Soviet rule.
It will also ban the commercial import of books printed in Russia, Belarus and occupied Ukrainian
territory, while also requiring special permission for the import of books in Russian from any other
country.
Another law will prohibit the playing of music by post-1991 Russian citizens on media and on
public transport, while also increasing quotas on Ukrainian-language speech and music content in
TV and radio broadcasts.
The laws need to be signed by president Volodymyr Zelenskiy to take effect, and there is no
indication that he opposes either. Both received broad support from across the chamber on
Sunday, including from lawmakers who had traditionally been viewed as pro-Kremlin by most of
Ukraine’s media and civil society.
Ukraine’s culture minister, Oleksandr Tkachenko, said he was “glad to welcome” the new
restrictions.
“The laws are designed to help Ukrainian authors share quality content with the widest possible
audience, which after the Russian invasion do not accept any Russian creative product on a
physical level,” the Ukrainian cabinet’s website quoted him as saying.
The new rules are the latest chapter in Ukraine’s long path to shedding the legacy of hundreds of
years of rule by Moscow.
Ukraine says this process, previously referred to as “decommunisation” but now more often called
“derussification”, is necessary to undo centuries of policies aimed at crushing Ukrainian identity.
Moscow disagrees, saying Kyiv’s policies to entrench the Ukrainian language in day-to-day life
oppress Ukraine’s large number of Russian speakers, whose rights it claims to be upholding in
what it calls its “special military operation”.
This process gained momentum after Russia’s 2014 invasion of Crimea and support for separatist
proxies in Ukraine’s Donbas, but took on new dimensions after the start of the full-scale invasion
on 24 February.
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Annex 227
Hundreds of locations in Ukraine’s capital, Kyiv, have already been earmarked for renaming toshed their associations with Russia, and a Soviet-era monument celebrating the friendship of theUkrainian and Russian people was torn down in April, eliciting cheers from the assembled crowd.Ukraine restricts Russian books and music in latest step of ‘derussific...https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/jun/20/ukraine-restricts-rus...Стр. 2 из 227.02.2023, 23:22
Annex 228 CNE, Ukrainian ban on Russian language forces Christian radio to move to Hungary (8 September 2022)

Annex 228
Ukrainian ban on Russian language forces Christian
radio to move to Hungary
Ukrainian legislation forces New Life Radio to move to Hungary. From there, the Christian radio
station can continue to broadcast in the Russian language, which is forbidden in Ukraine.
In July, Ukraine’s parliament (“Verkhovna Rada”) passed a law that bans radio and TV stations
from playing “Russian music” as well as distributing “printed material” in the language, according
to Ukraine’s English publication, Kyiv Post. While not all “Russian-language music” is prohibited,
the law has stopped some Christian radio stations from airing music in Russian.
New Life Radio (NLR), an Evangelical Christian radio station in Odesa, Ukraine, has felt the effects
of the ruling, since at least 40 per cent of its airtime is dedicated to worship music in Russian,
according to an Evangeliques Info article.
As the war with Russia continues to ravage Ukraine, the battle in what language to use continues to
hit areas with large Russian populations in the country’s eastern Donbas region and throughout
southern coastal cities such as Odesa.
Bible in Russian
“I don’t want our staff busted on the air for reading the Bible in Russian. We were expecting bombs
to wreck our radio operations, but it turned out to be this law,” said Dan Johnson, Director of
Christian Radio for Russia (New Life Radio’s parent company) in a Christianity Today (CT) article.
Johnson, who manages the operations at NLR, says that it currently broadcasts its content by
satellite and online.
Now that the new ruling has gone into effect, Johnson and his team have registered in Hungary
and have now secured a facility in Budapest. They plan to start a full-time, satellite transmission of
NLR's Russian service beginning September 12th, which will legally allow them to broadcast into
Russia and Ukraine. This will be his fourth move to escape the restrictions that have threatened
free speech and his ministry.
Continuing in Ukrainian
As they set up in Budapest, Johnson still has his eyes on Odesa. He told CNE that he has started a
Ukrainian-only radio service with the existing staff there. Although the concept is still in its
infancy, much work remains in providing Bible teachings and music in the Ukrainian language, so
it can operate on a 24/7 basis.
“If the Christians of Europe could help us support a single programming person to oversee this
effort, it would be an answer to prayer,” he said to CNE.
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Annex 228
Although an uncertain future remains, Johnson remains confident that the Gospel will continue tobe on the airwaves for both Ukrainian and Russian speakers.“It’s just another chapter in our long story of working to broadcast the Gospel, so we don'tworry about anything and trust God to get us through the troubles yet again. The devil doesn't likewhat we do, as usual, and employs all his tricks. We have the victory in Christ,” he said.Ukrainian ban on Russian language forces Christian radio to move to...https://cne.news/article/1670-ukrainian-ban-on-russian-language-forc...Стр. 2 из 227.02.2023, 23:26
Annex 229 Wikipedia, Demolition of monuments to Alexander Pushkin in Ukraine

Annex 229
An empty pedestal of the "sun of Russian poetry" in
Ternopil
Demolition of monuments to Alexander
Pushkin in Ukraine
The demolition of monuments to
Alexander Pushkin in Ukraine started
during the Russo-Ukrainian War. During the
2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine it has
become a widespread phenomenon and
dubbed by Ukrainians Pushkinopad
(Пушкінопад), a pun literally translated as
"Pushkinfall". This wave of dismantling is
part of the process of derussification in
Ukraine.
According to Volodymyr Yermolenko,
Russian literature has been a vehicle of the
country’s imperial project and nationalist
world-view.[1] Pushkin's poem Poltava
recounts the revolt of Ukrainian Cossack hetman Ivan Mazepa against Tsar Peter the Great from
the Russian point of view and portrays Mazepa as a lecherous traitor.[1] Following the Russian
invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Pushkin's situation turned out to be quite similar to the
destruction of monuments to Lenin known as Leninopad.[2] The phenomenon was dubbed
"Pushkinopad" (Пушкінопад) by Ukrainians, a pun literally translated as "Pushkinfall", with the
coinage of "-пад" being akin to English words suffixed with "fall" as in "waterfall", "snowfall",
etc.
The first event that became widely known was the dismantling of the monument to Pushkin in
Mukachevo on April 7, 2022.[3] Monuments to the Russian poet were dismantled in Uzhhorod[4]
and Ternopil on April 9.[5][6] Serhiy Nadal, mayor of Ternopil, commented:
The crimes of Russians against the Ukrainian people: murder, torture of people, rape
of women and children, destruction of Ukrainian cities have crossed out the entire
culture of the Russian people. There is no explanation for these crimes. They leave us
no choice. Everything Russian must be dismantled. Including the monument to the
Russian writer.[7]
On March 22, 2022, a resident of Ternopil painted a Pushkin monument red and wrote "stop
war" on it. With his action he drew attention to the need to dismantle the monument. In
Ternopil, the monument to the poet was erected in 1961. The first initiatives to demolish it
appeared in 2014, after the start of the Russo-Ukrainian War.[8]
On April 7, 2022, a monument to Pushkin was demolished in Mukachevo. The very next day, the
Uzhhorod City Council also decided to dismantle the monument to Alexander Pushkin[9]
History
Demolition of monuments to Alexander Pushkin in Ukraine - Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Demolition_of_monuments_to_Alexan...
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Annex 229
A bronze bust of Pushkin wasremoved from Glory Square(Ploshсha Slavy) in Kyiv. Erectedin 1899, it was the oldestmonument to Pushkin in the city.On April 11, 2022, a bust of Pushkin was dismantled in thevillage of Zabolotivtsi, Lviv Oblast.[10]On April 19, 2022, in Kropyvnytskyi, they proposed to removethe monument to Pushkin, which currently stands near thePedagogical University.[11] The monument was dismantled onJuly 8, 2022.[12]On April 26, 2022, a monument to Alexander Pushkin was torndown in the village of Pushkino in the Berehove Raion of theZakarpattia Oblast, and meetings began to rename thevillage.[13]On April 28, 2022, a monument to Pushkin was dismantled inKonotop. The head was torn off during the dismantling of themonument.[14]On April 30, 2022, a Pushkin monument was destroyed inChernihiv.[15]On May 5, 2022, a memorial plaque to Pushkin was dismantledin Vinnytsia.[16]On May 8, 2022, the bust was dismantled in Deliatyn, Ivano-Frankivsk Oblast.[17]On May 13, 2022, a bust of Pushkin was dismantled from the entrance gate of the OleksandriiaDendrological Park in Bila Tserkva.On May 21, 2022, a monument to Pushkin was dismantled in Mykolaiv.[18]On June 1, 2022, a monument to Alexander Pushkin was damaged in Nikopol.[19]On June 3, 2022, the "Ukrainian People's House" society proposed to remove the bust ofPushkin from the building of the Olha Kobylyanska Drama Theater in Chernivtsi and replace itwith the bust of Yurii Fedkovych. The director of the theater supported the proposal but stressedthat all legal requirements and regulations had to be met before removing the bust.[20]On June 16, 2022, a working group of the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine decidedto remove more than 40 works by Soviet and Russian authors, including Alexander Pushkin,from school textbooks.[21]On July 26, 2022, a bust of Pushkin was dismantled in Zaporizhzhia. The bust made of forgedcopper stood in the city for more than 20 years and was dismantled with the permission of themayor's office.[22]On September 1, 2022, a bust of Pushkin was dismantled in Kyiv on the territory of gymnasiumNo. 153 (named after Pushkin).[23]On October 11, 2022, unknown persons dismantled the second bust of Pushkin in front of theNational Transport University in Kyiv. The co-founder of the "Decommunization Ukraine"project said that the dismantling was dedicated to Lieutenant of the Armed Forces of UkraineDenys Antipov, alias "Buk" - a well-known public activist, teacher of the Korean language at theTaras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, who had died in May 2022 in a battle withRussian invaders.[24]Demolition of monuments to Alexander Pushkin in Ukraine - Wikipediahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Demolition_of_monuments_to_Alexan...Стр. 2 из 627.02.2023, 23:28
Annex 229
On November 9, 2022, a bust of Pushkin, which stood on Poetry Maidan in Kharkiv, wasdismantled and sent for safekeeping. The Kharkiv City Council stated that this monument, andpossibly others, should be preserved, but the residents will decide this issue in peacetime.[25][26][27]On November 11, 2022, a monument to Pushkin was dismantled in Zhytomyr.[28]On November 11, 2022, a monument to Pushkin in the city of Zhmerynka was dismantled.On November 16, 2022, Pushkin Avenue in Dnipro was renamed Lesia Ukrainka Avenue.[29] Amonument to Pushkin that stood there was dismantled on December 16, 2022.[29]On November 17, 2022, a statue of Pushkin was dismantled in Chernivtsi.[30]On November 20, 2022, unknown persons overthrew a bust of Pushkin in Nikopol.[31]On November 21, 2022, a monument to Pushkin in Kremenchuk was dismantled.[32]On November 29, 2022, a memorial plaque to Pushkin was dismantled in Mykolaiv.[33]On November 29, 2022, a monument to Pushkin was dismantled in Ananiv.[34]On December 9, 2022, the monument to Pushkin in the city of Tulchyn was dismantled.[35]The monument to Pushkin in the Dnipro was dismantled on December 16, 2022.[35]On December 23, 2022, the second sculpture of Pushkin was dismantled in the city ofChernivtsi.[36]On December 24, 2022, it was dismantled in the city of Krolevets.[37]On December 27, 2022, the bust of Pushkin was dismantled from the facade of the ChernivtsiDrama Theater named after Olha Kobylianska.[38]On December 29, 2022, the bust was dismantled in Polonne.[39]On December 29, 2022, the second memorial plaque to Pushkin was dismantled in the city ofMykolaiv.On December 30, 2022, a monument to Pushkin was dismantled in Kramatorsk.[40]▪ Demolition of monuments to Vladimir Lenin in Ukraine1. Yermolenko, Volodymyr (25 June 2022). "From Pushkin to Putin: Russian Literature'sImperial Ideology" (https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/06/25/russia-ukraine-war-literature-classics-imperialism-ideology-nationalism-putin-pushkin-tolstoy-dostoevsky-caucasus/). ForeignPolicy. Retrieved 2022-11-13.2. Кокотюха, Андрій (2022-04-23). "Як Пушкін в Україні став аналогом Леніна" (https://detector.media/infospace/article/198527/2022-04-23-yak-pushkin-v-ukraini-stav-analogom-lenina/).detector.media (in Ukrainian). Retrieved 2022-04-23.See alsoReferencesDemolition of monuments to Alexander Pushkin in Ukraine - Wikipediahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Demolition_of_monuments_to_Alexan...Стр. 3 из 627.02.2023, 23:28
Annex 229
3. "У Мукачеві демонтували пам'ятник Пушкіну" (https://www.ukrinform.ua/rubric-regions/3451014-u-mukacevi-demontuvali-pamatnik-puskinu.html) [The monument to Pushkin wasdismantled in Mukachevo]. Ukrinform (in Ukrainian). 7 April 2022. Retrieved 2022-04-11.4. Береза, Антуан (9 April 2022). "Дерусифікація триває: в Ужгороді демонтували пам'ятникПушкіну (відео)" (https://www.unian.ua/society/v-uzhgorodi-demontuvali-pam-yatnik-oleksandru-pushkinu-novini-ukrajini-11779494.html) [Derussification continues: Pushkin monumentdismantled in Uzhhorod (video)]. УНІАН.5. "У Тернополі демонтували пам'ятник Пушкіну – мер" (https://www.radiosvoboda.org/a/news-ternopil-pushkin/31794724.html) [Pushkin monument dismantled in Ternopil - mayor].Радіо Свобода (in Ukrainian). 9 April 2022. Retrieved 2022-04-11.6. "У Тернополі демонтували пам'ятник Пушкіну" (https://www.ukrinform.ua/rubric-regions/3452923-u-ternopoli-demontuvali-pamatnik-puskinu.html) [Monument to Pushkin dismantled inTernopil]. Ukrinform (in Ukrainian). 9 April 2022. Retrieved 2022-04-11.7. "У Тернополі через звірства росіян таки демонтували пам'ятник Пушкіну: фото" (http://podiya.te.ua/suspilstvo/3640-u-ternopoli-cherez-zvirstva-rosiian-taky-demontuvaly-pamiatnyk-pushkinu-foto) [Pushkin monument dismantled in Ternopil because of Russian atrocities:photos]. podiya.te.ua. 9 April 2022.8. Бугаєнко, Тетяна (9 April 2022). "У Тернополі демонтували пам'ятник АлєксандруПушкіну" (https://zaxid.net/u_ternopoli_demontuvali_pamyatnik_alyeksandru_pushkinu_n1540656) [Monument to Alexander Pushkin dismantled in Ternopil]. ZAXID.NET.9. Bugayenko, Tetyana (9 April 2022). "У Тернополі демонтували пам'ятник АлєксандруПушкіну" (https://zaxid.net/u_ternopoli_demontuvali_pamyatnik_alyeksandru_pushkinu_n1540656) [A monument to Alexander Pushkin was dismantled in Ternopil]. ZAXID.NET (inUkrainian). Retrieved 2022-11-13.10. "У селі на Львівщині демонтують пам'ятник Пушкіну" (https://zahid.espreso.tv/u-seli-na-lvivshchini-demontuyut-pamyatnik-pushkinu) [A monument to Pushkin is dismantled in a villagein the Lviv Region]. zahid.espreso.tv. April 11, 2022.11. "У Кропивницькому запропонували прибрати пам'ятник Пушкіну" (https://gre4ka.info/suspilstvo/68974-u-kropyvnytskomu-zaproponuvaly-prybraty-pam-iatnyk-pushkinu) [InKropyvnytskyi, it was proposed to remove the monument to Pushkin]. Гречка -інформаційний портал кіровоградщини (in Ukrainian). April 19, 2022. Retrieved2022-04-23.12. "Як у Кропивницькому бюст Пушкіну знімали (ВІДЕО)" (https://gre4ka.info/suspilstvo/70114-yak-u-kropyvnytskomu-biust-pushkinu-znimaly-video) [How a bust of Pushkin was filmed inKropyvnytskyi (VIDEO)]. Гречка. July 9, 2022.13. "На Закарпатті "впав" вже шостий пам'ятник Пушкіну. Еспресо.Захід" (https://zahid.espreso.tv/na-zakarpatti-vpav-vzhe-shostiy-pamyatnik-pushkinu) [In Transcarpathia, the sixthmonument to Pushkin "fell"]. zahid.espreso.tv (in Ukrainian). April 26, 2022. Retrieved2022-04-28.14. "Під час демонтажу відірвало голову: у Конотопі знесли пам'ятник Пушкіну (фото)" (https://tsn.ua/ukrayina/pid-chas-demontazhu-vidirvalo-golovu-u-konotopi-znesli-pam-yatnik-pushkinu-foto-2048425.html) [A HEAD WAS TORN OFF DURING DISMANTLING: AMONUMENT TO PUSHKIN WAS DEMOLISHED IN KONOTOP (PHOTO)]. ТСН.ua (inUkrainian). 2022-04-28. Retrieved 2022-04-28.15. Chernihiv was de-Russified by Pushkin (https://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2022/04/30/7343120/), Ukrayinska Pravda (April 30, 2022) Monument to Zoya Kosmodemyanskaya wasdemolished in Chernihiv (https://suspilne.media/231136-u-cernigovi-znesli-pamatnik-zoi-kosmodemanskij/), Suspilne (April 21, 2022 (in Ukrainian)16. "У ВІННИЦІ ЗНЯЛИ МЕМОРІАЛЬНУ ДОШКУ ПУШКІНУ" (https://naparise.com/posts/u-vinnytsi-znialy-memorialnu-doshku-pushkinu) [A MEMORIAL PLAQUE TO PUSHKIN WASREMOVED IN VINNYTSIA]. naparise.com. May 5, 2022. Retrieved 15 November 2022.Demolition of monuments to Alexander Pushkin in Ukraine - Wikipediahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Demolition_of_monuments_to_Alexan...Стр. 4 из 627.02.2023, 23:28
Annex 229
17. На Прикарпатті демонтували погруддя Пушкіна та комісара Руднєва (https://vikna.if.ua/news/category/all/2022/05/08/133267/view)18. "У Миколаєві зусиллями невідомих зник пам'ятник Пушкіну (фото)" (https://www.unian.ua/society/u-mikolayevi-zusillyami-nevidomih-znik-pam-yatnik-pushkinu-foto-novini-ukrajini-11836068.html). УНІАН (in Ukrainian). Retrieved 2022-05-21.19. "У Нікополі осквернили пам'ятник Пушкіну" (https://www.prikhist.com/2022/06/u-nikopoli-oskvernili-pam-jatnik-pushkinu/). Общественная Организация "Прихист" (in Russian).Retrieved 2022-06-01.20. "Пушкіна на Федьковича: у Чернівцях пропонують замінити погруддя на будівлідрамтеатру" (https://acc.cv.ua/news/chernivtsi/pushkina-na-fedkovicha-u-chernivcyah-proponuyut-zaminiti-pogruddya-na-budivli-dramteatru-85302) [From Pushkin to Fedkovych: inChernivtsi, they propose to replace the bust on the drama theater building]. acc.cv.ua. 3 June2022.21. "Геть з класу! Зі шкільної програми вилучать більше 40 творів Пушкіна, Толстого,Булгакова та інших російських і радянських авторів" (https://nv.ua/ukr/art/mon-viluchiv-z-shkilnoji-programi-tvori-pushkina-tolstogo-bulgakova-ta-inshih-avtoriv-novini-ukrajini-50250501.html). nv.ua (in Ukrainian). Retrieved 2022-06-17.22. "У Запоріжжі демонтували пам'ятник Пушкіну" (https://www.ukrinform.ua/rubric-regions/3537607-u-zaporizzi-demontuvali-pamatnik-puskinu.html) [A monument to Pushkin wasdismantled in Zaporizhzhia]. www.ukrinform.ua (in Ukrainian). 27 July 2022. Retrieved2022-07-28.23. Борзенко, Тимофій (1 September 2022). "У київській гімназії 153 імені Пушкіна знеслипогруддя Пушкіна" (https://ukranews.com/ua/news/879560-u-kyyivskij-gimnaziyi-153-imeni-pushkina-znesly-pogruddya-pushkina) [Pushkin's bust was demolished at the 153 PushkinGymnasium in Kyiv].24. "У Києві демонтували один із пам'ятників Пушкіну, залишилося ще вісім об'єктів" (https://gordonua.com/ukr/news/kiev/u-kijevi-demontuvali-odnu-z-pam-jatnikiv-pushkinu-zalishilosja-shche-visim-ob-jektiv-1630551.html) [One of Pushkin's monuments dismantled in Kyiv, eightmore objects left]. gordonua.com. 12 October 2022. Retrieved 2022-11-13.25. "The monument to Pushkin in Kharkiv has been dismantled, its fate will be determined by thetownspeople after the victory - the city council" (https://ua.interfax.com.ua/news/general/871019.html). Інтерфакс-Україна (in Ukrainian). Retrieved 2022-11-09.26. "Pushkin's bust was dismantled in Kharkiv" (https://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2022/11/9/7375634/). Українська правда (in Ukrainian). Retrieved 2022-11-09.27. "Як демонтували погруддя Пушкіна у Харкові — фото і відео міськради" (https://racurs.ua/ua/n176632-yak-demontuvaly-pogruddya-pushkina-u-harkovi-foto-i-video-miskrady.html)[How Pushkin's bust was dismantled in Kharkiv — photo and video of the city council].racurs.ua. November 9, 2022.28. "Monument to Russian poet Pushkin dismantled in Zhytomyr" (https://english.nv.ua/monument-to-russian-poet-pushkin-dismantled-in-zhytomyr-50283424.html). New Voice of Ukraine.11 November 2022. Retrieved 2022-11-13.29. "A monument to Pushkin was dismantled in Dnipro (photo)" (https://www.radiosvoboda.org/a/news-dnipro-pushkin-demontazh/32180120.html). Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (inUkrainian). 16 December 2022. Retrieved 16 December 2022.30. Спатарь, Наталія (2022-11-17). "У Чернівцях демонтували пам'ятник Пушкіну — щовідомо" (https://suspilne.media/318696-u-cernivcah-demontuvali-pamatnik-puskinu-so-vidomo/). Суспільне | Новини (in Ukrainian). Retrieved 2022-11-17.31. "У Нікополі впав пам'ятник поету" (https://dv-gazeta.info/dneprnews/u-nikopoli-vpav-pam-yatnik-poetu.html/?utm_source=facebook.com&utm_medium=referral&utm_content=440620&utm_campaign=ref). dv-gazeta.info (in Russian). Retrieved 2022-11-21.32. "У Кременчуці знесли пам'ятник Пушкіну" (https://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2022/11/21/7377242/). Українська правда. Retrieved 2022-11-21.Demolition of monuments to Alexander Pushkin in Ukraine - Wikipediahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Demolition_of_monuments_to_Alexan...Стр. 5 из 627.02.2023, 23:28
Annex 229
33. "У центрі Миколаєва демонтували меморіальну дошку Пушкіну" (https://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2022/11/29/7378431). Українська правда (in Russian). 2022-11-29.34. "Декомунізація. Україна. - Юхууууууу! Ананьїв, Одещина. Демонтовано погруддяПушкіну. Далі буде. | Facebook" (https://www.facebook.com/DecommunizeUkraine/photos/a.513535425855304/1339181043290734/). www.facebook.com (in Ukrainian). Retrieved2022-11-29.35. Ковалишена, Юлія (9 December 2022). "Monuments to Suvorov and Pushkin weredismantled in Tulchyn" (https://suspilne.media/332940-u-tulcini-demontuvali-pamatniki-suvorova-j-puskina/?). Суспільне | Новини (in Ukrainian). Retrieved 2022-12-09.36. "Чернівці позбулися Пушкіна: демонтовано другий пам'ятник" (https://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2022/12/23/7382085/). Українська правда (in Ukrainian). Retrieved 2022-12-23.37. "Декомунізація. Україна. - А це фотопідтвердження демонтованого погруддя Пушкіну умісті Кролевець на Сумщині. Потихеньку кількість подібного окупаційного мотлохузменшується. | Facebook" (https://www.facebook.com/DecommunizeUkraine/photos/a.513535425855304/1360346911174147/). www.facebook.com (in Ukrainian). Retrieved2022-12-27.38. "В Черновцах с фасада театра демонтировали бюст Пушкина" (https://www.rbc.ru/rbcfreenews/63aafc869a79474e2c9e0092). РБК (in Russian). Retrieved 2022-12-30.39. "Юхууууууу! Пушкінопад триває.... - Декомунізація. Україна" (https://www.facebook.com/DecommunizeUkraine/photos/a.513535425855304/1361723904369781/?type=3).www.facebook.com (in Ukrainian). Retrieved 2022-12-29.40. Stanislav Pogorilov (30 December 2022). "Pushkinopad got to Kramatorsk: a bust of aRussian poet was demolished in the city" (https://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2022/12/30/7383011/). Ukrayinska Pravda (in Ukrainian). Retrieved 30 December 2022.▪ Special operation "Derusification". Interview with Vakhtang Kipiani, Editor-in-Chief ofHistorical Truth (https://www.pravda.com.ua/articles/2022/04/25/7341708/)Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Demolition_of_monuments_to_Alexander_Pushkin_in_Ukraine&oldid=1140432165"External linksDemolition of monuments to Alexander Pushkin in Ukraine - Wikipediahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Demolition_of_monuments_to_Alexan...Стр. 6 из 627.02.2023, 23:28
Annex 230 Mosregtoday, Ukraine continues to dismantle monuments linked to Russian history and culture (22 April 2022) (translation)

Annex 230
Translation
Mosregtoday, Ukraine continues to dismantle monuments linked to Russian history and
culture (22 April 2022), available at: https://mosregtoday.ru/culture/na-ukraineprodolzhaetsya-
demontazh-pamyatnikov-svyazannyh-s-rossiyskoy-istoriey-i-kul-turoy/
Ukraine continues to dismantle monuments
linked to Russian history and culture
09:09, 22 April 2022
Kharkov, Kremen, Odessa, Ternopol, Uzhgorod: dozens of busts and monuments
dedicated to Soviet liberator soldiers, Russian writers and political figures have already
been demolished in these and other Ukrainian cities. We and experts from the Moscow
region are going to tell you how the memory cast in bronze suffers because of
aggressive derussification.
TO ERASE HISTORY?
"Memory wars" - battles over interpretations of history and views on culture - have been
waged around the world for a long time. Some of them go in parallel with overt armed
conflicts, while other ones can unfold independently and smoulder quietly, fanning the
flames of discontent. In April, monuments are demolished in Ukrainian cities almost
every day. Some do it defiantly, while others do it quietly. For example, the monument
to commander Georgy Zhukov in Kharkov and the monument to the Soviet soldier in
Kremenets were dismantled loudly and pompously. The monument to NKVD officers
who defended the city from Nazi invaders during the Great Patriotic War was
demolished in Odessa at night time.
The "monumental wars", when it is decided which monument should stand and which
should not, is a special trend. During regime changes, monuments from previous eras
are often demolished," Vardan Bagdasaryan, Dean of the Faculty of History, Political
Science and Law at Moscow State Regional University, Chairman of the regional
branch of the Russian Society "Knowledge" in the Moscow region, says.
Now everything that was historically linked to Russia is unquestioningly removed in
Ukraine. And above it is monuments.
"The demolition of monuments and the rewriting of history have unfortunately become a
mainstream trend for Ukraine and several other countries," Oleg Rozhnov, a deputy of
the Moscow Regional Duma and a member of the Committee on Education, Culture,
Science, Tourism, Sports and Youth Policy, believes. – "This is a crime against the
generations of the twentieth century, who defeated fascism on the planet, and against
the future of their countries and their children. As the recent history shows, states that
falsify history turn into anti-people puppet regimes.
Annex 230
THINGS THAT MAKE US WHO WE ARE Over the past 20 days, there have been three less monuments to Pushkin in three Ukrainian cities. In Uzhgorod, Ternopol and Mukachevo, busts of the genius of Russian literature have disappeared. Although many people dispute that Pushkin belongs to a certain nation and rightly consider him a world heritage. One can even consider Alexander Pushkin as an unofficial PR man for Ukraine. After all, it was he who wrote the lines "The night in Ukraine is serene, stars glow in the translucent sky...", and also "Outline of the History of Ukraine" which remained unfinished. Nevertheless, the monuments to Pushkin in Ukraine are torn down too. "Pushkin visited many Ukrainian towns and admired the local nature without separating Ukraine and Russia," Vladimir Sizov, a researcher at the Pushkin State Historical and Literary Museum-Reserve, says. – "When a nation and a new people are being formed, they need their own heroes and ideals. For Ukrainians, Pushkin is the embodiment of Russian culture, against which they fight actively and which they do not want to be identified with. At the same time, Alexander Pushkin is not a foreigner for Ukrainians. It is just that his language and image are unacceptable for the new ethnos that is forming". Sizov also explained that works of Pushkin have long been taught in Ukrainian schools as part of foreign world literature and that he is included in the general curriculum as a foreign writer. Affected monuments in Ukraine
Annex 230
1. 2013, Kiev. The monument to Lenin was thrown down from the pedestal and smashed with sledgehammers. 2. 2015, Odessa. The monument to Nicholas II's brother Konstantin Konstantinovich was demolished. 3. 2016, Zhytomyr. The monument to the leader of the underground guerrilla movement which was active during the Great Patriotic War, Hero of the Soviet Union Grigory Shelushkov, was demolished. 4. 2016, Kiev. The bust of the legendary guerrilla commander, twice Hero of the Soviet Union Sidor Kovpak, was destroyed. 5. 2019, Kiev. The monument to Alexander Suvorov was dismantled. 6. 2017-2019, Lvov. Dismantling of the memorial on the Glory Hill in Lvov. The centrepiece of the ensemble were the 'Motherland' and 'Warrior'. The memorial also included a 30-metre high pylon and a granite stele with high reliefs. 7. 2019, Kharkov. Demolition of the monument to Georgy Zhukov. 8. 2020, Ternopol region. The head of the monument to a Soviet soldier was ripped off. 9. 2022, Chernigov. The monument to Zoya Kosmodemyanskaya was demolished 10. 2022, Ternopol. The monument to Pushkin was dismantled. 11. 2022, Mukachevo. The monument to Pushkin was dismantled and a plaque was removed from the school that bore the poet's name. 12. 2022, Uzhgorod. The monument to Pushkin was demolished 13. 2022, Odessa. The monument to the soldiers who defended the city from fascist invaders was demolished 14. 2022, Kremenets. The monument to a Soviet soldier at the Memorial of Glory was demolished 15. 2022, Ivano-Frankivsk region. Star was torn off the Soviet memorial to fallen soldiers. 16. 2022, Kharkov. Demolition of the monument to Marshal Georgy Zhukov.
Annex 230
17. 2022, Lvov region (town of Stryi). Demolition of the Monument to a Soviet Liberator Soldier Apropos In the Polish city of Siedlce, the monument to the liberator soldiers was also demolished. It is already known that the Polish authorities are planning to destroy 60 such Soviet monuments. Linara Samedinova, Chairwoman of the Committee on Education, Culture, Science, Tourism, Sports and Youth Policy at the Moscow Regional Duma: - What is happening now with monuments to outstanding personalities of the Soviet Union and heroes of the Great Patriotic War in Ukraine is a desecration of the memory of their people and their grandfathers and great grandfathers. This is a desire to isolate themselves from Russians. Such events arouse bewilderment: the civilized educated society of the XXI century obviously does not act in such a way. This is sheer wickedness. Author: Margarita Ivanova
Annex 231 MK, From Pushkin to Suvorov: How Many Monuments Have Already Been Demolished in Ukraine (2 December 2022) (translation)

Annex 231
Translation
MK, From Pushkin to Suvorov: How Many Monuments Have Already Been Demolished in
Ukraine (2 December 2022), available at: https://www.mk.ru/social/2022/12/02/ot-pushkinado-
suvorova-skolko-pamyatnikov-uzhe-snesli-na-ukraine.html.
From Pushkin to Suvorov: How Many
Monuments Have Already Been Demolished in
Ukraine
Their number is reckoned at hundreds
On Thursday, the monument to Russian military commander Alexander Suvorov was
dismantled in Izmail, Ukraine. In fact, not a week goes by that something is not
demolished somewhere in Ukraine. According to various sources, more than eighty
monuments, busts and memorials related to Russian or Soviet history have been
destroyed since the start of the special military operation in Ukraine. And since 2014,
there have been hundreds of them. These include monuments to poets and writers,
generals and politicians. MK has remembered the most famous cases of demolition and
vandalism.
One of the most sensational and scandalous examples is the sculptural composition "To
the Founders of Odessa" situated in this city, which consists of a monument to Catherine
II and her associates standing at her feet: Grigory Potemkin, José de Ribas, Platon Zubov
and the city's first architect Franz de Vollan. The long-suffering monument has been
desecrated in many ways: it was doused with paint and covered with inscriptions. In
October, Vladislav Balinsky, head of the Green Sheet NGO, climbed up a huge ladder to
the empress's head and put a red rag on it and hung a noose on her arm.
The monument to the empress and her associates was proposed for demolition on several
occasions, but that was never accomplished. And then the authorities in Odessa decided
to put an end to this story by approving the dismantling of the monument. First, the
officials were assuring that the monuments would be moved to a museum, then they
were planning to store them in a special warehouse belonging to the local cemetery and
were even discussing the idea of a new location for the installation of the sculptural
composition. However, monuments to Russian heroes could only stand in specialized
museums in Ukraine: there was, for example, an idea to create a Museum of
Totalitarianism, where demolished sculptures would be kept.
Recently, the monument to Suvorov in Poltava as well as the bust in honour of Marshal
Georgy Zhukov in Kharkov were demolished. The Suvorov statue in Poltava stood in the
Poltava Museum of Heavy Bombardment Aviation and, before that, in the courtyard of
Ivan Bogun Military Lyceum in Kiev. The demolition was initiated by Anton Drobovich,
Annex 231
Director of the Ukrainian Institute of National Memory. He considered the monument to be "an element of Soviet propaganda". Both Balinsky and Drobovich are condemned by many Ukrainians on social media, as is the mockery of history. The destruction of historical treasures is advocated by visiting radicals from western Ukraine, while the local population cannot stand up to armed men supported by the Security Service of Ukraine. "They have dealt with the monuments, but when will they provide light and heat to residents?" - Odessa residents are outraged on social media. Many of the monuments which have been demolished in Ukraine are on the cultural heritage list. In November, the monument to Soviet soldiers called "From Ukraine to Liberators" was demolished in Uzhgorod. This monument, which features a bronze figure of a soldier with an assault rifle and a banner, was erected in 1970 to mark the 25th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War. A winch was tied to the monument and it was pulled down which destroyed the sculpture. According to local officials, the monument was allegedly in critical condition and a monument to Transcarpathian stormtroopers will be erected in its place. Also, at the very beginning of the special military operation, the monument to the 300th anniversary of Ukraine's reunification with Russia erected in 1961 was destroyed near Kiev. The local authorities argued that there could be no more friendship between the two countries. Now, the Kiev regime is not only ruthlessly erasing everything associated with Russian history, but is also trying to alienate Ukrainians from Slavic culture as much as possible. Back in 2014, it was Vladimir Lenin, a politician, who suffered heavily, as a huge number of his monuments were demolished in Ukraine, but since the start of the special military operation it is Pushkin who has taken the heat. In 2022, Ukraine embarked on real "depushkinisation", massively demolishing all known monuments to the poet, especially in the western part of the country. The first known demolition took place in April in Mukachevo, followed by demolitions in Uzhgorod, Ternopol, Lvov region, Vinnitsa and many other cities. A bust of Pushkin in Kharkov was first covered with bags, ostensibly to protect it from splinters, and then dumped and taken away in an unknown direction. The poet's busts are also often damaged by vandals who spray paint and write curse words on them. Moreover, in the village of Pushkino in the Transcarpathian region, after destroying the monument they thought of renaming the village. In addition to Pushkin, Maxim Gorky was also affected. A monument to him, which was located on the school grounds, was demolished in summer in Kirovograd region. Now, Ukrainians want to demolish the monument to Soviet writer Nikolai Ostrovsky in Khmelnitsky region. But sturdy Soviet monuments built to last for centuries are not always possible to knock down. And when it is too difficult to do so, Ukraine acts differently by simply changing and distorting the essence of the monument. This happened to the Friendship Arch built
Annex 231
in 1982 to symbolise the friendship between Kiev and Moscow. The Kiev regime was unable to destroy the massive arch, so they simply repainted it in rainbow colours in 2017 and called it the 'Arch of Diversity'...

Annex 232
Lenta.ru, Pushkin Monument Dismantled in Zaporozhye (27 July 2022)
(translation)

Annex 232
Translation
Lenta.ru, Pushkin Monument Dismantled in Zaporozhye (27 July 2022), available at:
https://lenta.ru/news/2022/07/27/pushkinagain/.
Pushkin Monument Dismantled in Zaporozhye
A monument to the poet Alexander Pushkin was dismantled in the Ukrainian city of Zaporozhye
The local authorities of the Ukrainian city of Zaporozhye dismantled a monument to the Russian
poet Alexander Pushkin, Ukrinform reports with reference to the Zaporozhye City Council.
Photo: AP
“The monument has now been dismantled and placed in storage. We do not disclose where
exactly it is stored. It will be stored there until a decision is made on its further fate”, the
Zaporozhye City Council said.
The Pushkin monument was erected more than 20 years ago “as a sign of the great poet’s stay
on the Zaporozhye land in May 1820”.
In May 2022, the Kiev authorities decided to dismantle more than 40 monuments associated
with Russia. On the 7th of July, it became known that a monument to the 300th anniversary of
the reunification of Russia and Ukraine had been demolished near the Ukrainian capital.
A week later in Poltava, unknown persons damaged the monument to the Russian Emperor
Peter I. The vandals caused scratches and left the inscription “Occupier” at the base of the
structure [the author's spelling is preserved]. On the 21st of July, it was reported that about 85%
of Ukrainians were in favour of replacing the coat of arms of the USSR on the “Motherland”
monument in Kiev with the trident, the state emblem of Ukraine.

Annex 233
Urdupoint, Ukraine Dismantles Monument to Soviet Writer Maksim Gorky – Reports
(14 November 2022)

Annex 233
Ukraine Dismantles Monument to Soviet Writer
Maksim Gorky - Reports
Muhammad Irfan
MOSCOW (UrduPoint News / Sputnik - 14th November, 2022) A monument to the Russian and
Soviet writer, Maksim Gorky, was dismantled in the Ukrainian city of Odesa, local media reported
on Monday.
"The monument to Russian writer Maxim Gorky was dismantled on November 13 in Odesa on the
territory of the Gorky sanatorium. Such a decision was made by the management of the facility,"
local broadcaster Suspilne Odesa said on Telegram.
According to the media, the decision to dismantle the monument was made under the Ukrainian
law on decommunization.
The dismantling of monuments associated with Soviet history, as well as the renaming of streets,
began in Ukraine in 2015, when a controversial law on decommunization was passed. Recently, the
Ukrainian authorities began to attack not only Soviet history, but also everything related to Russia.
On November 5, the mayor of Odesa, Gennadiy Trukhanov, said that he supported the initiative to
remove the historic monument to the founders of the city, commonly known as the monument to
Russian Empress Catherine II, despite previously stating that he was concerned over mounting
hate toward all things related to Russia. In October, the city council announced the results of an
online vote to determine the future of the monument, claiming that a majority of residents wanted
the monument removed.
On November 9, Chairman of the Investigative Committee of Russia Alexander Bastrykin
instructed the relevant2 agencies to give a legal assessment regarding the facts of demolition and
desecration of monuments in Ukraine.
Ukraine Dismantles Monument to Soviet Writer Maksim Gorky - Reports https://www.urdupoint.com/en/world/ukraine-dismantles-monument-t...
Стр. 1 из 1 27.02.2023, 23:37

Annex 234
Babel, A monument to Marshal Zhukov, which has been the subject of controversy for years, was
dismantled in Kharkiv (17 April 2022)

Annex 234
News
A monument to Marshal Zhukov, which has been the subject of
controversy for years, was dismantled in Kharkiv
Kostia Andreikovets 12:18, 17 april 2022
A monument to Soviet Marshal Georgy Zhukov, which has been the subject of controversy for
years, was dismantled in Kharkiv.
This was reported by "Suspilne" (Ukraine National Broadcaster).
The head of the Nemyshlyansky district administration, Tetiana Topchiy, said the military had
done so. "Everything happened instantly, around 11:00. Two cars with military arrived. They
took off the bust, took everything somewhere. Now everything is quiet, as far as we
understand", Topchiy said.
Later, Koatiantyn Nemichev, an ex-combatant of the Azov Regiment and head of the Kharkiv
branch of the National Corps, published a video of the demolition of the monument, stating
that it had been dismantled by KRAKEN special forces. The video shows Zhukov being taken to
a landfill.
Author: Kostia Andreikovets
Local authorities, including the mayor Ihor Terekhov, for years, opposed the dismantling of
this monument and the decommunization of the avenue in honor of Zhukov. The trial
lasted two years. Representatives of nationalist organizations tried to demolish the
monument several times.
Support us
A monument to Marshal Zhukov was demolished in Kharkiv — news of Ukraine https://babel.ua/en/news/77818-a-monument-to-marshal-zhukov-which-has-been-the-subject-of-con...
Стр. 1 из 15 27.02.2023, 23:39

Annex 235
Gazeta.Ru, “The Bloody Russian”: a Monument to Vatutin Demolished in Ukraine
(16 July 2022)
(translation)

Annex 235
Translation
Gazeta.Ru, “The Bloody Russian”: a Monument to Vatutin Demolished in Ukraine
(16 July 2022), available at:
https://www.gazeta.ru/science/2019/04/16_a_12304231.shtml.
“The Bloody Russian”: a Monument to Vatutin Demolished in Ukraine
A monument to the commander of the 1st Ukrainian Front during the Great Patriotic War,
Nikolai Vatutin, was demolished in Ukraine by radical nationalists who called the combat
leader a “bloody Russian general”. Vatutin played an active role in the liberation of Kiev and
the Right-Bank Ukraine and died on 15 April 1944 from the effects of a severe wound suffered
during a skirmish with militants of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army* banned in Russia.
A monument to the famous military commander of the Great Patriotic War, Army General
Nikolai Vatutin, was demolished in one of the towns in the Chernigov Region in Ukraine. The
incident occurred on the day of the 75th anniversary of General Vatutin’s death from the effects
of a wound suffered on 28 February 1944 as a result of an ambush attack by a sabotage group
of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (banned in Russia).
According to a post on the Facebook public group of VGO Sokil, members of this radical
organisation, which positions itself as a “military sports society” adhering to “Ukrainian social
nationalism”, were involved in the attack on the monument. In their message, the nationalists
mention that General Vatutin has been put on the list of persons “involved in the struggle against
the independence of Ukraine” by the Ukrainian Institute of National Memory. As a
consequence, the monument to the “bloody Russian general” was demolished about 30 km from
the Russian border as part of the decommunisation process, the Sokil clarified.
“The destruction of symbols of the Soviet-Moscow totalitarianism appears to be extremely
painful for the neighbouring country," the statement emphasizes. “We can promise our enemies
that they’ll feel even more pain, and Ukrainians will see the final cleansing of our territory from
hostile symbols.”
The statement also lists the “crimes” of which General Vatutin is guilty according to the radical
nationalists. In September 1920, as a simple Red Army soldier, he fought against the remnants
of Nestor Makhno’s rebel formations; in 1921, he was involved in battles against the Ukrainian
rebels in the Poltava Region and joined the Russian Communist Bolshevik Party in the same
year. Nonetheless, General Vatutin’s opponents say that his main “atrocity” was the crossing
of the Dnieper and the assault on the Bukrin bridgehead in the autumn of 1943, leading to heavy
losses.
“They say that German machine gunners were losing their minds from having to shoot
continuously at unarmed people in civilian clothes, with new ranks taking place of the dead.
Troop commanders seized all the Ukrainian children aged 16 to 18 they could get their hands
on and forced them to advance, unarmed and without military uniforms, under the German
machine-gun fire,” as the Sokil activists interpret those events.
General Vatutin is one of the Soviet combat leaders most hated by modern Ukrainian
nationalists.
Annex 235
In 1943-1944, as Commander of the 1st Ukrainian Front, he played an active role in the liberation of Kiev and the Right-Bank Ukraine. Apart from the occupant forces, his soldiers and officers had to fight against underground militant outfits of ethnic Ukrainians. Vatutin came from a peasant family in the Voronezh Province. He was not involved in the revolutionary events of 1917; he was drafted into the Red Army during mobilisation in April 1920. In the army, Vatutin found himself showing military potential and went on to make a brilliant career. In the mid-1920s, the former villager was already in charge of a company, and by 1931 he rose to the chief of staff of the 28th Mountain Rifle Division. Since then, Vatutin consistently held commanding positions. When the war began, the Lieutenant General held the post of first deputy to Georgy Zhukov, Chief of the General Staff. After 30 June 1941, Vatutin’s positions were: the Chief of Staff of the North-Western Front, Deputy Chief of the General Staff for the Far East region, Commander of the Voronezh Front, then of the South-Western Front, and back to the Voronezh Front. From 20 October of that year until his death, the General led the troops of the 1st Ukrainian Front. A rare example among top ranking military officers, Vatutin was highly regarded by his peers. For instance, Nikita Khrushchev, a member of the Military Council of the South-Western Front, listed a sober lifestyle, high work capacity and very good military training among Vatutin’s positive traits. Alexander Vasilevsky, Chief of the General Staff, stated that General Vatutin “has deservedly earned wide recognition and the love of the people”. In his memoirs, Georgy Zhukov called his former deputy a “highly erudite and courageous military commander” who was distinguished by his “exceptional diligence and broad strategic thinking” and “an enviable ability to express his thoughts concisely and clearly”. Marshal Zhukov also noted that Vatutin’s “handwriting was exceptionally attractive and neat”. During a sudden attack by a UPA outfit of at least 100 men while coming into a village in the south of the Rovno Region, General Vatutin, who had had an opportunity to retreat by two vehicles, decided to take on the fight and took part in the shootout along with several other officers. As a result of the firefight, the commander suffered a severe thigh wound and bone fragmentation. General Vatutin was promptly taken to Kiev and placed in the care of the urgently called out chief surgeon of the Red Army, Nikolai Burdenko. Despite the measures taken, the military commander developed gas gangrene. A council of doctors determined that the only way to save the general’s life was to amputate his leg. However, Vatutin flatly refused the amputation and died of sepsis on 15 April, a month and a half after the injury. Two days later, he was solemnly buried in Kiev's Mariinsky Park; in 1948, an 8.5-meter tall monument by Evgeny Vuchetich was erected on the gravesite. In recent years, the monument has been routinely attacked by vandals: on memorial dates for Vatutin or the Red Army, the statue would be splashed with red paint or have boards with profanities about the General hung on it.
Annex 235
Monuments to Vatutin have been attacked in other places as well. In the spring of 2018, for instance, nationalists used sledgehammers to smash the monument in Berdichev, while in the Sumy Region the statue was taken down and carried away to an unknown location. In March of this year, a monument to Vatutin was destroyed in the village of Feskovka, Chernigov Region. Four years ago, Vatutin's daughter requested the Russian authorities to have her father's gravesite relocated to the Mytishchi military cemetery near Moscow. * The organisation is banned in Russia

Annex 236
TASS, Soviet Soldier-Liberator Monument Demolished in Western Ukraine (23 June 2022)
(translation)

Annex 236
Translation
TASS, Soviet Soldier-Liberator Monument Demolished in Western Ukraine
(23 June 2022), available at: https://tass.ru/mezhdunarodnaya-panorama/15014807.
Soviet Soldier-Liberator Monument Demolished in Western Ukraine
All the five monuments to Soviet soldiers in Verkhovyna have now been destroyed.
KIEV, 23rd of June, TASS. The monument to the Soviet soldier-liberator was demolished in
the village of Verkhovyna in the Ivano-Frankovsk Region of Ukraine, Ukrinform reported on
Thursday.
“In Outer Subcarpathia, in the territory of the Verkhovyna village council, the last monument
to the liberator of the Soviet era was dismantled”, the report said. In total, there were five
monuments to Soviet soldiers, in Verkhovyna. All of them have now been destroyed.
It was reported earlier that the monument to the Soviet soldier was demolished in the village of
Verkhniy Yasenov in the Ivano-Frankovsk Region.
Following the coup d’état in 2014, Ukraine has adopted the so-called “decommunisation” law,
which provides for the demolition of monuments and the renaming of topographic objects
associated with Soviet history. In eight years, the Ukrainian authorities changed the names of
more than 900 settlements and about 50,000 streets. Ukraine recently began to fight everything
related to Russia. Streets bearing the names of Russian writers, artists, scientists and travellers
are renamed and their monuments demolished throughout Ukraine. In addition, any references
to the role of the Soviet people in the victory in the Great Patriotic War are also eliminated.

Annex 237
Iz.ru, Soviet Army’s Glory Monument Demolished in Ukraine (24 July 2021)
(translation)

Annex 237
Translation
Iz.ru, Soviet Army’s Glory Monument Demolished in Ukraine (24 July 2021), available at:
https://iz.ru/1197647/2021-07-24/na-ukraine-snesli-monument-slavy-sovetskoi-armii.
Soviet Army’s Glory Monument Demolished in Ukraine
The Monument of Glory of the Soviet Army, which was opened in 1970, was dismantled in
Lvov, Ukraine, Zaxid.net reported on the 24th of July.
The monument figures were transported to the Terror Territory Museum.
The Monument of Glory of the Soviet Army is dedicated to the victory over Nazism and depicts
a soldier and the Motherland.
Proposals to demolish the Monument appeared as early as in 2007. In 2016, the local deputies
said the existence of the Monument contradicts the decommunisation law. In 2018, the
inscription “Monument to the Occupiers” appeared on the Monument.
The works to dismantle the Monument were started in April 2021.
In January, the last monument to Vladimir Lenin was demolished in Ukraine. It was located in
the Odessa Region.
In November 2020, the public movement “Decolonization of Ukraine” held an event in Odessa,
demanding that the monument to the Russian Empress Catherine II be dismantled.
In response to that initiative, Sergey Tsekov, a member of the Russian Federation Council’s
Committee on International Affairs and Senator from the Crimea, proposed to the Ukrainian
authorities to also abandon their southern regions should the monument to the Russian Empress
be demolished.
Since 2015, Ukraine has been pursuing a decommunisation policy in line with its Law “On
Annex 237
Condemnation of the Communist and Nazi Regimes”. The Law provides for the renaming of all topographic objects which names remind of the USSR and for the demolition of the related monuments.
Annex 238
Lenta.ru, Ukrainians Dismantled Suvorov Monument (4 February 2022)
(translation)

Annex 238
Translation
Lenta.ru, Ukrainians Dismantled Suvorov Monument (4 February 2022), available at:
https://lenta.ru/news/2022/02/04/otvetite/.
Ukrainians Dismantled Suvorov Monument
In Poltava, the monument to Russian commander Alexander Suvorov has been dismantled due
to his negative reputation in Ukraine
A monument to Alexander Suvorov, a great Russian military commander of the 18th century,
has been dismantled in Poltava, Ukraine. It was earlier moved to a museum, but the Ukrainian
Institute of National Remembrance (UINR) insisted that it should be closed. This is reported by
Poltava with reference to a City+ TV channel broadcast.
Frame: IРТ Poltava / YouTube
Oleg Pustovgar, a regional representative of the UINR, justified the dismantlement by
Suvorov’s negative reputation in Ukraine. “For us as a country confronting the Russian
aggression, this is not just a matter of symbolism but a fundamentally important historical issue.
Suvorov is part of the pantheon of the heroes of the Russian Empire, the USSR and now Putin’s
Russia. Ukraine has its own historical heroes”, he said. Every Ukrainian is sure that it is
impossible to glorify Suvorov in Poltava.
The monument was reportedly made by an amateur sculptor in 1974. It stood in the courtyard
of the Kiev Military Lyceum named after Ivan Bohun (the former Kiev Suvorov Military
School) but was dismantled on the initiative of its management and sent to the Poltava Heavy
Bomber Aviation Museum (a branch of the National Military Historical Museum) in 2019.
However, those persons responsible for the policy of Ukrainian historical memory were not
happy to see the monument in its new place.
Alexander Suvorov is one of the key historical figures of Imperial Russia in the 18th century
and the only person in Russia’s history who received the title of Generalissimo. Under him,
Russia defeated the Ottoman Empire several times and annexed the Crimea and other territories.
As a commander, Suvorov did not lose a single military battle and brought up a galaxy of
outstanding Russian military commanders. He became especially revered in the army for his
careful attitude to soldiers and personal participation in their life and needs. One of his famous
victories was the capture of the Turkish fortress of Izmail, now a Ukrainian city.
Earlier, in this January, Artym Ryabchuk, a Ukrainian conscript soldier born in Izmail, shot
four colleagues and one employee of the Yuzhmash Plant in Dnepr. According to some reports,
he committed the crime because of a bad attitude in his unit.

Annex 239
RIA, Suvorov's Monument in Nikolaev is Covered in Paint (3 December 2022)
(translation)

Annex 239
Translation
RIA, Suvorov's Monument in Nikolaev is Covered in Paint (3 December 2022), available at:
https://ria.ru/20221203/pamyatnik-1836124436.html.
Suvorov's Monument in Nikolaev is Covered
in Paint
"NikVesti: Monument to Russian military commander Suvorov in Nikolaev doused in red
paint
MOSCOW, 3 December - RIA Novosti.
The monument to Russian military commander Aleksandr Suvorov in Nikolaev in southern
Ukraine was doused with red paint, local newspaper NikVesti has reported.
Previously, a monument to Suvorov was dismantled in the city of Izmail, Odessa Region,
Ukraine
The dismantling of monuments related to Soviet history and the renaming of streets began in
Ukraine in 2015, when the law on decommunization was passed. Recently, the Ukrainian
authorities have started fighting not only against Soviet history, but also against everything
related to Russia.
Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov earlier said that the Ukrainian authorities had for years
pursued a course of aggressive derussification and forced assimilation.

Annex 240
TASS, Kutuzov Monument Dismantled in Western Ukrainian Town of Brody (25 February 2014)
(translation)

Annex 240
Translation
TASS, Kutuzov Monument Dismantled in Western Ukrainian Town of Brody
(25 February 2014), available at: https://tass.ru/mezhdunarodnaya-panorama/1001597.
Kutuzov Monument Dismantled in Western Ukrainian Town of Brody
The bust was removed from its pedestal by a crane
KIEV, 25th of February, ITAR-TASS. The bust of the famous Russian military commander
Mikhail Kutuzov was dismantled on Monday in the town of Brody (Lvov Region) in Western
Ukraine. The event was reported by local TV channels.
The bust was removed from its pedestal by a crane. Local deputies and residents watched the
dismantling while shouting the mottos of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army: “Glory to Ukraine!”
and “Glory to the heroes!”.
At its session on 10 December 2013, the Brody Town Council decided to move the bust of
Kutuzov from the square opposite the Pedagogical College named after Markiyan Shashkevych
to the territory of the communal enterprise “Brody”.
War on Monuments
On the 24th of February, the Blue Shield Ukrainian National Committee appealed to the
residents of Ukraine with a request to stop the uncontrolled demolition of monuments and not
to destroy those monuments registered as having national or local importance.
The war on monuments in Ukraine began after protesters in Kiev demolished and smashed a
monument to Lenin on the 8th of December. Residents of various cities and towns in the
Republic began to dismantle monuments to the leader of the October Revolution and other
figures of Russian history.

Annex 241
Vzglyad-Info, Journalists Found Demolished Kutuzov Monument in Ukrainian Landfill
(15 March 2014)
(translation)

Annex 241
Translation
Vzglyad-Info, Journalists Found Demolished Kutuzov Monument in Ukrainian Landfill
(15 March 2014), available at: https://www.vzsar.ru/news/2014/03/15/jyrnalisty-nashlisnesennyi-
pamyatnik-kytyzovy-na-ykrainskoi-svalke.html.
Journalists Found Demolished Kutuzov Monument in Ukrainian Landfill
The monument to Mikhail Kutuzov demolished in the town of Brody (Lvov Region, Ukraine)
(/news/2014/02/26/saratovskie-mecenaty-gotovy-vykypit-snesennyi-na-ykraine-pamyatnikkytyzovy.
html) was found in a landfill. The video evidencing that, as filmed by journalists of
the Russian youth TV channel “O2TV”, was published on YouTube the day before.
The authors of the video hope the monument will be restored on the Walk of Fame in the
territory of the 16th Separate Army Aviation Brigade stationed in Brody. According to some
media reports, an agreement in this regard with the military unit has already been reached.
It is worth reminding that the monument to the famous Russian military commander Mikhail
Kutuzov was dismantled in the town of Brody, Lvov Region, on the 24th of February. The
dismantling took place to the cheers of local residents and deputies who shouted the motto of
the Ukrainian Insurgent Army: “Glory to Ukraine! Glory to the heroes!”
This event caused extreme indignation from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia.
In turn, the Saratov foundation “Orthodoxy and Modernity” (presided by Father Superior
Nektary (Morozov) and directed by Sergey Kurikhin, a deputy of the Saratov Regional
Duma) proposed to buy out the monument to Field Marshal General Kutuzov
(/news/2014/02/28/ykrainskie-depytaty-rassmotryat-vopros-o-perenose-pamyatnikakytyzova-
v-saratov.html) in order to install it in Saratov.
The Brody Town Council will consider the proposal by Saratov patrons following the 20th of
March.

Annex 242
Gazeta.ru, Chekhov, Pushkin and Gagarin Streets Change Names in Ternopol (11 July 2014)
(translation)

Annex 242
Translation
Gazeta.ru, Chekhov, Pushkin and Gagarin Streets Change Names in Ternopol
(11 July 2014), available at:
https://www.gazeta.ru/politics/news/2022/07/11/18106088.shtml.
Chekhov, Pushkin and Gagarin Streets Change Names in Ternopol
By Maxim Yermolov
© Oleh Snitovskyi/Global Look Press
Thirteen streets related to Russia or the USSR will be renamed in the Ukrainian town of
Ternopol. An appropriate decision was made by the Town Council, according to its website.
It is noted that Chekhov Street will be renamed in honour of Elena Teliga – a Ukrainian poetess
and a member of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN; banned in Russia). Pushkin
Street will be renamed in memory of the defenders of Ukraine, and Tolstoy Street will change
its name to Yevgeny Meshkovsky Street in honour the UPR Army. Dostoevsky, Lomonosov,
Gagarin and Glinka Streets will also be renamed.
Igor Terekhov, Mayor of Kharkov, earlier criticised calls for renaming Pushkin Street and the
Pushkinskaya Metro Station in the city. Prior to this, the Kharkov Town Council was reported
to have decided to rename the Pushkin Academic Drama Theatre. The decision was explained
by need to “de-Russify and replace the Soviet and Russian heritage with the Ukrainian one”.

Annex 243
RIA Novosti, Leo Tolstoy Street Renamed in Honour of Bandera in Vinnytsia
(25 November 2022)
(translation)

Annex 243
Translation
RIA Novosti, Leo Tolstoy Street Renamed in Honour of Bandera in Vinnytsia
(25 November 2022), available at: https://ria.ru/20221125/vinnitsa-1834301918.html.
Leo Tolstoy Street Renamed in Honour of Bandera in Vinnytsia
The Town Council of Vinnytsia voted to rename Leo Tolstoy Street to Stepan Bandera Street
© AP Photo / Emilio Morenatti
Passers-by on a street in Vinnytsia, Ukraine. Archival photo
MOSCOW, 25th of November, RIA Novosti. Leo Tolstoy Street in the town of Vinnytsia was
renamed in honour of Stepan Bandera, the leader of Ukrainian nationalists, the Town Council’s
press service said.
“Today, the Town Council made a landmark decision marking the completion of the process to
decolonize the toponyms in our community. <... > The latest decisions include the following:
Leo Tolstoy Street will now bear the name of OUN* leader Stepan Bandera, and an unnamed
street stretching from Nemirovskoye Highway to the Vinnytsia Airport was named in honour
of Ivan Treyko, one of the nine generals of the UPA*”, according to the relevant statement
published on the Town Council’s website.
The authorities also decided to rename the streets, alleys and passages named after Nikolai
Vatutin, Yuri Gagarin, Alexander Pushkin, Ivan Michurin, and Ivan Chernyakhovsky.
Stepan Bandera (1909-1959) was the leader of the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists
(OUN) and one of the main initiators of the creation of its combat wing, the Ukrainian Insurgent
Army (UPA) whose proclaimed purpose was the struggle for the independence of Ukraine.
Annex 243
The UPA was formed in October 1942 and operated mainly in Western Ukraine, fighting against Soviet troops and collaborating with the Hitlerites. The OUN and UPA have committed a lot of crimes, including the Volyn Massacre – the mass extermination of the Polish population in 1943. On 15 October 1959, KGB agent Bohdan Stashynsky killed Stepan Bandera in Munich. In 2010, Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko awarded the OUN-UPA’s former leader the title of Hero of Ukraine, but a Ukrainian court later found his decree to be illegal. In May 2015, President Pyotr Poroshenko gave the OUN-UPA the status of “fighters for the independence” of Ukraine and entitled their members to social guarantees. * A terrorist organisation banned in Russia.
Annex 244 HHRF, New Ukrainian Law on National Minorities Misses the Mark (19 December 2022)

Annex 244
New Ukrainian Law on National Minorities Misses
the Mark
by hhrfAdmin
Hungarian Minority Parties Issue Critical Statement
Political parties representing the interests of the 150,000-strong Hungarian national minority in
Ukraine published the following joint statement, expressing their disappointment with the
Ukrainian Parliament’s new law on national minorities. The law “fails to guarantee adequate
institutional foundations or legal mechanisms for implementing and protecting the rights of
national minorities.”
We ask the United States Congress and Administration, NATO, the EU, and all other stakeholders
to heed the concerns of the affected communities, and to urge the Ukrainian government to fulfill
its international and Constitutional commitments to protect the rights of national minorities.
Hungarian Human Rights Foundation
_________________
Joint statement of the Cultural Alliance of Hungarians in Sub-Carpathia (KMKSZ)
and the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Ukraine (UMDSZ) Regarding the Law
on National Minorities (Communities) of Ukraine
On December 13, 2022, by a vote of 324, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine adopted the law “On
National Minorities (Communities) of Ukraine” in the second reading. Legislators completely
ignored the constructive proposals that were made earlier by Hungarian and other minority group
organizations. The legislation not only strengthens all the restrictions that were previously codified
in the Education and State Language Acts, but implements new ones as well. For example, it does
not guarantee the preservation of compact ethnic settlement areas, or the use of one’s national
symbols. The law interprets minority rights exclusively as rights that can be exercised individually
by persons belonging to a minority group, which deprives national minorities (their communities,
organizations) of any institutionally exercisable political, educational, and language rights, and
therefore the ability to influence their own destiny.
In our opinion, the law in its current form is not suitable as an acceptable Ukrainian legislative
instrument to implement neither the Constitution’s provisions, nor Ukraine’s international legal
obligations as regards the protection of the rights of national minorities. The adopted law does not
guarantee adequate institutional foundations or legal mechanisms for the implementation and
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Annex 244
protection of the rights of national minorities.Uzhhorod, December 14, 2022 ______________READ Original in HungarianDownload PDF herePlease follow and like us:New Ukrainian Law on National Minorities Misses the Markhttps://hhrf.org/2022/12/19/new-ukrainian-law-on-national-minorities...Стр. 2 из 228.02.2023, 11:42
Annex 245 The Avalon Project, Nuremberg Trial Proceedings Vol. 7, Fifty-Sixth Day, Monday, 11 February 1946

Annex 245
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Nuremberg Trial Proceedings Vol. 7
FIFTY-SIXTH DAY
Monday, 11 February 1946
Morning Session
COL. POKROVSKY: The Tribunal has at its disposal the diaries of the Defendant Frank.
In the one marked "Diary of the Year 1943, V," we find on Pages 1070-1072 an important entry; in the Russian translation this passage is on Page 5 of the addenda
to the "Excerpts from Frank's Diaries," and on Page 321 of your document book, marked in pencil. I quote this passage:
"Krakow, 23 October 1943.
"The Governor General makes a report at the Administrative Academy on 'The Leadership Principle in Government.' From the point of view of constitutional and
international law, the Government General, as an appendage to Greater Germany, constitutes a part of the territory over which the power of
Greater Germany in Europe extends. The sovereignty over this territory belongs to the Fuehrer of Greater Germany and on his behalf it is exercised by the
Governor General who, as the deputy of the Fuehrer, possesses all his powers."
I would like to inform you, Your Honors, of two more documents of a strictly official nature.
In the Reichsgesetzblatt for 1939, Part I, Page 2077-Page 333 of
your document book presented by us as Exhibit Number USSR-296 (Document Number USSR-296)-is published the "Fuehrer's and Reich Chancellor's Decree on
the Administration of the Occupied Polish Territory," dated 12 October 1939.
I shall read into the record Paragraph 2 of this decree. It consists of two subparagraphs:
"Paragraph 2:
"1. I appoint Reich Minister Dr. Frank as Governor General of the occupied Polish territories.
"2. I appoint Reich Minister Dr. Seyss-Inquart as Deputy Governor General."
In the same Reichspesetzblatt but this time for 1940, Part I,
Page 399, is published a decree regarding the power to grant pardons in the occupied Polish territories. It is registered with the
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11 Feb. 46
Tribunal as Document USSR-289 (Exhibit Number USSR-289) and is on Page 336 of the document book. It reads:
"In the occupied Polish territories I delegate to the Governor General of occupied Polish territories the power to confirm death sentences as well as pardons or to
reject applications for pardons, with the right further to delegate his powers."
The power of life and death, the sovereign prerogative, was entrusted in a Poland occupied by the Hitlerites, to the Defendant Frank.
It would not be misplaced to recall that it was this same Hitler who had said that he would show, by the concrete example of a mutual relationship between the
Polish and the German peoples, that such a form of intercourse had been found "which would usefully serve the cause of peace as well as the welfare of both nations."
I have spoken of the kind of example that was intended, and what the welfare was to which reference had been made.
The 6 April 1941 was marked by a new crime planned and carefully prepared beforehand by the Hitlerite conspirators. Without any warning or declaration of war,
they attacked Yugoslavia.
The attack on Yugoslavia was a gross breach of Article 3 of the Hague Convention of 18 October 1907, and of the Kellogg-Briand Pact of 27 August 1928. The
Delegations of Great Britain and of the United States have already submitted to the Tribunal a considerable number of documents referring to the subject of the
treacherous attack on Yugoslavia. I have only to submit a few new proofs and to establish a connection between these new documents and those already read into the
record. Official German documents enable us to reconstitute events with exceptional vividness. In this case German pedantry turns against the authors of the criminal
plan.
On 27 March 1941 Adolf Hitler held a special conference regarding the situation in Yugoslavia. On the same day he signed a topsecret Directive 025, for the High
Command (Oberbefehlshaber) only. Both documents, filed under Document Number 1746-PS, are among the evidence already accepted by the Tribunal.
Subparagraph 2 of Directive 025 has already been quoted in full in the speech of the Chief Prosecutor for the U.S.S.R. The first subparagraph of this document was
also read into the record on 7 December 1945. I should like to add a few more lines and read Paragraph 3 into the record. This passage is on Page 337 of the document
book. It states as follows:
"In detail I order the following:
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11 Feb. 46
"a) As soon as the concentration of sufficient forces is concluded and meteorological conditions permit, all Yugoslav antiaircraft and Belgrade must be destroyed by
continuous day and night air attacks.
"b) If possible, simultaneously, but under no circumstances sooner, Operation Marita must be started, with the primary limited objective to seize the harbor of
Salonika."
I believe that three points should be stressed here:
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1) The intention of carrying out the total destruction of the capital of the state;2) The correlation between the aggression against Yugoslavia and the aggression against another country, Greece-the aggression against Greece was coded, asthe Tribunal knows, under the name of Operation Marita;3) The necessity to complete the concentration of German forces as well as meteorological conditions were the factors that determined the time limits for the attack.As in all previous cases of criminal fascist aggression, we see one and the same thing-the criminal intent of the predatory invader, treachery, and cold calculation.Preparations for the successive acts which had been carried on over a very long period followed the customary Hitler routine, already disclosed by the prosecutors:Fifth Column activities, the use of the protection of the German minority as a slogan and the lying practice of peaceable declarations combined with unceasingpreparations for invasion. As I have already stated, the preparation of the crime was carried on over a very long period and followed the customary Hitler routine alreadydisclosed by the prosecutors.On 27 March 1941, on the very day when Hitler signed Directive 025, he personally conducted, in Berlin, a special conference on the situation in Yugoslavia. Theminutes of this conference were presented by the United States Prosecution on 4 December 1945 as Document Number 1746-PS.Other documents relating to this conference have also been registered under the same number. At the conference, the objective was determined with absoluteprecision and a plan of action was presented. You will, Your Honors, find the passage I have quoted on Page 349.Hitler declared:". . . we are not going to wait for any declarations of loyalty by the new government, but to carry out all preparations for the destruction of the Yugoslav armed forcesand of Yugoslavia itself as a national unit.23011 Feb. 46". . . it is especially important from the political point of view that the blow against Yugoslavia should be carried out with the utmost violence and that its militarydestruction should be effected with lightning speed."And a little further back in the document is stated:"No diplomatic inquiries will be made and no ultimatum presented.... The attack will start as soon as the necessarysupplies and troops are ready."Thus, Hitler was not in the least interested in the factual attitude of one or the other Yugoslav Government toward Germany, but in the factual destruction ofYugoslavia as a state; and he strove to accomplish this destruction with cruelty and lightning speed.The operational staff of the OKW, meticulously following Hitler's directive regarding a cruel and rapid destruction of Yugoslavia, speedily worked out a detailed planfor co-ordinated operations of the German and Italian Armies. It was issued as an official operational directive dated 23 March 1941. I consider - it essential to rereadthree lines of this document, already submitted to the Tribunal under the same Document Number 1746-PS. You will find it on Page 352 of the document book. I readParagraph 4 of this document into the record.". . . The German task is to attack Yugoslavia with the greatest possible concentration of forces, to smash its armed forces and destroy it as a state."I cannot but remind the Tribunal of the terminology used by Hitler and the other fascist conspirators. Hitler said, "There can be no question of sparing Poland." Hedemanded, "Yugoslavia is to be eliminated as a state, ruthlessly and with lightning speed."Mercilessness, ruthlessness, extermination of peoples and states: such was the style and meaning of the actions of the fascist conspirators.The aggression against Czechoslovakia, the attack on Poland, the desire to destroy Yugoslavia, all these were links in the same chain. But the chain does not endwith these linksThe task of the next representative of the U.S.S.R. Prosecution will be to show Your Honors that the fundamental purpose of these criminals, the main link in thecenter of all of the Hitlerite conspiracies, was the attack on the U.S.S.R.The documents relating to the crimes against Yugoslavia will prove that, in attacking that country, the fascist conspirators strictly followed their customary methods.Even in detail they repeated their earlier crimes perpetrated against Poland, Austria, and Czechoslovakia. Even in case we did not know who actually organized theattack on Yugoslavia, the very nature of the facts, the sequence23111 Feb. 48of events, the manner in which the crimes were perpetrated, would unmistakably indicate the culprits.I turn to Document USSR-36, (Exhibit Number USSR-36) under which number I offer in evidence the Official Report of the Yugoslav Government.The first section, entitled "The Systematic Preparation of the Conspiracy for the Enslavement and the Destruction of Yugoslavia," contains a series of valuableinformation. I wish to cite that excerpt from this document which you will find on Page 355 of the document book, Paragraph 4 on Page 3 of the Russian text, 3rdparagraph from the top reads:"The Government of the Third Reich and the Hitlerite Party secretly organized the German minority. Settled in Yugoslavia by the Austrian emperors over a centuryago, the Germans enjoyed as brothers full rights and a cultural autonomy. They had their own schools and their representatives in parliaments as well as in the localgovernment. They numbered half a million (that is about three percent of the total population). From 1920 they had their mass organization-the Swabian-GermanCultural Union-'Kulturbund' for short. And out of this very organization and through it, as well as out of all the Germans in Yugoslavia, the Nazi Party createda political and military organ for the destruction of Yugoslavia."I believe I can skip several lines without loss and quote further:"In Yugoslavia, the Nazi Gaue were secretly formed and Gauleiter appointed. Under the guise of various physical training and sport associations, Hitlerite units wereorganized half a million strong. Numerous 'tourists,' 'travellers,' 'businessmen,' and 'relatives' came from the Reich-in reality they were Nazi instructors and organizers."I skip a number of details which can be disregarded, and pass to the second paragraph of the same section on Page 4-that would be Page 356 in your documentbook-where the manner is described in which the Fifth Column was further strengthened. I now shall read into the record Paragraph 2, beginning with the secondsubparagraph:"The Hitlerites drew into their orbit all the separatist and chauvinistic elements, as for instance, Pavelich's Ustasha; the Zbor, a movement headed by Ljotec; theMFRO (the Macedonian fascist movement), headed by Vanca Mihajlovic; and organized them as terrorist organizations with headquarters in Berlin. On the other hand,acting through their agents, Prince Paul, Stojadinovic, Cvetkovic, and Cincar-Marcovic,23211 Feb. 46they attracted the pan-Serbian centralists and turned them into a terrorist group which, from the vantage points of governmental authority, was 'peacefully' to deliverThe Avalon Project : Nuremberg Trial Proceedings Vol. 7https://avalon.law.yale.edu/imt/02-11-46.aspСтр. 2 из 1828.02.2023, 11:46
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Yugoslavia into slavery by adhering to the Tripartite Pact."Further, the report emphasizes the fact that, while organizing numerous branches of the Fifth Column, the Hitlerites continually gave newer and more perfidiousassurances about their ostensibly friendly intentions with regard to Yugoslavia. This is discussed in Paragraph 3 on Page 5 of the Russian text; our Document NumberUSSR-36. You will find this passage, Your Honors, on Page 357 of the document book:"3. At the time when both the Hitlerite Government and the Party were so thoroughly and with such versatility preparing their conspiracy to invade and occupyYugoslavia, Hitler seized every opportunity to declare to the whole world, on behalf of the same Government, the same Party, and the whole of Germany, thatYugoslavia could count on them as devoted friends."On 17 January 1938, that is, some weeks before the occupation of Austria, Hitler had a meeting with the then Prime Minister of Yugoslavia at which the DefendantsGoering and Von Neurath were present. The original document from which I shall quote certain passages was submitted to the tribunal as Document Number TC-92.The extract which I shall quote further on as documentary evidence, is dated 4 December 1945. You will find it on Page 411 of the document book.On 4 December 1945 a printed collection of German documents dealing with the conflict with Yugoslavia and Greece was offered to you in evidence. In the listing ofdocumentary evidence it is referred to as Document Number TC-92.On Page 68-and you will find it as I have already stated on Page 411 in your document book, as Document Number 28 of that collection-we have a transcript of theconversations which took place during the conference of 17 January 1938. I consider there is no need to read the entire document into the record. I shall limit myself tothe following three remarks made by Hitler on that occasion, "As regards Yugoslavia, Germany is highly interested in the existence of a strong Yugoslavia." Somewhatlater in the course of the same conversation Hitler spoke the second sentence, "Whatever may happen there, Yugoslavia's present boundary will remain as inviolable asthe border on the Brenner is today." In addition Hitler, at this meeting, made the following statement, ". . . the German nationality group in Yugoslavia was loyal to theYugoslav Government...."23311 Feb. 46On 30.January 1939, some weeks before the occupation of the Czechoslovak Republic, Hitler made the following declaration about Yugoslavia in his speech beforethe Reichstag-this quotation is to be found on Page 412 in your document book:". . . a state which since the Great War has more and moreattracted the attention of our people, in Yugoslavia. The respect which the German soldier felt for that valiant people in the past, has grown ever stronger anddeveloped into sincere friendship...."The fascist conspirators considered it useful to include this speech as Document Number 32 in the book from which I just have quoted and presented to the Tribunalas Document Number TC-92.On 1 June 1939, that is, before the fascist attack on Poland, Prince Paul of Yugoslavia, whom the official report of the Yugoslav Government calls a Hitlerite agent,paid a visit to Hitler. On this occasion, Hitler stated in Berlin-you will find the passage on Page 413 in your document book:". . . Germany's friendship with the Yugoslav nation did not spring up suddenly. It was deepened and strengthened by the tragic complications of the World War."Then, after having made a few more statements which are of no interest to the Tribunal, he continued:"I am all the more confident that now when, as a result of the historic events, we have become neighbors with common frontiers established forever, the friendlyrelations between Germany and Yugoslavia, trustful and steadfast, will not only secure lasting peace between both our peoples and countries, but moreover will serveas a calming element for our nervous, excitable continent."I repeat once more that I quote from the book, Document Number TC-92.In his next customary speech after the defeat of Poland, before the Reichstag on 6 October, Hitler reassured Yugoslavia of his love of peace and of his friendly attitude in the following words:". . . after the annexation had taken place, I assured Yugoslavia in the same manner that her frontier with this country shall be regarded as inviolable by Germanyfrom this moment on, and that we want to live in peace and friendship with her...."I am now going to read into the record a few paragraphs from Subparagraph 2 on the first section of the report of the Yugoslav State Commission for theinvestigation of the crimes perpetrated by the aggressors. The excerpts in question begin with Paragraph 3,23411 Feb. 46on Page 6 of Exhibit Number USSR-36 (Document Number USSR-36). In your document book it is Volume I, Section I.Thus, Hitler regularly gave assurances about friendly relations with Yugoslavia and about the inviolability of her boundaries while, at the same time, his band ofconspirators and enslavers were already tightening the ring of war around Yugoslavia. When Yugoslavia was completely surrounded by Hitler's Panzer divisions, andwhen the government of the Centralist Fifth Column of Prince Paul, Cvetovic, and Macek was ready to join the Tripartite Pact on 25 March 1941, that is, 10 days beforethe attack on Yugoslavia, the Defendant Ribbentrop stated as follows-on Page 413 of your document book you will find it, in Document Number 2450-PS:"Germany herself-and I solemnly state this-has neither territorial nor political interests in this region."The Tribunal has already been handed a certified extract from Document Number 72 of the above-mentioned German book.An official note from the Reich Government of the same date reads as follows-you will find this on Page 415 of the document book:"Mr. Prime Minister: On behalf and on the direction of the German Government, I have the honor to report to Your Excellency as follows:"In connection with today's adherence of Yugoslavia to the Tripartite Pact, the German Government affirms its resolution to respect at all times the sovereignty andterritorial integrity of Yugoslavia...."Signed, Joachim von Ribbentrop."The culminating point in the execution of the breach of faith so cunningly prepared by the fascists is the following statement made by Hitler on 6 April 1941, that is,at the moment when the perfidious and treacherous attack on Yugoslavia had already begun. It is under Document Number TC-92 in your book of documents, on Page414:'`The German people feel no hatred towards the Serbian people. Above all, the German people see no reason to start a war against the Croats and Slovenes; theywant nothing from these peoples."Certified excerpts have been handed to the Tribunal from the documents of the German book already quoted on Pages 1 and 4.At the same time when he was speaking in this manner, the occupation, annexation, and dismemberment of the Yugoslav State was already taking place. Soonafter began the bombing of undefended cities, towns, and settlements; forcible evictions; deportations to camps; punitive expeditions; and hundreds of other acts235The Avalon Project : Nuremberg Trial Proceedings Vol. 7https://avalon.law.yale.edu/imt/02-11-46.aspСтр. 3 из 1828.02.2023, 11:46
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11 Feb. 46that were a part of the planned extermination of the Yugoslav people, which resulted in the death of 1,650,000 Yugoslav men, women, and children.On the question of the preparation for the attack on Yugoslavia and the individuals who directly supervised this crime, we have at our disposal two very valuablepieces of evidence.The first is the original affidavit of the German General Lohr. Prior to and at the time of the aggression against Yugoslavia, he was in command of the 4th Air Fleet. Itwas precisely his air units which carried out the raids on Belgrade. He is undoubtedly a man well acquainted with the course of operations and its leaders.On 24 May 1945 General Lohr was taken prisoner by the Yugoslav forces. During interrogations to which he was subjected between 24 May and 6 June 1945 hestates-you will find the respective excerpts on Page 416, as excerpts from our Document Number USSR-253 (Exhibit Number USSR-253). We submit the originals ofthese excerpts to the Tribunal:"I and my staff went on March 26 to Sofia as the campaign against Greece was about to begin."On the following day, 27 March 1941, the coup d'etat took place in Yugoslavia. I was called unexpectedly to Berlin, where I received orders from Reich MarshalGoering to prepare for air operations against Yugoslavia...."After this, preparations against Yugoslavia were begun. At my first meeting with Goering I was not told of the date of the beginning of the war against Yugoslavia. AtVienna, I received a written order in which the beginning of the operations was fixed for 6 April."Passing over the rest of the statement, I proceed to read into the record excerpts from the minutes of the interrogation of the former Field Marshal of the GermanArmy, Friedrich Paulus. In accordance with the wish of the Tribunal, we submit the original of this interrogation.Friedrich Paulus was interrogated on 12 January 1946 by the Chief Prosecutors of the U.S.S.R. His testimony is registered with us as Exhibit Number USSR-182(Document Number USSR-182). You will find the passage quoted on Page 419 of your document book. My colleagues of the Soviet Delegation will probably revert tothis document when dealing with subsequent matters. I shall therefore merely quote that part which refers to the preparations for the attack on Yugoslavia."It was clear to both German and Hungarian officers that these military preparations must have- been based on the preparation of military collaboration betweenGermany and Hungary."23611 Feb. 46THE PRESIDENT: Colonel Pokrovsky, the Tribunal understand that the first interrogatory to which you refer-General Lohr's- which is contained in Document NumberUSSR-253, is an official document?COL. POKROVSKY: Yes.THE PRESIDENT: The official document of your Government. The other interrogatory to which you refer, of Field Marshal Paulus, is not an official document, is it?COL. POKROVSKY: The minutes of the interrogation of Field Marshal Paulus have been compiled in compliance with all legal standards of procedure applying tosuch interrogations by judicial organizations in the U.S.S.R. He is interrogated as a witness with the warning that he must tell the truth, in accordance with Articles 95and 92 of our penal code. These documents, in the U.S.S.R., are considered as absolutely official documents, of full probative value, to be submitted to the Tribunalwhen necessary.THE PRESIDENT: Could you tell us where the interrogatory was made?COL. POKROVSKY: Paulus was interrogated in person in Moscow, on 12 January 1946. This, Sir, must have been pointed out at the beginning of the interrogation.THE PRESIDENT: The date is on the document, but not the place. Go on, Colonel.COL. POKROVSKY: With your permission, I shall continue my quotation from the minutes of the interrogation of Field Marshal Paulus, submitted to you:"It was clear to the Hungarians that Germany's assistance was in order to prepare the Hungarian Army in good time and in advance for future combined militaryoperations, thus incorporating an ally into its ranks."With the later attack on Yugoslavia, which followed this, there was no need for special explanations as to the object of these military preparations."It was clear that armed forces were being made ready for war with the U.S.S.R., as the attack on Yugoslavia was part of the operational plan for the attack on theU.S.S.R."With the defeat of Yugoslavia, the right flank, which was to be formed at the beginning of military operations against Russia, was secured."I shall leave out one paragraph which deals with another subject, and continue to quote: '"The preparation of the combined German-Hungarian attack on Yugoslavia was entrusted to me. On 27 or 28 March 1941 237 11 Feb. 46I was called before Hitler at the Reich Chancellery where, besides Hitler, Keitel, Jodl, Halder, and Brauchitsch were present. Halder met me with the following words:" The Fuehrer has decided to attack Yugoslavia In order to eliminate the threat to the flank during the offensive against Greece and to seize the main Belgrade-Nishrailway line which runs in a southerly direction. But the main objective of the attack on Yugoslavia is to have our right flank secure when later on the Plan Barbarossashall be carried out."'Your task is to go to Vienna immediately in my special train, and to transmit the orders and explain the situation to Field Marshal List (12th Army Group), GeneralVon Kleist (Panzer group), and Colonel Von Witzleben (Chief of Staff of the 2d Army), who have been called there." 'From Vienna, you are to proceed to Budapest and there to co-ordinate with the Hungarian General Staff the strategic employment of the German forces onHungarian territory and the participation of the Hungarian forces in the invasion of Yugoslavia.' "The participation of Hitlerite generals of the very highest rank in the treacherous attack on Yugoslavia simply does not fit, in any way at all; into the execution ofpurely military tasks only.I shall read one more document into the records, Document Number 1195-PS. You will find it in your document book on Page 423.On 9 January 1946 four lines were read here from the second section. The time has now come to read it in full:"Copy. Supreme Command of the Armed Forces, Operational Staff, Section L, (IV/QU), Number 00630/41; top secret, commanders only, Fuehrer's headquarters,12. 4. 1941."Reference: OKW/L, (IV/QU), Number 4434/41; top secret, commanders only, of 3 April 1941."Provisional Directives for the Partition of Yugoslavia."I. The Fuehrer has issued the following directions for the partition of Yugoslavia:"1) Former territory of Styria and Carniola."The territory of the former Styria, extended to the south by a strip of about 90 kilometers in breadth and 10 to 15 kilometers in depth, will go to Gau Styria.The Avalon Project : Nuremberg Trial Proceedings Vol. 7https://avalon.law.yale.edu/imt/02-11-46.aspСтр. 4 из 1828.02.2023, 11:46
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"The northern part of Carniola, with a borderline running south only as far as the river Sava but north of Ljubljana, according to the attached OKH map, is to becomepart of Carinthia.23811 Feb. 46"The High Command of the Army (OKH) is to hand over the territory occupied by the German troops, to the competent Gauleiter, subarea by subarea, as soon asthe pacification of the country permits."The handing over of the territory occupied by the Italians will be prepared by a letter from the Fuehrer to the Duce and carried out under direct orders from theForeign Office. Until that time no measures whatever are to be taken on the German side. (Teletype OKH-General Quartermaster, Abt. Kr. Ver~v., A., Ob. Kdo. 2 I,Number 801/41, top secret, is hereby executed.)"2) The territory beyond the River Mur (t~bermur-Gebiet)."The territory beyond the River Mur borders closely upon Hungary, conforming with the historic boundary. A later colonization of the German population living in thenorthwestern part of this territory has been taken into consideration. The handing over of this territory to the Hungarians will be regulated by the High Command of theArmy."3) Banat."The territory from the point where the River Drava cuts the Hungarian boundary to the confluence of the River Tisa with the Danube is to go to Hungary. Theterritory east of the Tisa will be at first under German protection, as will the territory south of the Danube and east of the general line: confluence of the River Moravaand the Danube-Pozarevac-PetrovacBolJavac-Knjazevac-Kalna. This territory includes the Bor copper mines and the adjoining coal district in the southeast. The aboveline is considered as the basis and provisional demarcation line. At first, German military government is to be established under the High Command of the Army."4) Southern Serbia."The territory inhabited by Bulgarian Macedonians goes to Bulgaria, in conformity with the ethnographical boundary. Preliminary delimitation of the frontier, from themilitary viewpoint, will be carried out by the Supreme Command of the Army, which will prepare the handing over to Bulgaria."5) Old Serbia."The territory of old Serbia will be placed under German military administration under the High Command of the Army."6) Croatia."Croatia becomes an independent state within its ethnographical boundaries. There will be no interference on the part of Germany with its internal policy.23911 Feb. 46"7) Remaining territories including Bosnia and Montenegro."The political organization of these territories will be left toItaly. Here also the restoration of an independent state of Montenegro can be considered."II. The Demarcation of Boundaries:"1) As far as the demarcation of boundaries has not been laid down in Part I, it will be carried out through the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces in agreementwith the Foreign Office, the Plenipotentiary for the Four Year Plan, and the Reich Minister of the Interior."The Operational Staff of the Supreme Command Armed Forces (L IV QU) is the executive organ for the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces."2) The High Command of the Army will forward as soon as possible to the Operational Staff, Supreme Command of the Armed Forces its military recommendationsrelative to the drawing up of boundaries outside the territory of the protectorate south of the Danube, where this has not been already laid down by the Fuehrer."3) The War Economic and Armament Office of the OKW will forward as soon as possible to the Operational Staff (Section L) its recommendations regarding theboundaries of the territory of the protectorate south of the Danube (Part I, Paragraph 3)."4) As far as the Italians are concerned, the tactical boundaries between the armies hold good in the meantime."Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces, signed, Keitel."This document, signed by the Defendant Keitel, smashes to pieces the mendacious statement of the nonparticipation of the OKW in the political side of the fascistplan or conspiracy. TheGerman generals, as a body, were not merely an obedient tool in Hitler's hands.The OKW, the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, and the Gestapo were interwoven into one sole entity. This is also borne out by the next document.General Nedic, ex-Prime Minister of the quisling Yugoslav Government, in his depositions gives some interesting information on this question.Before reading into the record a few excerpts from his depositions, I must say a few words concerning four Germans, whom Medic mentions by name. He speaks ofKraus, Turner, Kiesel, and Kronholz.24011 Feb. 46Dr. Kraus was chief of the Gestapo South East, with central offices in Belgrade. Dr. Turner was chief of staff of the civil administration department attached to theGerman Military Command in Serbia. Dr. Kiesel was Dr. Turner's deputy. Kronholz held no official post. He had lived in Yugoslavia even before the war and was directorof the German transport firm Schenker A.G. Subsequently he' turned out to be an important German intelligence agent. This information is certified by the YugoslavExtraordinary Commission for the investigation of German atrocities. After this explanation, I shall read into the record a short excerpt from the evidence of the Serbianquisling, General Medic. A true copy of the interrogation or rather excerpts from his minutes are registered by us as Document Number USSR-288; I am able to submitto you now, for your perusal, the original of these minutes with Nedic's signature. Unfortunately I am not in a position to leave it with you in its entirety because it refersto a case concerning Yugoslavia which has not yet been finished, but I can hand it to you for perusal by the Tribunal, while the certified excerpts remain with us asevidence.THE PRESIDENT: Colonel Pokrovsky, the Tribunal understand that you wish to put this document in as evidence and then to withdraw it for the purpose of its beingused in some other cases; is that right?COL. POKROVSKY: I should like to submit to you as evidence in this case, the excerpts from the minutes, duly certified by the Yugoslav Extraordinary Commission,in order that the minutes now. in your hands, that is-the original minutes-may be returned to Belgrade where they will be presented as a document needed in anothercase which is still under investigation. I would therefore request you to keep a copy for the Tribunal after you have satisfied yourselves that this copy tallies with theoriginal.The Avalon Project : Nuremberg Trial Proceedings Vol. 7https://avalon.law.yale.edu/imt/02-11-46.aspСтр. 5 из 1828.02.2023, 11:46
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THE PRESIDENT: Well then, if that is so, we must ask you to deposit with this Tribunal a photostatic copy of this document, because, of course, all the documentsor photostatic copies which are put in evidence must de deposited with the General Secretary of this Tribunal. So, if you will undertake to have a photostatic copy madeof this document and left with the General Secretary, I think the Tribunal is agreed that you may do so, that you may use this document.COL. POKROVSKY: Will the Tribunal be satisfied with the certified photostatic copy, in addition to the certified excerpts and a photostatic copy of the part which I amabout to quote?THE PRESIDENT: Yes, certainly.COL. PROKOVSKY: Thank you.24111 Feb. 46"I came to know Kronholz during the occupation period, before I became Prime Minister. As far as I can remember, he was brought to me by the Chief of theGestapo, Dr. Kraus. . . . Then Kronholz insisted that I should accept the proposed post."Turner received me in the presence of Dr. Kiesel and said that he authorized me, through General Dankelmann, the German military commander in Serbia, to forman authoritarian government...."Almost simultaneously with the creation of my government, the Germans established contact with a group of Chetniks under the command of Pecanac, who haduntil then been hiding In the forests., The contact was also established through the Chief of the Gestapo, Dr. Kraus. Shortly after this, Pecanac arrived in Belgrade,called to see me, and offered his services. That is how my government came to form its first armed units."A little farther on, in the same minutes, we find the following record of Nedic's testimonies:"As soon as the formation of my government had been proclaimed at the beginning of September 1941, a delegation with authority from Draga Michailovic called onme to start negotiations."Nedic enumerates the terms, which are of no interest to us, and then says:"I, for my part, accepted all these terms and offers. Draga Michailovic received money and the Germans permitted this." This is the end of the quotation.Still another part of this record seems of importance to me; it concerns Nedic's visit to Hitler and the Defendant Ribbentrop. Nedic stated:"I noticed that at the meeting with the Defendant Ribbentrop, a demand was made that I should place all the spiritual and material resources of Serbia at thedisposal of the German Reich for the continuation of the war."Speaking of this meeting with Hitler, Nedic stated:"He shouted at me, emphasizing that the order concerning 100 for one not only would have to be altered, but that it should have been increased to 1000 for one. Headded also that he was prepared to exterminate the entire population if the Serbians continued to act like rebels.'' 'The head of fascist Germany wished to control the Slav countries as if they were his own patrimony. Here he was helped by generals,24211 Feb. 46diplomats, industrialists, and intelligence officers. All the acts of aggression were prepared and realized with their direct participation.I repeat: The German generals as a body were not merely an obedient tool in Hitler's hands. The Defendants Keitel, Jodl, and Goering personally participated in theplanning, preparation, and realization of crimes against peoples and states.Document 1195-PS added yet another proof in the establishment of this fact. The above named defendants, together with Neurath, Frick, Schirach, Frank, Seyss-Inquart, and Ribbentrop, are directly guilty of the very grave crimes which I reported to the Tribunal.National Socialism cannot be separated from the idea of war. This is acknowledged by the HiMer slaves themselves.In other words, Hitlerism and aggressive war are one and the same thing. And if wars are not always planned by military leaders only, it is always they who conductthem. The responsibility for aggression, for aggressive war, for the death of millions, for bestialities, for the destruction of cultural treasures and material wealth, must beborne by all the major war criminals now sitting in the dock.THE PRESIDENT: We will adjourn now.[A recess was taken.7DR. NELTE: Mr. President, I would like to ask the Tribunal for a ruling as to a general question of submission of evidence. The Russian Delegation has submittedbooks which contain statements by generals and statesmen, without these statements being accompanied by an official remark by the Soviet authorities.The documents which have been given to me today-USSR-149. 150, and 294-are only photostats of handwritten manuscripts. They contain neither a remark whichcould qualify them as affidavits, nor do they represent testimonies taken before a Soviet official or officer, nor do they represent governmental or official declarations.I should be grateful to the Tribunal if it would make a decision on this question in accordance with Article 21 of the Charter. The opinion of the Defense Counsel isthat such statements have only the value of a personal presentation by the Prosecution but no probative value.THE PRESIDENT: May I see the documents?[The documents were presented to the Tnbunal.]The Tribunal have no objection to the course taken by Dr. Nelte in drawing their attention to these documents at this stage. But they think it will be better for them towait until the documents are actually offered in evidence before they consider whether or not24311 Feb. 46they will admit them. If and when the documents are offered in evidence, they will then consider whether they will admit them or not.COL. POKROVSKY: With the permission of the Tribunal, I wish to present Major General Zorya, State Councillor of Justice of the 3rd Class, who will present thematerials on the following theme of "Aggression against the Soviet Union."DR. LATERNSER: I should like to point out that the decision of the Tribunal, that every defendant's counsel should receive, sufficiently in advance, a copy of alldocuments which are to be submitted as evidence in the course of the proceedings, has not been complied with. It is, therefore, difficult for the Defense to follow theproceedings because the documents submitted have not been distributed in sufficient quantity.THE PRESIDENT: I don't think the Tribunal have ever imposed upon the Prosecution the duty of supplying a copy of every document to every member ofdefendants' counsel.You no doubt have before you a copy of the Tribunal's order upon the subject, and I believe that the order is posted upon the board in the defendants' InformationThe Avalon Project : Nuremberg Trial Proceedings Vol. 7https://avalon.law.yale.edu/imt/02-11-46.aspСтр. 6 из 1828.02.2023, 11:46
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Center. If I remember correctly, it is that a certain number of originals or photostatic copies shall be deposited in the Information Center, and that a certain number ofcopies of the documents shall be supplied to the defendants' counsel, and that, for the rest, the defendants' counsel must rely upon the fact that every document or partof a document which is put in evidence is read in open court and, therefore, comes through the earphones to defendants`, counsel and will appear in the shorthandnotes. We have provided that copies of the shorthand notes shall be supplied to defendants' counsel as soon as possible after the day on which the evidence is given.Beyond that we have not thought it right to impose a duty upon the Prosecution to supply documents to the defendants' counsel.Is that not in accordance with your recollection?DR. LATERNSER: Mr. President, the American Prosecution, the British Prosecution, and also the French Prosecution, in the course of the proceedings, handled thisin such a way that enough copies of all documents were made available to the Defense for each defendant's counsel to have one copy before him. I believe that what ispossible for the other Prosecution should also be possible for the Soviet Prosecution, in order to facilitate the work.THE PRESIDENT: That is a belief on your part which is not strictly in accordance with the Tribunal's orders. The Tribunal has not made that order, and it may be thatthe United States and Great Britain have gone beyond the Tribunal's orders, and have supplied a copy to each defendant's counsel. But, as I say, the24411 Feb. 46Tribunal has not as yet seen fit to impose that duty upon the Prosecution.I suppose you don't really know exactly how many copies of these Soviet documents have been deposited in the Information Center?DR. LATERNSER: I don't know the exact number. At any rate, there were not enough for each defendant's counsel to get a copy of each document, as was thecase, so far, with the other Prosecutions.THE PRESIDENT: Well, you no doubt understand the very. great difficulties of making translations and making copies. I am sure that the Soviet prosecutors will doeverything in their power to assist defendants' counsel, but, as I say, we have not imposed upon the Prosecution the duty of supplying one copy of a translation intoGerman of each document for each defendants' counsel. I can only express the hope that the Soviet prosecutors will do the best they can.DR. LATERNSER: Mr. President, I remember, when the fact became known that the press had received 250 copies of the documents, you, Mr. President, expressedthe opinion that it should then also be possible to distribute 25 copies to the defendants' counsel. That was, at that time, the opinion of the Tribunal.THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal's orders on this subject are in writing and you will find them in the defendants' Information Center. I have stated my recollection ofthem; if I am wrong, you can bring me a copy of the document and I will withdraw my statement.MAJOR GENERAL N. D. ZORYA (Assistant Prosecutor for the U.S.S.R.): May it please Your Honors, it is my task to present the documentary evidence dealing withthe aggression against the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, organized by the fascist war criminals now sitting in the dock.This charge of the crime, mentioned in Subparagraph a, Article VI of the Charter of the International Military Tribunal, was formulated in Paragraph 6, Section 4,Count One of the Indictment in the present case, and in Section IV of the opening statement by the Chief Prosecutor from the U.S.S.R., General Rudenko.Among the many criminal wars which German fascism, with predatory aim, waged against the freedom-loving nations, the attack on the Union of the Soviet SocialistRepublics occupies a place by itself.It can be safely said that the predatory war against the Soviet Union was the keynote of the entire fascist conspiracy against peace. The aggressive actions on thepart of German fascism committed245To11 Feb. 46prior to the attack on the U.S.S.R., and in part the German aggression against Czechoslovakia, Poland, and Yugoslavia, were, as has been demonstrated by mycolleague, Colonel Pokrovsky, merely stages on the road to the attack on the Soviet Union.Ukrainian wheat and coal from the Don Basin, nickel from the Kola Peninsula, and oil from the Caucasus, the fertile steppes of the pre-Volga region and the forestsof Bielorussia all played a decisive part in the criminal schemes of the fascist aggressors.The war against the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics Divas also waged by fascist Germany with the intent of enslaving and exploiting the Soviet peoples.In the war of fascist Germany against the Soviet Union, the animal hatred of the Hitlerites against the Slav peoples found its full horrifying expression.And finally, German imperialism, appearing in its fascist edition, saw in the seizure of the wealth of the Soviet Union and in its incalculable resources of food and rawmaterials a base for the realization of their far-reaching aggressive aims to achieve, first, ascendancy over Europe, and, later on, ascendancy over the whole world.The well-known formula of German imperialism, "Drang nach Osten," mentioned in the opening statement of the Chief Prosecutor of the U.S.S.R., was at differenttimes and in many different ways disguised by the fascist criminals, but always, in all their aggressive plans, pride of place was given to the attack on the Soviet Union."If new territory is desired"-wrote HiMer in his book, Mein Kampf-"in substance it can be secured at the expense of Russia. The new empire must move along thepaths trodden by the knights of old." (Hitler, Adolf, Mein Kampf, Munich edition, 1930, Page 742.)The fact that having definitely brought fascist aggression to a head in 1939, Hitler began the war in the West, did not substantially change anything in this basicconception of fascism.Under Document Number 789-PS the United States Prosecution submitted to the Tribunal the transcript of the conference held on 23 November 1939 betweenHitler and the members of the German Supreme Command.At this conference, Hitler, according to his own expression, gave a "survey of the thoughts dominating him in connection with the events to come."In the course of this survey he declared-you will find the passage I am now reading on Page 3 in the document book lying on the table of the Tribunal, Page 2 of theRussian text:24611 Feb. 46"For a long time I hesitated whether I should not begin with an attack in the East, and only then with the one in the West. It came about by force of events that for thenearest future the East dropped out of the picture"This statement by Hitler bore witness to the fact that the attack on the Soviet Union remained within the plans of fascist aggression, and the whole question wasreduced only to the problem of selecting the most favorable moment for this attack.It should be noted that this western version of the start of fascist aggression was not considered as the most favorable version by the authors of the aggression.This same Hitler, exactly 5 months prior to the above-mentioned conference, at another conference of 23 May 1939 (Document Number L-79), while briefing hisaccomplices on the present situation and political aims, had said-the passage I am now quoting is Page 6 of the document book, "If fate forces us into a conflict with theWest, it would be desirable that we, by that time, possess more expanse in the East."The Avalon Project : Nuremberg Trial Proceedings Vol. 7https://avalon.law.yale.edu/imt/02-11-46.aspСтр. 7 из 1828.02.2023, 11:46
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The vast expanses in the East, according to the aspirations of Hitler's conspirators; were to play a decisive part during the conflict in the West.Therefore, when the fascist hordes were unable to force the Channel, stopped at its shores, and were obliged to find new ways of aggression, the conspiratorsimmediately began to prepare for an attack on the Soviet Union. This attack was the basis of all their plans of aggression, without which they could not be realized.I believe it is not necessary to refer to documents of an earlier period, and particularly to quote any further from Hitler's book, Mein Kampf, where questionsconnected with the predatory attack on the Soviet Union were formulated long before 1939.This book has already been presented to the Tribunal, and relevant passages from it were quoted as evidence by our United States and British colleagues.The Soviet Prosecution desires to submit to the Tribunal a series of documents which bear witness to the fact that the aggression of fascist Germany against theUnion of Soviet Socialist Republics was committed with malice aforethought.Among these documents there are files from various archives captured by units of the advancing Red Briny, statements by fascist leaders published in the press,including those by several of the defendants, and depositions by persons who were in possession of reliable information as to how the preparations for the attack on theSoviet Union were actually carried out.24711 Feb. 46The documents of the Soviet Prosecution are presented under the following sections:1. Preparations for war in Germany itself. 2. Assuring the security of the preparations for war by the intelligence activities. 3. The securing by the fascist conspirators of theparticipation of the satellite countries in the aggression against the Soviet Union.I shall begin with Section 1, which I shall call, "Preparations for War in Germany Herself."The statements of Hitler and his accomplices demonstrate that the idea of a criminal attack on the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics had for a long time been ripein the minds of the fascist conspirators. But apart from this fact, we are also interested in the question as to when this intention began to take on the concrete form ofdirect military preparations for the predatory war against the Soviet Union.On 18 December 1940 the directive known to the Tribunal as directive Number`21, Plan Barbarossa-the document of the United States Prosecution numbered 446-PS-was put into its official form. The moment when the signature of the Supreme Command appears on such a document is the moment which crowns long andintensive work by all who formed the links in the. chain of military administration.This work may not have been governed by written orders. The secrecy camouflaging this work often made it necessary to have recourse to verbal orders. And, onthe other hand, many orders of a routine nature, on the strength of an already existing strategic project, became correlated, although outwardly they seemed to have noconnection with it.It therefore appears that, with regard to establishing the actual moment at which military plans for the attack on the Soviet Union began . . .THE PRESIDENT: General Zorya, the Tribunal observes that you are about to read a deposition of General Warlimont, who, the Tribunal understands, is inNuremberg, and the Tribunal considers that, in accordance with the order that it made the other day in another case, in the case of another deposition, that if thedefendants' counsel desired, and you wish to use this deposition, you ought to be prepared to allow General Warlimont to be submitted to the defendants' counsel forcross-examination.GEN. ZORYA: I am about to read into the record an extract from the interrogation of General Warlimont. This interrogation was carried out by General Alexandrov ofthe Soviet Prosecution, and if the Defense desires to call General Warlimont for cross-examination here before the Tribunal, the Soviet Prosecution will do its utmost tosatisfy this request.24811 Feb. 46THE PRESIDENT: That is, of course, on the supposition that I am right to saying that General Warlimont is in Nuremberg- available in Nuremberg. Go on.GEN. ZORYA: I am definitely of the opinion that it would be useful, when establishing the actual moment of the beginning of military operations for the attack on theSoviet Union, to resort not to documents only-for not everything is always put down in writing-but to revert to the testimony of people who participated directly in therealization of these preparations.I should now like to pass on to those depositions of Walter Warlimont which you, Mr. President, have just mentioned. These depositions were given by Warlimont on13 November 1945. I am presenting them as evidence under Document Number USSR-263.Walter Warlimont, as is known, was the Chief of the Department of National Defense in the OKW, and later Deputy Chief of the Operational Staff.I shall read into the Record that part of his deposition which touches on the question before us. I ask you to turn to Page 2 of the Russian text of this document,which is on Page 20 in the bundle of documents presented by the Russian Prosecution on the question, and the answers to questions put to Warlimont:"Personally, I first heard of this plan"-that is Plan Barbarossa-"on 29 July 1940. On that day General Jodl arrived in a special train at Bad Reichenhall, whereDepartment 'L' of the Operational Staff was stationed. HiMer was in Berchtesgaden. This struck us immediately, because General Jodl had, till then, hardly ever, Ibelieve, come to see us. Besides myself, the three other senior officers were ordered to be present."I now skip several lines and pass on to Page 3 of the minutes of Warlimont's interrogation; this will be Page 21 in the bundle of documents:"I cannot repeat his statements verbatim. The meaning was as follows: Jodl said that the Fuehrer had decided to prepare for war against Russia. The Fuehrerjustified this by saying that war had to come one way or another, so that it would be better to prosecute this war in connection with the one already being fought, and, inany case, to start the necessary preparations for it."I skip several lines which are not relevant to the question we are dealing with and continue:"Then or at a later date Jodl declared that Hitler intended to begin the war against the Soviet Union as early as the autumn of 1940, but later he gave up this idea.The reason was that24911 Feb. 46the deployment of the troops at that time could not yet be executed. For this purpose the necessary conditions in Poland did not exist; railways, quarters, andbridges were not prepared for the advance of the tanks; communication lines and airdromes were not organized.... Therefore an order was given to establish all theconditions for the preparation and execution of such a campaign."To the question put by the Prosecution as to whether this order was issued on 9 August 1941 and called "Aufbau Ost," Warlimont replied:"Yes, this order was prepared by the staff leaders in accordance with the instructions of General Jodl...."In General Jodl's opinion, the concentration could take place only after all the preparations indicated in this order had been made"The Avalon Project : Nuremberg Trial Proceedings Vol. 7https://avalon.law.yale.edu/imt/02-11-46.aspСтр. 8 из 1828.02.2023, 11:46
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Further on in his statement, Warlimont said that Plan Barbarossa, originally called "Fritz," was presented to Hitler on 5 December 1940, after which it Divas re-editedand issued on 18 December.I think that the testimony of a man like Friedrich Paulus, a former field marshal of the German Army, who, as is known, was directly concerned both in thepreparations and in the execution of Plan Barbarossa, can give considerable help in investigating the preparation of this plan.I present the testimony of Friedrich Paulus, dated 9 January 1946, given in a camp for prisoners of war, and marked Document Number USSR-156, and request thatit be accepted as evidence.DR. NELTE: Mr. President, I just wanted to remark that I do not possess a copy of the document concerning Paulus. But it seems to be the same statement which ithas not. yet been possible to give to the defendants' counsel. If the Soviet Prosecution could give me the statement now, I would then decide if I could present myprotest for decision now in the form in which I raised it at the beginning of this session.[Copies of the document were submitted to Dr. Nelte.]According to the original before me now, this is a similar statement by Field Marshal Paulus. Paulus has expressed his opinion in a letter to the Government of theSoviet Union and the Soviet Delegation has, I assume, now presented the original to you. This photostat bears no official certification by the Soviet authorities, nor is thestatement an affidavit which could be admitted as evidence.Therefore, I ask the Tribunal in this particular case to give a general decision on the question which I raised at the beginning of this session as well, so that in thefuture the Soviet Prosecution will be familiar with the treatment of such statements by the Tribunal.25011 Feb. 46THE PRESIDENT: Do you wish to make any answer to what Dr. Nelte has said?GEM. ZORBA: Yes, I do.In accordance with the wish of the Tribunal, as expressed in a previous session, the Soviet Prosecution has taken the necessary measures for originals of all thedocuments of the Soviet Prosecution, or else documents certifying the authenticity of these documents to be placed at the disposal of the Tribunal through the good'offices of the General Secretary, with indications of the places where they are to be found.Moreover, bearing in mind that certain witnesses, whose evidence will be presented in a forthcoming session by the Soviet Prosecution, are of considerable interestand that it is possible that the Defense may wish to cross-examine them, the Soviet Prosecution will take all necessary measures to bring some of these witnesses toNuremberg in order to hear their verbal evidence. Special interest attaches to the deposition of Paulus, extracts from which I propose to quote in my report, and whichmust be checked no later than this evening, after which Friedrich Paulus will be brought to the courtroom.THE PRESIDENT: Then I understood from what you said, General, that as far as the photostatic copy of Field Marshal Paulus' statement is concerned, a certificatewill be furnished-as we indicated the Tribunal wishes-that the photostatic copy is a true copy of the original, and so far as the question of producing witnesses ofimportance is concerned, Field Marshal Paulus will be produced as a witness for the defendants' counsel to cross-examine.That meets your objection, I think, Dr. Nelte.DR. NELTE: The basic principle of this question, as it appears to me, lies in the fact that official proof should be given that the statements contained in thedocuments submitted really represent what the persons who made them meant to say. Written statements are never more than a dubious substitute for a personalexamination of a witness.The Defense is fully aware of the difficulties encountered, particularly by the Soviet Prosecution, in producing witnesses where, for instance, reports are to be found.The Defense realizes the fact, but in those cases in which the individuality of the witness and the importance of certain questions really do matter, the personalexamination of witnesses should be preferred to any statement. Wherever this is impossible, for reasons which we are unable to judge, it would however, at any rate, bedesirable that those people who have made these statements should make them in the form of an affidavit or an interrogatory.25111 Feb. 46If the Soviet Delegation should produce a certificate to the effect that these statements are corresponding to the original statements, it would not mean that thedocuments would acquire an increased value in our eyes. We do not doubt for one moment that statements of this kind are in the possession of the Soviet Delegation.The Defense is interested not so much in the formal confirmation of the statements as in the possibility of increasing the material evidence. If the Soviet Prosecutioncould assist us in this respect, we should be grateful.THE PRESIDENT: You can go on, General.GEN. ZORYA: I repeat, I believe that the testimony of Friedrich Paulus can be of great assistance to us in our investigation. I present the testimony of FriedrichPaulus to which I have just referred and shall now read into the Record that part of his testimony which refers to the history of the preparation of Plan Barbarossa.I request you to open the bundle of documents submitted to the Tribunal on Page 27, and there, in the text of Paulus' testimony, on Page 2, you will find thepassages underlined in pencil, which I now intend reading into the Record. From 3 September...THE PRESIDENT: Perhaps, General, since it is now a quarter to one you had better not begin this document before the adjournment.GEN. ZORYA: I obey, Mr. President.[The Tribunal recessed until 1400 hours.]25211 Feb. 46Afternoon SessionGEN. ZORYA: Mr. President, in pursuance of the statement made by the Soviet Delegation, I will ask for permission to bring before the Tribunal for directexamination the field marshal of the former German Army, Friedrich Paulus, who win be examined by the Chief Prosecutor of the U.S.S.R., General Rudenko.THE PRESIDENT: Very well; the witness may be brought in.[The witness, Paulus, took the stand.]THE PRESIDENT: Will you please tell me your name?FRIEDRICH PAULUS (Witness): Friedrich Paulus.THE PRESIDENT: Will you repeat this oath after me: "I swear by God-the Almighty and Omniscient-that I will speak the pure truth-and will withhold and addnothing."[The witness repeated the oath.]THE PRESIDENT: Would you like to sit down?The Avalon Project : Nuremberg Trial Proceedings Vol. 7https://avalon.law.yale.edu/imt/02-11-46.aspСтр. 9 из 1828.02.2023, 11:46
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GEN. RUDENKO: Your name is Friedrich Paulus?PAULUS: Yes.GEN. RUDENKO: You were born 1898?PAULUS: 1890.GEN. RUDENKO: You were born in the village of Breitenau, in the district of Kassel, in Germany?PAULUS: Yes.GEN. RUDENKO: By nationality you are a German?PAULUS: Yes.GEN. RUDENKO: You are field marshal of the former German Army?PAULUS: Yes.GEN. RUDENKO: Your last official position was Commander-in-Chief of the 6th Army at Stalingrad?PAULUS: Yes.GEN. RUDENKO: Will you please tell us, Witness, did you on 8 January 1946, make a statement to the Government of the Soviet Socialist Republics?PAULUS: Yes, I did.GEN. RUDENKO: You confirm this statement?PAULUS: Yes, I confirm this statement.GEN.RUDENKO: Please, tell us, Witness, what you know regarding the preparation by the Hitlerite Government and the German High Command of the armedattack on the Soviet Union.25311 Feb. 46PAULUS: From personal experience, I can state the following: On 3 September 1940 I took office with the High Command of the Army as Chief Quartermaster I ofthe General Staff. As such I was deputy to the Chief of the General Staff, and had in addition to carry out the instructions of a general operational nature which hedelegated to me.When I took office I found in my sphere of work, among other things, a still incomplete operational plan dealing with an attack on the Soviet Union. This operationalplan had been worked out by the then Major General Marx, Chief of the General Staff of the 18th Army, who for this purpose had been temporarily transferred to theHigh Command of the Army.The Chief of the General Staff of the Army, General Oberst Halder, turned over to me the continuation of the work which wasordered by the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces, on the following basis:An investigation was to be made as to the possibilities of an attack against the Soviet Union, with regard to the terrain, the points of the attack, the manpowerneeded, and so forth. In addition it was stated that altogether about 130 to 140 German divisions would be available for this operation. It was furthermore to be takeninto consideration that from the beginning Romanian territory was to be utilized for the deployment of the German southern army. On the northern flank the participationof Finland in the war was taken into account, but was ignored in this operational plan of the army.Then, in addition, as a basis for the plan which was to be worked out, the aims_the instructions of the OKW-were given: First, the destruction of those parts of theRussian Army stationed in the west of Russia, to prevent the units which were fit for fighting from escaping deep into Russia; second, the reaching of a line from whichthe Russian air force would be unable to attack German territory effectively, and the final aim was the reaching of the Volga-Archangel line.The operational plan which I just outlined was completed at the beginning of November and was followed by two military exercises with the command of which theGeneral Staff of the Army entrusted me. Senior officers of the General Staff of the Army were also assigned. The basic strength requirements assumed in these militaryexercises were: The launching of one army group south of the Pripet territory, specifically from southern Poland and from Romanian territory, with the aim of reachingthe Dnieper-Kiev line and south of it; north of the Pripet territory another army group, the strongest, from the area around Warsaw and northward, with the generaldirection of attack being the Minsk-Smolensk line, the intention25411 Feb. 46being to direct it against Moscow later; then a further army group, namely Army Group North, from the area of East Prussia, with the initial direction of attack beingthrough the Baltic States toward Leningrad.The conclusion which was drawn from these military exercises was at that time that in case of actual hostilities provision should be made firstly for reaching thegeneral line Dnieper-Smolensk-Leningrad, and then the operation was to be carried forward if the situation developed favorably, supply lines, e! cetera being adjustedaccordingly. In connection with these military exercises and for the evaluation of the theoretical experience gained therefrom, there was a further conference of the Chiefof the General Staff of the Army and the chiefs of the general staffs of the army groups which had been planned for the East. And further, in connection with thisconference, there was a speech about Russia by the then chief of the section Foreign Armies East, Colonel Kinsel, describing Russia's geographic and economicconditions, the Red Army, et cetera. The most significant point here was that no preparations whatever for an attack by the Soviet had come to our attention.With these military exercises and conferences that I have just described the theoretical considerations and plans for this offensive were concluded. Immediatelythereafter, that is on 18 December 1940, the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces issued Directive Number 21. This was the basis for all military and economicpreparations which were to be carried out. In the Supreme Command of the Army this directive resulted in going ahead with the drafting and working out of directions fortroop deployments for this operation. These first directions for troop deployment were authorized on 3 February 1941 by Hitler after a report by the Commander-in-Chiefof the Army at the Obersalzberg; thereupon they were forwarded to the troops. Later on several supplements were issued. For the beginning of the attack the SupremeCommand of the Armed Forces had calculated the time which would make it possible for large troop movements to be made on Russian territory. That was expectedfrom about the middle of May on. Preparations were made in accordance with this. Then at the end of March this date underwent a change, when Hitler decided, due tothe development of the situation in Yugoslavia, to attack this country. Consequently, in the orders issued at the beginning of April 1941 this tentative date for the start ofthe operation...THE PRESIDENT: I am afraid you are a little too fast. I think you had better begin again where you said that at the end of March Hitler made a change in the plan.PAULUS: [Continuing] Because of his decision to attack Yugoslavia, the date foreseen for the beginning of the attack had to be25511 Feb. 46postponed by about five weeks, that is to the last half of June. And, indeed, this attack then did take place on 22 June 1941.The Avalon Project : Nuremberg Trial Proceedings Vol. 7https://avalon.law.yale.edu/imt/02-11-46.aspСтр. 10 из 1828.02.2023, 11:46
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In conclusion, I confirm the fact that the preparation for this attack on the Soviet Union, which actually took place on 22 June 1941, dated back to the autumn of1940.GEN. RUDENKO: In what way and under what circumstances . . .THE PRESIDENT: One moment. Did the witness give the date? He said that preparations for this attack had been made, and what I want to know is, did he give thedate from which it had been prepared?[To the witness] Did you give the date from which the preparations went forward?PAULUS: I gave it at the beginning: From the time my personal observations began, when I entered office, on 3 September 1940.GEN.RUDENKO: In what way and under what circumstances was the participation of the satellite states secured?PAULUS: From personal observation, I can say the following regarding this:About September 1940, just at the time when I had received this operational study for the attack on the Soviet Union there was planned from the outset the use ofRomanian territory for the deployment of the German right or, that is to say, south wing, and that was taken into consideration from the outset. A military mission headedby the then Lieutenant General of Cavalry, Hansen, was sent to Romania. A whole panzer division, the 13th, was transferred to Romania as a training unit. To thosewho knew about the plans for the future it was obvious that this step could only serve the purpose of preparing the future partner in the war for the task intended for him.Further, in regard to Hungary:In December 1940 Colonel Lazslo, the chief of the operational group of the Hungarian General Staff, came to the headquarters of the Army High Command atZossen. He asked for a conference regarding questions of organization. The Hungarian Army at that time was concerned with the question of regrouping its units, whichwere organized in brigades, into divisions and also with the setting up of motorized troops and of panzer units. The chief of the Organization Division of the General Staffof the Army, then Major General Buhle, and myself advised Colonel Lazslo. At the same time, several Hungarian military commissions were in Berlin, and with them alsothe Hungarian Minister of War, General Von Bartha, and they discussed armament deliveries to Hungary with German authorities.25611 Feb. 46It was clear to all of us who were informed as to future plans that all these measures, including the supplying of arms to other armies, were only conceivable at thattime if these weapons were to be employed in future military projects.Regarding Hungary there is a further point:Due to the development of events in Yugoslavia, Hitler, at the end of March 1941, decided to attack Yugoslavia. On 27 or 28 March I was called to the ReichChancellery in Berlin, where there had just been a conference between Hitler, Keitel, and Jodl, in which the Commander-in-Chief and the Chief of Staff of the Army hadparticipated, that is, had been ordered to be present.When I arrived I was advised by the Chief of Staff of the Army, General Halder, that Hitler had decided to attack Yugoslavia in the first place to eliminate a threat tothe flank of the intended operation against Greece, and get hold of the rail line going from Belgrade southward through Dish, and then also with an eye to the future-toPlan Barbarossa-to keep the right flank free from the outset.I was instructed to go to Vienna, taking with me a number of competent General Staff officers of the Army, to deliver and explain pertinent orders to Germancommanders, and then to travel on without fail to the Hungarian General Staff in Budapest. and to reach an understanding with it on the deployment of German troopson Hungarian territory and the participation of Hungarian troops in the attack on Yugoslavia.On 30 March, early in the morning, I arrived in Budapest and had a conference with the Chief of the Hungarian General Staff, General Werth, of the infantry andthen with the chief of the operational group of the Hungarian General Staff, Colonel Lazslo. These conferences went along in good order and ended very quickly, andthe desired result was achieved. This result was then put down on maps. The map that I received from the Hungarian General Staff contained not only the deploymentof the troops intended for the attack against Yugoslavia, but also forces on the Carpatho-Ukrainian border, which were to be placed there to protect our rear against theSoviet Union.The fact of the creation and existence of this force is a sign that even on the side of Hungary there was the realization that an attack by Germany against Yugoslaviawould have to be considered as an aggressive action by the Soviet Union.As regards the principle of calling upon Hungary in the preparation and later in the execution of the planned operations, I learned Hitler's view at that time. He was ofthe opinion that Hungary was anxious, through German help, to recapture and expand the areas lost in 1918; and in addition, that she was afraid25711 Fob. 46of falling behind Romania which was allied with Germany. HiMer saw Hungary from this point of view also with regard to his policy. But he was, as I could observe inmany instances myself, very reserved toward Hungary, and for two reasons. For one, he did not believe Hungary could guarantee secrecy with regard to future warplans, due to her close connections with foreign countries hostile to Germany, and secondly, he did not want to make Hungary too many premature promises of territory.I can cite one example: The question of the Dragowitsch oil territory. Later, when the attack began against Soviet Russia, the 17th German Army which was fighting atthat point had the explicit order from the Supreme Command to take the Dragowitsch oil fields at all costs before the arrival of the Hungarians.Regarding this future partner, according to my observation the procedure of Hitler was such that he counted on her certain participation and therefore delivered thearmament to her and helped with the training, but that he kept to himself the time when he would initiate the ally into his plans.Thirdly, the Finnish question. In December 1940 the first visit of the Chief of the Finnish General Staff, Lieutenant General Heinrichs, was made to the headquartersof the High Command of the Army in Zossen. Lieutenant General Heinrichs had a conference with the Chief of the Army General Staff, the contents of which I no longerremember; but he made a speech about the Russo-Finnish war of 1939-1940 before the General Staff officers of the High Command of the Army, and the General Staffofficers of the Army groups who happened to be present at the time in connection with the discussion of the military exercises.This speech before these General Staff officers had its great significance at that time because of the fact that it was delivered at the same time that DirectiveNumber 21 of 18 December was issued. This speech was significant, it dealt with experiences won in the war with the Red Army and in addition gave an insight into thevalue of the Finnish troops as possible future partners in the war.I took part in a second conference with the Chief of the Finnish General Staff at the headquarters of the High Command of the Army in Zossen, in the second half ofMay 1941. The Chief of the Finnish General Staff arrived. from Salzburg where he had had conferences with the High Command of the Army. The subject of thesubsequent conferences in Zossen with the General Staff of the High Command of the Army was the co-operation of the Finnish forces in the south in Plan Barbarossain co-operation with Army Group North-which was to proceed from the deployment area in East Prussia towards Leningrad. At that time the agreement was25811 Feb. 46reached that the Finnish troops in the south were to synchronize their movements with the advance of German Army Group North and likewise that the jointadvance later against Leningrad should be subject to consultations and agreements depending on the development of events.Those are the personal observations which I made regarding the first appearance and the enlistment of allies in preparations for the aggression.GEN. RUDENKO: How, and under what circumstances, was the armed attack on the U.S.S.R. carried out-the attack which was prepared by the HitleriteThe Avalon Project : Nuremberg Trial Proceedings Vol. 7https://avalon.law.yale.edu/imt/02-11-46.aspСтр. 11 из 1828.02.2023, 11:46
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Government and the Supreme Command of the German Armed Forces?PAULUS: The attack on the Soviet Union took place as I have related, according to a plan prepared carefully and well in advance. The troops for this attack were atfirst assembled in the rear of the deployment area. By special orders they were then moved by groups into jumping-off positions, and then took up their position alongthe entire long front from Romania to East Prussia for a simultaneous attack. The Finnish theater of war was excluded from this operation.Just as the large-scale operational plan, as I described it at the beginning, was to a certain extent tried out theoretically, the detailed employment of troops wasdiscussed during military exercises by the staffs of army groups, corps, and divisions and drawn up in orders down to the details long before the beginning of the war.A large-scale diversion, which was to be organized in Norway and along the coast of France was designed to simulate an invasion of Britain in June 1941 and thusdivert Russia's attention.All measures were taken not only for operational but also for tactical surprise, as for instance, the prohibition of open reconnaissance on and across the boundarybefore the beginning of the war. That meant on the one hand, that possible losses which might be caused due to the lack of reconnaissance had to be taken intoaccount for the sake of surprise, but on the other hand it meant that a surprise attack across the boundary by the enemy was not feared.All of these measures show that it was a question of a criminal attack.GEN. RUDENKO: How would you define the aims pursued by Germany in attacking Soviet Russia?PAULUS: The aim to reach the Volga-Archangel line, which was far beyond German strength, is in itself characteristic of Hitler's and the National Socialistleadership's boundless policy of conquest. From a strategic point of view, the achievement of these aims25911 Feb. 46would have meant the destruction of the armed forces of the Soviet Union. With the winning of the line I have mentioned the main areas of Soviet Russia with thecapital, Moscow, would have been conquered and subjugated, together with the leading political and economic center of the Soviet Union. Economically, the winning ofthis line would have meant the possession of important agricultural areas, the most important natural resources, including the oil wells of the Caucasus and the maincenters of production in Russia, and also the main network of communications in European Russia.How much Hitler was bent on taking economic objectives in this war can best be shown from an example out of my personal experience.On 1 June 1942, on the occasion of a conference of commanders-in-chief in the region of Army Group South in Poltava, Hitler declared, "If I do not get the oil ofMaikop and Grosny, then I must end this war."For the utilization and the administration of the territories to be conquered, economic and administrative organizations had already been formed and were kept inreadiness long before the beginning of the war.To summarize I should like to state that the objectives given indicate the conquest of the Russian territories for the purpose of colonization with the utilization andspoliation of and with the resources of which the war in the West was to be brought to a conclusion, with the aim of finally establishing domination over Europe.GEN. RUDENKO: And one last question: Whom do you consider as guilty of the criminal initiation of the war against Soviet Russia?PAULUS: May I please have the question repeated?GEN. RUDENKO: I repeat the question...THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal is about to address an observation to General Rudenko. The Tribunal thinks that a question such as you have lust put, as to whowas guilty for the aggression upon Soviet territory, is one of the main questions which the Tribunal has to decide, and therefore is not a question upon which the witnessought to give his opinion.Is that what Counsel for the Defense wish to object to?DR. LATERNSER: Yes, Mr. President, that is what I want to do.GEN. RUDENKO: Then perhaps the Tribunal will permit me to put this question rather differently.THE PRESIDENT: Yes.26011 Feb. 46GEN. RUDENKO: Who of the defendants was an active participant in the initiation of a war of aggression against the Soviet Union?PAULUS: Of the defendants, as far as I observed them, the top military advisers to Hitler. They are the Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces, Keitel;Chief of the Operations Branch, Jodl; and Goering, in his capacity as Reich Marshal, as Commander-in-Chief of the Air Forces and as Plenipotentiary for ArmamentEconomy.GEN. RUDENKO: In concluding the interrogation I shad make a summary. Have I rightly concluded from your testimony, that long before 22 June the HitleriteGovernment and the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces were planning an aggressive war against the Soviet Union for the purpose of colonizing theterritory of the Soviet Union?PAULUS: That is beyond doubt according to all the developments as I described them, and also in connection with all the directives issued in the well-known GreenFile.GEN. RUDENKO: I have no more questions, Mr. President.THE PRESIDENT: Does any member of the French Prosecution wish to ask any questions?FRENCH PROSECUTOR: No.THE PRESIDENT: The British?BRITISH PROSECUTOR: No.THE PRESIDENT: The United States?UNITED STATES PROSECUTOR: No.THE PRESIDENT: Any member of the defendants' counsel?DR. LATERNSER: Mr. President, as Counsel for the General Staff,<. I ask you to afford me the opportunity to examine the witness tomorrow morning. Thepresentation of the witness by the Prosecution came as a surprise to the defendants' counsel, at any rate, and I think a consultation about the questions to be asked,especially in view of the importance of the testimony, is absolutely necessary. I therefore ask to be permitted to conduct the cross-examination at the beginning oftomorrow morning's session.THE PRESIDENT: General Rudenko, if the Prosecution has no objection, the Tribunal thinks that this application ought to be granted.The Avalon Project : Nuremberg Trial Proceedings Vol. 7https://avalon.law.yale.edu/imt/02-11-46.aspСтр. 12 из 1828.02.2023, 11:46
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GEN. RUDENKO: If the Tribunal so wishes, the Prosecution will not object.26111 Feb. 46THE PRESIDENT: Yes, very well. I don't know whether any other member of the defendants' counsel would prefer to cross-examine now.DR. NELTE: Mr. President, I assume that all defendants' counsel may conduct their cross-examination of the witness, General Paulus, tomorrow morning?THE PRESIDENT: Yes, certainly. I was only asking whether any other member of the defendants' counsel would prefer to cross-examine now.DR. NELTE: I personally would be able to put my questions after the recess.THE PRESIDENT: Very well. Then the witness can retire and the case will go on. He will be recalled tomorrow morning and in the meantime you will go on with yourcase.[The witness left the stand, and Major General Zorya approached the lectern.]THE PRESIDENT: General, you won't, I presume, think it necessary to read any more of Field Marshal Paulus' statement, will you?GEN. ZORYA: No.THE PRESIDENT: Very well, go on, then.GEN. ZORYA: Referring to the explanation concerning the beginning of the criminal attack of Fascist Germany on the Soviet Union, I should like to remind theTribunal that in the morning session of the Tribunal on 30 November 1945, the witness, Lahousen, was interrogated and gave evidence of sufficient interest in our case.Among other things, this witness, when enumerating the more intimate members of the inner circle of Admiral Canaris, Chief of the Intelligence andCounterintelligence Services of the German Army, mentioned Pieckenbrock by name.I present to the Tribunal as Document Number USSR-220, the testimony of the former chief of Section I of the German Military Intelligence and CounterintelligenceServices, Lieutenant General of the former German Army, Hans Pieckenbrock, former chief and colleague of Lahousen. Pieckenbrock gave this testimony in the orderprescribed by the laws of the Soviet Union, in Moscow, on 12 December 1945.For the moment I should like to read a few lines only into the record from Pieckenbrock's testimony, relating to the matter which we are now investigating. Theselines are on Page 1 of the Russian text of his testimony and they are marked with a red pencil. This Page 1 corresponds to Page 34 of the document book.26211 Feb. 46"I must say"-said Pieckenbrock-"that already since August and September 1940 the Foreign Armies East of the General Staff of the Army began to increaseconsiderably its intelligence assignments to the Abwehr concerning the U.S.S.R. These assignments were unquestionably connected with the preparation of war againstRussia."The more precise dates for Germany's attack on the Soviet Union I learned in January 1941 from Canaris. I do not know what sources Canaris used, but he told methat the attack on the Soviet Union was fixed for 15 May."The Soviet Prosecution also has at its disposal the testimony of the former chief of Department III of the German Military Intelligence and CounterintelligenceServices, Lieutenant General Franz von Bentivegni of the former German Army, which was given by him on 28 December 1945. I present those documents underDocument Number USSR-230I shall at the same time also only read into the record those parts of Bentivegni's testimony underlined in red pencil, which have a direct bearing on the beginning ofmilitary preparations against the Soviet Union. These first two excerpts of the testimony are on Page 37 in the document book which is submitted to the Military Tribunal:"I learned first of Germany's preparation for a military attack on the Soviet Union in August 1940, from the head of the German Intelligence and CounterintelligenceService, Admiral Canaris. In an unofficial conversation which took place in Canaris' office he told me that Hitler had started to take measures for an Eastern campaign,which he had spoken about as early as 1938 in his speech at a meeting of Gauleiter in Berlin."Canaris said to me that these plans of Hitler's had now begun to take concrete form. This was evident from the fact that divisions of the German Army were beingforwarded in large numbers from the West to the eastern frontiers and, in accordance with a special order by Hitler, were taking up positions from which to start thecoming invasion of Russia."These are the first two paragraphs of Bentivegni's testimony. And finally, in order to finish with the question of the actualtime of fascist Germany's military preparations for the treacherous attack on the Soviet Union, I should like to dwell for a moment on the testimony of General Muller.This testimony, dated 8 January 1946, was written in a camp for prisoners of war. I present it to the Tribunal as Document Number USSR-149.26311 Feb. 46All the material to which I have so far referred emanated from circles of the highest commanding officers of the German Army.THE PRESIDENT: General, on this document of General Muller, does it appear where that document was made and where General Muller is now?GEN. ZORYA: The photostat bears a date written in General Mueller's hand. This date is 8 January 1946.THE PRESIDENT: Where?GEN. ZORYA: If I might have a look at the photostatic copy which I have just presented to the Tribunal, I would be able to tell you where the date is written.THE PRESIDENT: Yes, but there are many prisoners-of-war camps. We want to know which one and where it is.GEN. ZORYA: In a camp located near Moscow.THE PRESIDENT: Has this document got any authenticating signature on it at all? So far as we are concerned, isn't it simply a photostatic copy of a writing bysomebody?GEN. ZORYA: Mr. President, this document, like all other documents which have been submitted so far by the Soviet Delegation, is a noncertified photostatic copy.Taking into consideration the wish of the Tribunal and in execution of this wish the Soviet Prosecution took measures to ensure that only the originals of thesedocuments or documents whose authenticity is certified will be presented in complete order to the General Secretary. This will be done in the course of several days andall the material will be given in best order to the General Secretary.THE PRESIDENT: Can you tell us where the writer of the document is now?GEN. ZORYA: I am hardly in a position to say more than I have already. If the Tribunal will permit me, I can consult my colleagues, make inquiries, and report to theTribunal as soon as possible on the general's whereabouts.The Avalon Project : Nuremberg Trial Proceedings Vol. 7https://avalon.law.yale.edu/imt/02-11-46.aspСтр. 13 из 1828.02.2023, 11:46
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THE PRESIDENT: Well, we will adjourn now. That will enable you to consult your colleagues.[A recess was taken.]DR.NELTE: Mr. President, to my regret I must present the same objections to this document submitted by the prosecutor of the Soviet Union under USSR-149, andmust submit the same request26411 Feb. 48which I made this morning. As far as I know, the High Tribunal have not yet made a decision in regard to this question.THE PRESIDENT: I beg your pardon, Dr. Nelte. The Tribunal has already made a decision.I think it would be better if, when defendants' counsel go to the place from which they wish to speak, they would arrange these earphones before they speak.I say the Tribunal has already made a decision which governs this case. They pointed out the other day to counsel for the Soviet Union that documents which werenot identified as authentic documents, must be identified as authentic, and the Soviet prosecutor at that time undertook to certify that all documents which he made useof were certified as authentic documents. And if they are not so certified, they will be struck out of the record. That ruling applies to this document.This document is a document which appears to be a document, a letter, or report to the Government of the Soviet Union, but it does not contain upon its face anycertification showing that it is an authentic document. The Counsel for the Soviet Union said before we adjourned, that he undertook-as he had already undertaken-toproduce a certificate that the document was an authentic document; that is to say, that it was written by the person who purported to write it, and in those circumstances,the Tribunal accepts the document provisionally.If no such certificate is forthcoming, then the document will be stricken from the record.DR.NELTE: If I understand you correctly, the Tribunal will accept a letter written to the Soviet Government or a statement as documentary evidence for the contentsof this statement.THE PRESIDENT: Certainly. I have already said provided that it is certified as an authentic document. I have said that more than once.DR. NELTE: In this way, every letter sent to the Prosecution or the Government of the Soviet Union or to any other Prosecution would become documentaryevidence by the certification that it has actually been written by the person who signed it, which would make it impossible for the Defense to cross-examine the witness.THE PRESIDENT: That depends on where the witness is. We are dealing with witnesses who are scattered all over the globe, and as we are informed that it is notthe practice in the Soviet Union for affidavits to be made in such cases, the Tribunal considers such a document to fall within Article 19-provided it is an authenticdocument.26511 Feb. 46We are affording the defendants' counsel the greatest assistance in bringing witnesses to this Court, but we cannot undertake to bring witnesses from all over theworld upon questions which are very often of very little importance.DR. NELTE: I quite appreciate the difficulties, and I am grateful to the Tribunal for their willingness to assist us. Therefore I only request to ascertain in each casewhere the person, who has made that statement, has his residence, so that the Defense may try to reach him.THE PRESIDENT: Yes. If the witness is in, or in the immediate vicinity of, Nuremberg, the Tribunal would think that it was only fair, if such a document as this wereto be put in evidence, that he should be produced for examination or cross-examination by the defendants' counsel, but we do understand that the man who wrote thisletter is not in the vicinity of Nuremberg. We have no reason to think he is, and I am reminding defendants' counsel that they can always apply, if they think right, to issueinterrogatories which would be put to any such person as this who has written such a document as this.DR.NELTE: Thank you.GEM. ZORYA: I have availed myself of the recess to make inquiries about General Muller. General Muller is in a prisoner-of-war camp, Number 27, in Krasnogorsk,in the MOSCONV region. May I continue my statement?THE PRESIDENT: Certainly.GEN. ZORYA: All the material, Your Honors, which I have mentioned to date emanated from circles of fiche Supreme Command of the German Armed Forces. If Ican so express myself, General Muller belonged to the middle category of German generals. He was Chief of Staff of an army; he commanded an army group. Histestimony reflects a series of events which may be considered worthy of attention, since they explain the circumstances accompanying Germany's preparations againstthe Soviet Union.I wish to refer to Page 40 of the document book. There you will find the first page of General Mueller's statement. The first paragraph, Page 1, of the statement ismarked with red pencil. I now proceed to quote from it:"The preparation for the attack on the Soviet Union began as early as July 1940. At that time I was first general staff officer in the staff of Army Group C at Dijon inFrance. General Field Marshal Von Leeb was commander-in-chief. This army group consisted of the 1st, 2d, and 7th Armies, which were occupation armies in France.Besides this, Army26611 Feb. 46Group A (Rundstedt), whose task was to prepare 'Case Sea Lion' (the invasion of England by Army Group B-Von Bock) was also in France. The staff of Army GroupB was transferred to the East (Poser) during July and was given the following forces, transferred from France-part of the armies of occupation: The 12th ArmyCommand (List), 4th Army Command (don Kluge), and 18th Army Command (don Kuchler), plus several general commands and about thirty divisions. A greater part ofthis number was taken from Army Group C (don Leeb)."Directly after the campaign in the West, the OKH gave the order for the demobilization of 20 divisions. This order was cancelled, and the 20 divisions were notdemobilized. Instead of this, after their return to Germany they were sent on leave, and thus kept ready for rapid mobilization."Both measures, the transfer of about five hundred thousand men to the Russian frontier and the cancellation of the order disbanding about three hundred thousandmen, show that already in July 1940 plans existed for war operations in the East."The next order which gives evidence of Germany's preparations for attacking the Soviet Union, was the written OKH order issued in September 1940 regarding theformation in Leipzig of a new army command (A.O.K. 11) of several general commands and about forty divisions and panzer divisions. The forming of these units wascarried out from September 1940 onwards by the commander of the reserve army (Generaloberst Fromm), partly in France, but mainly in Germany. Towards the end ofSeptember 1940 the OKH called me to Fontainebleau. The Chief Quartermaster I in the General Staff of the Army, then Lieutenant General (afterwards Field Marshal)Paulus, informed me, at first orally, of the order that my staff (Army Group C) was to be transferred to Dresden by 1 November and that Army High Command II(Generaloberst Weichs) which was under the command of the staff, should be transferred at the same time to Munich. The task was the leading of training of theabovementioned 40 divisions which were to be newly created."In accordance with this order, confirmed later by signature by the Chief of the General Staff Halder, the transfer of these units was carried out on time. These 40divisions were put into action in the invasion of the Soviet Union."The Avalon Project : Nuremberg Trial Proceedings Vol. 7https://avalon.law.yale.edu/imt/02-11-46.aspСтр. 14 из 1828.02.2023, 11:46
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Thus initiated, the preparation for the military attack on theSoviet Union was carried out at a heightened tempo and with customary German pedantry.26711 Feb. 46I would, Your Honors, remind the Tribunal that the witness, Paulus, stated at this session that in August 1940 the elaboration of the previous plan of attack on theSoviet Union, known as Plan Barbarossa, was already so far advanced as to render possible the conducting of two military exercises under the direction of Paulus. THEPRESIDENT: General, I don't think it is necessary to read the statement of Field Marshal Paulus, as he has already given the evidence tin the witness box.GEL. ZORYA: I am not reading it into the record. I am merely referring to a circumstance which will enable me to proceed to General Mueller's statement that thissystem of military exercises, which originated in the General Staff of the German Army, eventually spread over the entire Army and that the entire armed forcesparticipated in the execution of these games which, per se, were already a preparation for the attack on the Soviet Union. I am reading into the record that passage ofthe statement which is underlined in blue pencil, Page 41 of the bundle of documents: "Insofar"-General Muller states-"as in the future the Army was to attack the SovietUnion, the first plan was to train soldiers and general staff officers."Towards the end of January 1941 I received telegraphic orders from the Chief of the General Staff Halder to attend the military exercises of Rundstedt's army groupat St. Germain, near Paris. The object of this military exercise was the attack and advance from Romania and South Poland in the direction of Kiev and southwards. Theplan had in mind the intention also of the participation of Romanian troops. In the main this military exercise anticipated the conditions of the future order concerning thestrategic deployment of forces, to which I will refer later."The director of the military exercises was the Chief of the General Staff of the Rundstedt army group. There were present: Rundstedt, Halder, the Chiefs of theGeneral Staff of the 6th Army, Colonel Heim, of the 11th Army, Colonel Wohler, and of Kleist's tank group, Colonel Zwickler and several generals of the panzer forces.The military exercises were held at the place occupied by Rundstedt's army group, approximately between the 31st January and 2d February 1941. The exercisedemonstrated the necessity for a strong concentration of tank forces."The documents I have presented to date characterize the measures of the military command of the German Armed Forces for the preparation of the strategicdeployment of the German armies for launching an attack against the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics.26811 Feb. 46As for time, these measures embraced a considerable period of 1940 and were put into action at least 6 months prior to the appearance on the scene of DirectiveNumber 21 concerning the Plan Barbarossa.I shall now proceed to the second group of documents presented by the Soviet Prosecution which characterize the espionage measures undertaken by the fascistconspirators in preparation for war against the Soviet Union.Trend and task of espionage work in connection with Plan Barbarossa were, as we know, determined by a directive from the Supreme Command of the GermanArmed Forces, addressed to counterintelligence on 6 September 1940 and signed by the Defendant Jodl.This document was presented by the American Prosecution under Number 1229-PS; it is to be found on Pages 46 and 47 of our document bundle. I do not intend toquote this document again, but I do consider it essential to remind you that in it the intelligence organizations demand that the regrouping of armies on Germany'sEastern front should be camouflaged in every possible way and that the Soviet Union should remain under the impression that action of some kind Divas brewingagainst the Balkans.The activities of the intelligence organizations were strictly regulated. These activities included measures for concealing, as far as possible, the number of Germanforces in the East and of giving an impression of insignificant concentrations in the north of the Eastern provinces, at the same time conveying the impression of veryconsiderable concentrations of forces in the southern part, in the Protectorate and in Austria.The necessity was pointed out of creating an exaggerated impression of the number of antiaircraft units and of the insignificant extent of roadbuilding activities.I here take the liberty of, making two pertinent observations. According to Pieckenbrock's testimony, the intensification of the work of this intelligence organizationagainst the Soviet Union began prior to the appearance of this directive in August 1940. And this work, of course, was not limited to the spreading of false information onthe regrouping of forces from West to East.I beg you, Your Honors, to revert to the testimony, which I have already presented, of the former Chief of Department III of the Intelligence and CounterintelligenceServices of the German Armed Forces, Von Bentivegni.On Pages 1, 2, and 3 of the Russian text of Bentivegni's deposition, it is said-I quote the passage underlined in blue pencil-beginning at the last paragraph, Page 1of the document which corresponds to Page 37 of the document book:26911 Feb. 46"In connection with this, as early as November 1940 I received from Canaris orders to intensify the work for counterintelligence in the localities where concentrationof the German armies on the Soviet German frontier was taking place."On Page 2 of the statement, Page 38 of the document book, Paragraph 1, Bentivegni continues:"In accordance with this order, I immediately gave a corresponding order to the German Abwehr agencies, Danzig, Konigsberg, Posen, Krakow, Breslau, andVienna."And finally, on Page 3 of the statement, which corresponds to Page 39 of the document book, I read:"In March 1941 I received from Canaris the following directives for the preparations for the execution of the Plan Barbarossa."a) Preparation of all links of Abwehr III for carrying out active counterintelligence work against the Soviet Union, as for instance the creation of the necessarycounterintelligence groups, their distribution among various fighting units intended for taking part in the operations on the Eastern front, and paralyzing the activity of theSoviet intelligence and counterintelligence organs."b) Spreading false information via their foreign intelligence agencies, partly by creating the semblance of an improvement in relations with the Soviet Union and ofpreparations for a blow against Great Britain."c) Counterintelligence measures to keep secret the preparations being made for war with the Soviet Union and to ensure that the transfer of troops to the East bekept secret."The same question is touched upon in the minutes of the interrogation of the Chief of the Intelligence and Counterintelligence Department I of the German Army,.Pieckenbrock, which I have already presented in evidence. This statement contains the following passage regarding the activities of the intelligence service of theGerman Army in connection with the preparations for the realization of Plan Barbarossa. I would refer you to Page 35 of the document book and to Paragraph 2 from thetop. This corresponds to Page 2 of Pieckenbrock's testimony. Pieckenbrock states"In March 1941 I was present at a conversation between Canaris and the chief of the espionage detachment (Abwehr II), Colonel Lahousen, about measuresconnected with Plan Barbarossa. During this conversation they kept referring to a written order on this subject, which Lahousen had. I, personally, as head of Abwehr I,beginning in February 1941 and up to 22 June 1941, more than once had officialThe Avalon Project : Nuremberg Trial Proceedings Vol. 7https://avalon.law.yale.edu/imt/02-11-46.aspСтр. 15 из 1828.02.2023, 11:46
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27011 Feb. 46talks with the Chief Quartermaster IV, Lieutenant General Tippelskirch, and with the head of the detachment Foreign Armies East, Colonel Kienzl. Theseconversations dealt with the more precise definition of tasks assigned to Abwehr, with regard to the Soviet Union, and in particular with the verification of old intelligencedata about the Red Army, and also details about the dislocation of the Soviet armies during the period of preparation of the attack on the Soviet Union." ,I now skip one paragraph of Pieckenbrock's statement and read further:"All Abwehrstellen which were working with the espionage against Russia were given the task of intensifying the dispatch of agents to the U.S.S.R. A similar task-the intensification of espionage work against Russia-was given to an intelligence organs existing in the armies and army groups. For the more successful direction of anthese field Abwehr organs, a special intelligence staff was created in May 1941 under the code name of Wally I. This staff was in the vicinity of Warsaw in the villageSulajewek. Major Baun, as the best specialist on work against Russia, was appointed chief of the staff of Wally I. Later, when following our example, Abwehr II andAbwehr III had also established staffs Wally II and Wally III, this organ became known as a whole staff Wally, and directed the entire intelligence, counterintelligence,and diversionary work against the U.S.S.R. as a staff had to become active in the front line. At the head of staff 'Wally' was Lieutenant Colonel Schmalschlager."I now pass on to the last paragraph of Pieckenbrock's statement on Page 36 of the document book:"From numerous reports given by Colonel Lahousen and Canaris, at which I was also present, I know that a great amount of preparatory work for the war with theSoviet Union was carried out by this department. In the period of February to May 1941 many conferences of the leaders of Abwehr II took place at the quarters of Jodl'sdeputy, General Warlimont They were held in a cavalry school in Krampnitz. One particular question settled at these conferences in accordance with the needs of thewar with Russia, was that of increasing the special task units, Brandenburg 800, and of distributing contingents of these units among the individual army groups."In Pieckenbrock's testimony which has just been read into the record, special attention is drawn to his references to the special tasks with which Lahousen'sdepartment had been entrusted, and27111 Feb. 46to special task units known under the code name of Brandenburg 800.Here these points are clarified by the testimony of a former colonel of the German Army, Erwin Stolze, who was Lahousen's deputy in Department II, AuslandAbwehr, attached to the Supreme Command of the German Armed Forces. Stolze was taken prisoner by the Red Army. I wish to submit to the Tribunal as evidenceStolze's testimony of 25 December 1945, which was given to Lieutenant Colonel Burashrikov, of the Counterintelligence Service of the Red Army and which I submit tothe Tribunal as Document Number USSR-231 (Exhibit Number USSR-231), which I beg you to accept as evidence. I shall read into the record individual extracts fromthis testimony which are underlined in red pencil. I begin the quotation from Page 48 of the document book. Stolze testified as follows:"I received instructions from Lahousen to organize and to lead a special group under code name 'A,' which had to engage in the preparation of diversionary acts andin the work of disintegration of the Soviet rear in connection with the intended attack on the U.,S.S.R."At the same time, in order that I should become acquainted with it and for my guidance, Lahousen gave me an order which came from the Operational Staff of theArmed Forces and which contained basic directives for the conduct of subversive activities in the territory of the U.S.S.R. after Germany's attack on the Soviet Union.This order was signed by Field Marshal Keitel and initialed by General Jodl (or by General Warlimont on Keitel's instructions-I do not quite remember which.)"I am omitting two lines which are irrelevant to our case and read on: "It was pointed out in the order that for the purpose of delivering a lightning blow against theSoviet Union, Abwehr II, in conducting subversive work against Russia, with the help of a net of V men, must use its agents for kindling national antagonism among thepeople of the Soviet Union." I now request you to turn over the page and on Page 49 in the document book on Page 2 of the minutes of the interrogation, and to note thefollowing passages in his testimony:"In carrying out the above-mentioned instructions of Keitel and Jodl, I contacted Ukrainian National Socialists who were in the German Intelligence Service and othermembers of the nationalist fascist groups, whom I roped in to carry out the tasks as set out above."In particular, instructions were given by me personally to the leaders of the Ukrainian Nationalists, Melnik (code name27211 Feb. 46'Consul I' and Bandara, to organize immediately upon Germany's attack on the Soviet Union, and to provoke demonstrations in the Ukraine in order to disrupt theimmediate rear of the Soviet armies, and also to convince international public opinion of alleged disintegration of the Soviet rear."We also prepared special diversionist groups by Abwehr II for subversive activities in the Baltic republics of the Soviet Union."I must again request you to turn over the page. On Page 50 in the document book, beginning with the third line from the top you will find Stolze's testimony:"Apart from this, a special military unit was trained for subversive activities on Soviet territory, a special duty training regiment for special tasks, Brandenburg 800,under the immediate command of the head of Abwehr II, Lahousen. Among the objects of this special unit, created in 1940, was the seizure of operationally importantpoints, such as bridges, tunnels, and important military installations, and holding them till the arrival of the advance units of the German Army."Contrary to the international rules governing the conduct of war, the personnel of this regiment, mainly composed of Germans from beyond the border, madeextensive use of enemy uniforms and equipment in order to camouflage their operations."During the course of preparations for Germany's attack on the U.S.S.R., the command of the Brandenburg Regiment also collected supplies of Red Army uniforms,equipment, and arms, and organized separate detachments of Germans acquainted with the Russian language."Your Honors, the testimonies of Stolze, Bentivegni, and Pieckenbrock, which I have presented in evidence, disclose the working methods of the German IntelligenceService in the preparation and execution of Plan Barbarossa.I shall not detain the Tribunal any further with these questions. But before proceeding to a further presentation, I should like to point out that the department of theDefendant Kaltenbrunner was likewise interested in intelligence work. I shall limit myself to submitting one document which is typical of the manner in which theHitlerites, by exploiting their connections, created difficulties in Iran, through which country, as was known, the supply routes passed for the delivery to the U.S.S.R. ofmotor vehicles and war material of the most varied nature.The document, which I intend to submit to the Tribunal as Exhibit Number USSR-178 (Document Number USSR-178) was taken by us from the German ForeignOffice archives, which fell into the27311 Feb. 46hands of advance units of the Red Army. This document is the Defendant Kaltenbrunner's letter to the Defendant Von Ribbentrop. The letter is typed on a sheet ofnote paper with the letterhead of the Chief of the Security Police and SD. In the document book before you, you will find this document on Page 52. I read into therecord the underlined extracts from this letter:"28 June 1943; top secret."To the Foreign Minister Herr Von Ribbentrop; Berlin; Object: Elections to the Iranian Parliament.The Avalon Project : Nuremberg Trial Proceedings Vol. 7https://avalon.law.yale.edu/imt/02-11-46.aspСтр. 16 из 1828.02.2023, 11:46
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"Most honorable Herr Reich Minister: We have made direct contact with Iran and have received information on the possibilities of exercising German influence onthe course of the imminent Iranian parliamentary elections."And a few lines further on it is stated:"In order to exercise a decisive influence on the results of the elections, bribery is necessary. For Teheran 400,000 tomans, and for the rest of Iran at least 600,000tomans are necessary.... It should also be noted that nationally oriented Iranian circles expect the intervention of Germany."I beg you to inform me whether it is possible to obtain one million tomans from the Foreign- Office. This money can be sent by the people whom we are sendingthere by airplane. "Heil Hitler. Yours devotedly, Kaltenbrunner, SS Obergruppenfuehrer."This document will help you to form an idea of the range of questions which interested the Reich Foreign Minister. Such a peculiar activity of the Foreign Office wasnot in the nature of a chance episode.In the course of time, the collaboration of the German Foreign Office and of the Reich Fuehrer SS waxed in strength and developed more and more. As a result, avery curious document appeared, which might be considered as an agreement between Himmler and Ribbentrop on the organization of espionage work.I submit this document as Exhibit Number USSR-120 (Document USSR-120), and request the Tribunal to accept it as documentary evidence. This document is onPage 53 and 55 of the document book before you. The text of this agreement will be read into the record with a few remarks. The text of the agreement reads:"By the order dated 12 February 1944, the Fuehrer has entrusted the Reich Fuehrer SS with the creation of a unified German Secret Intelligence Service. TheSecret Intelligence Service has as its purpose, so far as foreign countries are concerned, to get information in the political, military, economic, and technical spheres forthe Reich. In addition, the27411 Feb. 46Fuehrer has established that the direction of the Intelligence Service, insofar as foreign countries are concerned, must be conducted in agreement with the ForeignMinister. In this connection, the following agreement between the Reich Foreign Minister and the Reich Fuehrer SS had been reached:"1. The Secret Intelligence Service of the Reich Fuehrer SS represents an important instrument for obtaining information in the sphere of foreign politics, and thisinstrument is placed at the disposal of the Foreign Minister. The first condition for this is close, comradely, and loyal co-operation between the Foreign Office and themain office of the Reich Security Service. The collection of information on foreign politics by the diplomatic service is not affected by this."2. The Foreign Office places at the disposal of the main office of the Reich Security Service the information on the situation in the field of foreign politics necessaryfor the conduct of the Intelligence Service and the directive regarding German foreign policy. It hands over to the main office of the Reich Security Service its intelligenceand other tasks in the sphere of foreign policy, which are to be performed by the organs of the Secret Intelligence Service."3. Intelligence material in the field of foreign politics, obtained by the Secret Intelligence Service, is placed..."THE PRESIDENT: Wouldn't it be a sufficient summary of this document with which you are dealing to say that it is a document signed by Himmler and Ribbentropand that it shows that there was a unification of the German Secret Intelligence Service. The details of that unification are not really a matter which very much concernsthis Tribunal, and therefore, as we are directed by the Charter to be as expeditious as possible, it is not necessary to read all the details of this unification.GEN. ZORYA: I summarize this document and would add that this agreement, signed by Himmler and Ribbentrop, created such a state of affairs that it becameextremely difficult to differentiate prevailing conditions in fascist Germany or to distinguish where Himmler's Gestapo service ended and the Foreign Office activities ofthe Defendant Ribbentrop began.I shall now, with the permission of the Tribunal, proceed to the presentation of the next document. The document which I have just read-I am referring to theHimmler-Ribbentrop agreement concerning the conduct of intelligence work abroad-also justifies the assumption that under the name of German diplomaticrepresentation in such countries which maintained normal diplomatic27511 Feb. 46relations with Germany, a whole intelligence network of the Gestapo was actively functioning.If this summary, in the opinion of the Tribunal, corresponds to the contents of the document, I shall proceed to the following section of the report, "The Satellites ofGermany."When Plan Barbarossa was read into the record in Court, there was one part of the entire case which, in my opinion, received comparatively little attention. I refer toPart II of Plan Barbarossa, Document Number 446-PS. This part bears the name of "Presumed Allies and Their Tasks." I should like, here and now, to draw the attentionof the Tribunal to the questions touched on in this part. In the first place, I consider it essential to remind you of the contents of this part by repeating it. DocumentNumber 446-PS, Plan Barbarossa, is on Page 14 of the bundle of documents submitted to the Tribunal. I consider it essential to read out Part II of this case:"1. On the flanks of our operation, we can count upon the active participation of Romania and Finland in the war against Soviet Russia."The Supreme Command of the German Armed Forces will, at the appropriate time, settle and lay down in what way the armed forces of the two countries will besubordinated to the German command on their entry into the war."2. Romania's task will be to tie up, in co-operation with the group of the armed forces advancing there, the enemy forces facing her, and, for the rest, to maintainthe auxiliary services in the rear area."3. Finland will have to cover the advance of the German northern landing group (units of Group XXI) due to arrive from Norway, and then operate together with it. Inaddition, it will be up to Finland to eliminate Hango."4. It is possible to count upon the Swedish railways and coal being available for the movements of the German northern group not later than the beginning of theoperation."In the speech of the Chief Prosecutor from the U.S.S.R., General Rudenko, attention was drawn to the opening sentence of this section:"On the flanks of our operation, we can count upon the active participation of Romania and Finland in the war against Soviet Russia."This justified the Chief Prosecutor of the U.S.S.R. in pointing out in his speech that on 18 December 1940, the date of the Barbarossa document, Romania andFinland were already following in the wake of the predatory policy of the Hitlerite conspirators.276311 Feb. 46There is only one more document which was submitted by the United States Prosecution and which mentioned Germany's presumed allies in her aggressionagainst the U.S.S.R.This document, numbered C-39, is entitled "Provisional Case Barbarossa." It is, as the Defendant Keitel pointed out in his covering letter, a timetable for Thepreparations of Plan Barbarossa after June 1941. This timetable was confirmed by Hitler. The text of this plan is on Page 57 of the document book. In Part II of thisdocument, entitled "Negotiations with Friendly Powers," we read:The Avalon Project : Nuremberg Trial Proceedings Vol. 7https://avalon.law.yale.edu/imt/02-11-46.aspСтр. 17 из 1828.02.2023, 11:46
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<, "a) A request has been sent to Bulgaria not to reduce to any large extent the units stationed for security reasons on the Turkish frontier."b) The Romanians have begun, at the instigation of the Commander-in-Chief of the German troops in Romania, a partial, camouflaged mobilization in order to beable to close their frontiers against a presumed attack by the Russians."c) Hungarian territory will be used for the deployment of Army Group South only insofar as it would be expedient for introducing German units to link up theHungarian and Romanian forces. Until the middle of June, however, no representations on this subject will be made to Hungary."d) five German divisions have been deployed in the eastern part of Slovakia; the next ones will be unloaded in the area of Prosov."e) Preliminary negotiations with the Finnish general staff take place as from 25 May."Mr. President, in order to correlate the following documents with the testimony given by Paulus, I shall merely refer to the fact that this witness testified to theprevious preparations for military aggression in that fortress which was Romania, thereby proving that corresponding measures for the reorganization of the RomanianArmy, founded in the image and pattern of the German Army, were taken in September 1940 when a special military mission was sent to Romania. The chief of thismission was Cavalry General Hansen. His Chief of Staff was Major General Hauffe, his chief quartermaster Major Merk. Major General Von Rotkirch commanded the13th Panzer Division.The task of this military mission was the reorganization of the Romanian Army and its preparation for the subsequent attack on the Soviet Union in the spirit of PlanBarbarossa. The preliminary trend of this task, as Paulus has testified, was given to Hansen and his Chief of Staff by Paulus and they got the last directives from theCommander-in-Chief, Field Marshal Von Brauchitsch.27711 Feb. 46General Hansen received directives from two sources: from the OKW where his military mission was concerned, and from the OKH in all questions dealing with theArmy. Directives of a military and political nature were received only from the OKW.The military mission acted as liaison between the German and the Romanian general staffs.The form assumed by the agreement and, even more, the publication of the true aims of high ranking fascist leaders in the country, did not always suit the satellites.I now present, as Exhibit Number USSR-233 (Document Number USSR-233), the minutes of a conversation between Ion Antonescu and the Defendant Ribbentropwhich took place on 12 February 1942. This document was taken from the personal archives of Marshal Antonescu which were captured by the advance units of theRed Army. This document, Your Honors, figures on Pages 59-62 of your document book.In connection with Ribbentrop's speech in Budapest on the subject of Transylvania, Antonescu makes the following annotation in the course of this speech-lastparagraph, Page 2 of the Russian text of the document, Page 60 of the document book:'Without hesitation, I stressed the point that as early as 6 September, when I took over the government of the country, supported only by Monsieur Mihai Antonescu,I declared, without asking the opinion of my people, that we must follow a policy of adherence to the Axis powers. I said that this was the only example in the history ofnations when two persons dare to make an open declaration and to call upon their people to follow a policy which no doubt could only appear odious...."When making this cynical entry, Ion Antonescu could hardly have expected it to receive such wide publicity.Mr. President, I intend to read into the record a long document which will take considerable time.THE PRESIDENT: We will adjourn now.[The Tribunal adjourned until 12 February 1946 at 1000 hours.]278Nuremberg TrialsVol. 7 MenuAvalon HomeDocumentCollectionsAncient4000bce - 399Medieval400 - 139915th Century1400 - 149916th Century1500 - 159917th Century1600 - 169918th Century1700 - 179919th Century1800 - 189920th Century1900 - 199921st Century2000 -© 2008 Lillian Goldman Law Library127 Wall Street, New Haven, CT 06511.AvalonStatement ofPurposeAccessibilityat YaleContact UsYale LawLibraryUniversityLibraryYale LawSchoolSearch MorrisSearch OrbisThe Avalon Project : Nuremberg Trial Proceedings Vol. 7https://avalon.law.yale.edu/imt/02-11-46.aspСтр. 18 из 1828.02.2023, 11:46
Annex 246 The Independent, To see what Ukraine's future may be, just look at Lviv's shameful past (9 March 2014)

Annex 246
Patrick Cockburn · · Comments
Voices > Commentators
To see what Ukraine's future may be, just look
at Lviv's shameful past
A seemingly cosmopolitan city is a nationalist stronghold and monument to ethnic cleansing, as its
barbaric wartime treatment of Jews illustrated
Sunday 09 March 2014 01:00
A woman is attacked during the 1941 progrom
3
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Annex 246
I used to visit Lviv, the beautiful, cosmopolitan-looking city in westernUkraine with its attractive mix of Italian, Austrian and Slavicarchitecture. It is in a much fought-over part of Europe and battles swirled aroundit in both world wars, but its ancient churches and cobbled streets somehowescaped destruction.Appearances are deceptive because, though the buildings in Lviv have survived,the same cannot be said for most of its inhabitants. In 1939, the majority of thepeople in Lviv were Poles and Jews, with Ukrainians making up less than one fifthof the population. But the Jews were murdered and the Poles forced by Stalin toresettle in eastern parts of Germany ceded to Poland. Only the Ukrainiansremained.Sign up for the View from Westminster email for expertanalysis straight to your inboxSIGN UPEmailI would like to be emailed about offers, events and updates from The Independent. Read our privacy notice
Annex 246
I thought about Lviv again last week when I saw a sentence in a newspaperreferring to it as "a bastion of Ukrainian nationalism".I wondered just how much the writer knew about Ukrainian nationalists in Lvivand the strong evidence that, in 1941, they had played a leading role in one of thehorror stories of the Second World War.This was the Lviv pogrom of 1 July 1941, when thousands of Jews were draggedfrom their homes, beaten and executed by either German troops or theirUkrainian helpers. Ukrainian politicians and historians have denied complicity,but surviving Jewish victims, other witnesses and contemporary photographsprove that Ukrainian militiamen and mobs of supporters carried out the pogrom,though the Germans oversaw it and committed many of the murders.Of course, it does not follow that the present generation of Ukrainian nationalistsare ideological descendants of pro-Nazi Ukrainians. But the Lviv pogrom andUkraine's grim history of sectarian and ethnic slaughter does explain why many inUkraine fear an ultra-nationalist resurgence. A rabbi in Kiev, Moshe ReuvenAzman, last month called on Jews to leave the city and possibly even the country."I don't want to tempt fate," he told the Israeli daily Maariv, "but there areconstant warnings concerning intentions to attack Jewish institutions."Ukraine crisis: A timeline of the conflictShow all 23
Annex 246
What really happened in Lviv in July 1941 has been meticulously researched –drawing on a wealth of eyewitness information – by Professor John-Paul Himka, aCanadian-Ukrainian historian at the University of Alberta. In a study entitled TheLviv Pogrom of 1941: The Germans, Ukrainian Nationalists and the CarnivalCrowd he concludes that the murderous assault on the Jewish community in Lviv– swelled by Jews fleeing the advance of fascism and anti-Semitism in other partsof central Europe – was primarily carried out by the militia of the Organisation ofUkrainian Nationalists (OUN) acting under German auspices. It happened quicklyafter the German occupation because the OUN wanted to show "the Germansthat it shared their anti-Jewish perspectives and that it was worthy to be entrustedwith the formation of a Ukrainian state".Lviv lies dangerously close to the ethnic, religious and military fault lines ofEurope. And, as with other cosmopolitan cities, past and present, such as Beirut,Smyrna, Alexandria and Damascus, it was an excitingly diverse but potentiallyrisky place to live. At different times it has been ruled by Poland, Austria (underthe Habsburgs), the Soviet Union, Nazi Germany and, finally, an independentUkraine. It had been known at different times, depending on which country itbelonged to, as Lwow, Lemberg, Lvov and Lviv.Between 1918 and 1939, it was part of Poland until invaded by the Soviet Unionunder the Nazi-Soviet Pact. At this time, it had a population of 312,231, of whom157,490 were Poles, 99,595 were Jews, and 49,747 were Ukrainians. The Jews werewell represented among the professions providing most of the doctors, lawyersand businessmen as well as dominating such trades as tailoring and barber shops.In the territory around Lviv, Ukrainians made up at least two-thirds of thepopulation.
Annex 246
The German army captured Lviv on 30 June 1941, the Soviet NKVD secret policemassacred several thousand political prisoners in the jails when they realised thatthe Germans could not be stopped. The next day, the pogrom started with Jewsbeing compelled to dig up the rotting bodies of the dead prisoners. Others wereritually humiliated by being forced to clean the streets with tooth brushes orremove horse manure by putting it in their hats. "Judging by the photographs,gentiles in Lviv found the cleaners amusing," writes Professor Himka. "To someextent, the pogrom was a carnival." Women were stripped naked and beaten andhundreds of Jews were forced to crawl for miles to the prisons.Kurt Lewin, a survivor, left a detailed account of what happened to him in oneprison and he described "savage beatings by both Germans and Ukrainians", saidSimka. "One Ukrainian particularly carved himself into Lewin's memory.Elegantly dressed in a beautifully embroidered shirt, he beat the Jews with anironclad cane. Strips of skin flew with every blow, sometimes an ear or an eye."When his cane broke the man chose a heavier piece of wood with which to beat aman to death.A crowd surrounds a young woman during the1941 progrom3
Annex 246
Edward Spicer, 22 at the time, recalled being caught by a group of Ukrainians nearhis home and taken to a nearby railway station: "First they were beating us all theway, then they pushed us down the staircase, until we were piled up one on top ofanother five-six high." Later, the Jews were made to lie on the ground and anybodywho moved was killed with a rifle butt. Many were later taken away in trucks bythe Germans to be shot. Professor Himka says the Ukrainians co-operating withthe Germans and spearheading the pogrom were members of a militia formed theprevious day who often had no uniform and were identifiable only by blue andyellow armbands, worn on the left arm. The Jews were later forced into a ghettoand by the time the Red Army recaptured Lviv in 1944 only 200 to 300 of thoseJews were still alive.The OUN militia did not confine itself to killing Jews. Later in the war, itmurdered tens of thousands of Poles in western Ukraine. I was in Lviv in 2001when Poland's National Remembrance Institute was investigating the massacre of35,000 Polish villagers in 1943.A recent Jewish theatre festival3
Annex 246
I visited the Polish Consulate where an official named Wicenty Debicki did notdirectly answer my question about the investigation, but he gave a bit of personalbiography. "I was born in Lviv," he said. "I remember as a small boy having to hidefrom Ukrainian nationalist groups with my father, in 1944, because we werePoles."A Ukrainian woman translating Mr Debicki's Polish interjected to ask in surprise:"But surely you were frightened of the Germans and Soviets as well?" After a longpause, he replied diplomatically that there was good reason to fear both.Lviv presents itself as a beautiful city reflecting a culturally diverse past. In reality,it is a monument to ethnic cleansing and the appalling willingness of long-timeneighbours to murder each other, as I saw earlier this year in Homs and Damascus– something those who want to heat up the conflict over Ukraine and Crimea'sfuture should keep in mind.Join our commenting forumJoin thought-provoking conversations, follow other Independent readers and see their repliesComments

Annex 247 RT, “Divide and Rule”: What Were the Real Relations between the UPA and Nazi Germany? (14 October 2022) (translation)

Annex 247
Translation
RT, “Divide and Rule”: What Were the Real Relations between the UPA and Nazi
Germany? (14 October 2022), available at:
https://russian.rt.com/science/article/1060517-upa-godovschina-sozdanie.
“Divide and Rule”: What Were the Real Relations between the UPA and Nazi
Germany?
By Svyatoslav Knyazev, Maxim Lobanov
The Ukrainian Insurgent Army* was established 80 years ago by decision of the leadership of
the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists. According to historians, a narrative of the activities
of this military formation is being widely used these days in the national myth-making in
Ukraine, in particular, in an attempt to picture the UPA as a participant in the fight against Nazi
Germany. However, experts emphasize that in reality the UPA was a collaborationist
organisation that worked closely with Hitler's secret services and was guilty of numerous crimes
against humanity.
Poles killed by UPA militants in 1943 / © Public Domain
On 14 October 1942, the leadership of the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN)
decided to establish the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA)*, an armed formation that operated
in the western regions of the Ukrainian SSR and adjacent areas of the neighbouring states during
the Great Patriotic War. Despite the attempts of modern Ukrainian politicians to picture UPA
militants as fighters for the national independence of Ukraine, historians point out that in real
life the organisation consisted of collaborators and put Hitler's secret services’ plans in practice.
Annex 247
From OUN to UPA The Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists was founded in Vienna in 1929 on the basis of the Ukrainian Military Organisation (UVO) and a number of other right-wing associations. The head of the UVO, Yevhen Konovalets, became the leader the OUN. The organisation adhered to the ideology of integral nationalism, which historians believe to be quite close to fascism. Initially, OUN members were focused on their fight against Poland, which at that time included the Western Ukrainian regions of Galicia and Volhynia. Members of the organisation resorted to political assassinations, arson and terrorist attacks against the local population loyal to the Polish authorities. As Andrei Koshkin, a full member of the Academy of Military Sciences of the Russian Federation, told RT, OUN leaders were in close cooperation with the German secret services from the earliest years of the OUN's existence, and these ties became even tighter after the Nazis came to power in Germany. “Berlin saw the OUN as a potential instrument of aggression against East European states,” the expert noted. The unity of the OUN was broken soon after the Soviet intelligence liquidated Yevhen Konovalets in Rotterdam in 1938. After his death, a large gathering of Ukrainian nationalists in Rome elected Andriy Melnyk, Konovalets’ relative and a former officer of the Austrian and Petlyura armies, as the head of the OUN. However, a group of more radical members of the organisation refused to pledge allegiance to Melnyk and used the OUN to form their own structure, headed by Stepan Bandera, a militant from Galicia. Historians refer to the OUN faction led by Melnyk as OUN(m), and to the one headed by Bandera as OUN(b) or OUN (r) (revolutionary). The leaders of both factions were recruited by Hitler’s intelligence. It should be noted that Nazi authorities were more sympathetic to Melnyk, while Bandera was seen as a careerist and a bandit. Nevertheless, Hitler’s secret services cooperated with both of them and even tried to reconcile them.
Annex 247
Ukrainian nationalist posters in the town of Zhovkva, 1941 / © Public Domain The Nazis first used OUN militants during the war with Poland in 1939. Before the attack on the Soviet Union, the Roland and Nachtigall battalions were formed from Ukrainian nationalists on the basis of the Brandenburg-800 special forces subordinate to the Abwehr. From the very first days of the Great Patriotic War, the Nachtigall battalion took part in the mass killings of Jews and anti-fascist Soviet citizens. However, after the Ukrainian nationalists declared the creation of an “independent power” in Lvov under the protectorate of Germany and Bandera transferred a large amount of German government money to a Swiss bank, the OUN(b) leader was arrested, and the special forces were reformed to become police battalions. According to historians, both OUN factions became the main sources of personnel for the punitive units of the Nazi auxiliary police and collaborationist “local self-governments” in the occupied territories of the Ukrainian SSR.
Annex 247
Parade in Stanisławów (Ivano-Frankovsk) to celebrate the visit of the Governor-General of Poland, Reichsleiter Hans Frank / © Public domain One of Bandera’s closest associates, Roman Shukhevych, left Nachtigall to serve in the rank of captain in the auxiliary police and participated in punitive expeditions in Belarus. Historians say that the details of how he resigned from Nazi service and returned to being an active member of the OUN are vague: according to one version, he refused to renew his contract with the Germans along with several other nationalists, while another version is that the Nazis deliberately took them out of Belarus to wage anti-partisan warfare in Ukraine. As Denis Akhremenko, Chairman of the Interregional Public Organisation for Social and Humanitarian Scientific Research (MOOSGNI) named “Historical Consciousness”, told RT in an interview, a militant structure of Ukrainian nationalists under the command of Taras Borovets, who considered himself an “ally of the Wehrmacht” but was sceptical of the OUN, had been operated in Western Ukraine since 1941. Borovets called his units the Polissian Sich as well as the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (it was disbanded in 1943), which later caused terminological confusion.
Annex 247
Roman Shukhevych (sitting second from left) with his fellow soldiers of the Nazi Auxiliary Police battalion / © Public domain In 1942, Banderites decided that they needed their own armed wing, which they also called the UPA, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army. According to experts, the exact date of the establishment of this force is unknown. However, OUN members after the war notionally recorded the date in their documents as 14 October 1942. “Double Standard Situation” Very little is known today about the setting up of the UPA and its first actions. Some historians believe that Hitler’s secret services were behind the creation of the OUN(b) military wing from the very beginning. “The Germans created the UPA in pursuance of their own goals. They needed a structure that would deal with the partisans and stamp out local resistance. The Wehrmacht no longer had enough personnel, so they were unable to keep large garrisons in remote hinterland areas. Using the UPA, they could fully apply the “divide and rule” principle to the population of the Ukrainian SSR. That is why the Germans let auxiliary policemen join the UPA, gave them weapons and stayed out of their way while they were turning into a kind of army,” Andrei Gorbunov, head of the research and guidance department of the Victory Museum, told RT. According to Andrei Koshkin, despite any statements being made by Kiev these days that the UPA allegedly fought against the Nazis, there is no evidence in the German archives of any significant clashes between the “insurgents” and the Wehrmacht, which indirectly reinforces the theory that the UPA cooperated with Hitler’s secret services from the early days of existence of the OUN military wing.
Annex 247
"It would be a lightweight approach to say that the UPA really fought for the national independence of Ukraine from the beginning of its existence,” Dmitry Surzhik, associate professor of the State Academic University for the Humanities, pointed out in his conversation with RT. In 1943, Roman Shukhevych was appointed the chief of the main military staff of the UPA, and then its chief commander. Under him, cooperation between the UPA and German secret services was almost undisguised. Since August 1943 to September 1944 alone, the UPA received 700 guns and mortars, about 10,000 machine guns, 26,000 submachine guns, 72,000 rifles, 22,000 handguns, 100,000 grenades, and over 12,000,000 cartridges from the German Army Group South. In turn, the UPA suppressed any anti-Nazi manifestations behind the lines of German troops and tried to counter the Soviet partisans. In 1943-1944, UPA militants turned to ethnic cleansing known as the Volhynian slaughter. The Ukrainian nationalists committed mass killings of the peaceful Polish population in Volhynia and Galicia, including women and children. According to historians, the killings were accompanied by sophisticated tortures, robbery and rape. Historians estimate the total number of victims of the Volhynian slaughter at about 50,000 to 60,000 people. Бiлорусь Belarus Польща Poland Киiв Kiev УПА-Захiд UPA-West УПА-Пiвнiч UPA-North УПА-Пiвдень UPA-South Territorial structure of the UPA / © Public domain
Annex 247
“While Ukraine was liberated by the Red Army, the UPA militants did not lay down their arms but went underground,” says Denis Akhremenko. According to historians, the UPA then turned to terrorist attacks against Soviet governmental structures as well as peaceful civilians of the Ukrainian SSR. Until the end of the Great Patriotic War, UPA leaders cooperated with Hitler’s secret services, receiving weapons and military equipment from them for as long as they could. During the war, the number of UPA militants varied between 15,000 and 60,000. “After the defeat of the Nazis, the UPA established close ties with British intelligence and received their support,” Dmitry Surzhik notes. Since the liberation of Western Ukraine from the Nazis and until the complete elimination of the UPA, it carried out more than 14,000 armed attacks, killing more than 30,000 Soviet citizens including more than 15,000 farmers and peasants, almost 2,000 intellectuals, 860 children, elderly people and women. UPA militants, 1947 / © Public domain Soviet secret services completed the liquidation of the OUN-UPA underground bandits in the 1950s. According to a rough estimate by historians, Banderites were involved in the killings of about 850,000 Jews, 220,000 Poles, 400,000 Soviet prisoners of war and 500,000 Ukrainian civilians during the war.
Annex 247
“Assessing the role of the UPA in the present time, we see paradoxical double standards; the authorities of most Western countries consider OUN-UPA militants to be Nazi criminals and collaborators while supporting the Kiev regime that glorifies them. It is against any logic,” Andrey Koshkin sums up. * The Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists – the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (OUN-UPA) is a Ukrainian organisation declared extremist and banned in Russia by the Judgment of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation of 17 November 2014.
Annex 248 Resolution of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland on paying tribute to the victims of the genocide committed by Ukrainian nationalists against citizens of the Second Republic of Poland in the years 1943 to 1945, 22 July 2016 (translation)

Annex 248
Translation
Resolution of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland on paying tribute to the victims of the
genocide committed by Ukrainian nationalists against citizens of the Second Republic of
Poland in the years 1943 to 1945, 22 July 2016, available at:
http://orka.sejm.gov.pl/proc8.nsf/uchwaly/625_u.htm.
RE SOLUT ION
OF THE S E JM O F THE R E PUBL IC O F POLAND
of 22 July 2016
on paying tribute to the victims of the genocide committed by Ukrainian nationalists
against the citizens of the Second Republic of Poland in the years 1943 to 1945
The lands of the former eastern provinces of the Republic of Poland were particularly hardhit
during the Second World War. The two greatest totalitarianisms of the 20th century, the Third
German Reich and the communist Soviet Union, clashed in these areas. The actions of the German
and Soviet occupiers created favourable conditions for hatred on national and religious grounds,
and attempts by representatives of the Polish Underground State to reach an agreement with
Ukrainian organisations were unsuccessful.
July 2016 marks the 73rd anniversary of the culmination of the crime committed against
the civilian population of the Eastern Borderlands of the Second Polish Republic by units of the
Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), and SS
Division "Galicia" and by other Ukrainian formations collaborating with the Germans. As a result
of the genocide committed in 1943 to 1945, more than one hundred thousand citizens of the Second
Polish Republic, mainly peasants, were murdered. Their exact number remains unknown to this
day, and many of them have still not been given a dignified burial and commemoration. In addition
to Poles, the murdered included Jews, Armenians, Czechs, and members of other national
minorities, as well as Ukrainians who sided with the victims. While recalling the crimes of the
Ukrainian nationalists, one can neither pass over in silence nor relativise the Polish reprisals
against Ukrainian villages, which also resulted in the deaths of civilians. All these tragic events
should be recalled for today's generations.
The victims of the crimes committed in the 1940s by Ukrainian nationalists have still not
been properly commemorated, and the mass murders have not been called genocide in accordance
with historical truth.
The Sejm of the Republic of Poland pays tribute to the memory of all citizens of the Second
Republic of Poland who were brutally murdered by Ukrainian nationalists.
The Sejm of the Republic of Poland expresses its highest appreciation to the soldiers of the
Home Army, the Borderland Sefl-Defence, and the Peasant Battalions, who heroically defended
civilians under a threat of attacks, and addresses a request to the President of the Republic of
Poland to honour these individuals with state decorations.
Annex 248
Therefore, the Sejm of the Republic of Poland decrees that 11 July, the anniversary of the culmination of the crime, shall be the National Day of Remembrance for the Victims of Genocide committed by Ukrainian nationalists against citizens of the Second Republic of Poland. The Sejm of the Republic of Poland calls for identifying and designating the places of the crimes, providing a dignified burial of all found victims, paying due honour and respect to those who were innocently tortured and murdered, and making complete lists of victims. The Sejm of the Republic of Poland calls for the continuation of the work for the purposes of reconciliation and dialogue, which was started by political and spiritual leaders, and for supporting cooperation among historians, including the expansion of access to state archives, and strengthening cooperation between the authorities of the Republic of Poland and Ukraine on the most important issues for the future of both nations. The Sejm of the Republic of Poland expresses its respect and gratitude to those Ukrainians who, risking their own lives, rescued Poles, and urges the President of the Republic of Poland to honour these individuals with state decorations. The Sejm of the Republic of Poland also reminds of the attitude shown by a significant part of the Ukrainian population who refused to participate in attacks on Poles. The Sejm of the Republic of Poland would like to thank the Kresovians and their descendants and people of good will who have been demanding the truth for decades, following the motto "It is not revenge but remembrance that the victims cry out for". The Sejm of the Republic of Poland expresses its solidarity with Ukraine fighting against external aggression to preserve its territorial integrity. The Sejm of the Republic of Poland expresses its conviction that the best way to reconciliation and mutual forgiveness is complete truth about history only. As St John Paul II said in Lvov in 2001, "May we all, by purifying our historical memory, be prepared to place that which unites us above that which divides us, so that together we can build a future based on mutual respect, fraternal cooperation and genuine solidarity." SPEAKER OF THE PARLIAMENT / - / Marek Kuchciński
Annex 249 Interfax.ua, Anti-Terrorist Measures to be Taken Against Separatists – Turchynov (7 April 2014)

Annex 249
AD
AD
AD
Facts
15:04
07.04.2014
Anti-terrorist measures to be taken against separatists -
Turchynov
14:47
08.11.2019
SBU conducting search of Kyiv-based Turchynov
and Partners office
12:47
29.05.2019
Turchynov on Shrufrych complaint to PGO: If
history was repeated, I would do the same thing
17:23
17.05.2019
Turchynov resigns as Ukrainian defense
secretary
11:55
08.05.2019
Verkhovna Rada Chairman and acting President Oleksandr
Turchynov has said that anti-terrorist measures will be
taken against separatists who seized administrative
buildings in Luhansk, Donetsk and Kharkiv regions using
arms.
"An anti-crisis headquarters was set up tonight, and antiterrorist
measures will be taken against those who took up arms," he said in a televised
address in Kyiv on Monday.
Tags: #turchynov
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1 of 2 9/27/2022, 2:41 PM

Annex 250
BBC News, Ukraine Crisis: Turchynov Announces Anti-Terror Operation (13 April 2014)

Annex 250
Ukraine crisis: Turchynov announces anti-terror
operation
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Acting Ukrainian President Oleksandr Turchynov said he would not allow a repetition of
what happened in Crimea which was annexed by Russia last month.
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Annex 251
The Economist, Ukraine’s top soldier runs a different kind of army from Russia’s
(15 December 2022)

Annex 251
Ukraine’s top soldier runs a different kind of army
from Russia’s
Valery Zaluzhny wants to encourage initiative and devolve authority
The office of Valery Zaluzhny, the head of Ukraine’s armed forces, has few personal touches bar a
framed photograph on his desk, of a soldier in uniform. “When I am at ease, when things are going
well, this picture is lying face down, I don’t need to look at it. When I have doubts about something
I put it up straight,” he explains.
The picture is currently upright. It shows the late General Hennady Vorobyov, who commanded
Ukraine’s ground forces from 2009 to 2014. He rejuvenated the top ranks, instilled a culture of
respect for subordinates and refused to deploy troops to suppress public protests in 2013-14. “I
look at the photograph trying to figure out what Hennady Vorobyov would do,” General Zaluzhny
says.
The Economist today
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Ukraine’s top soldier runs a different kind of army from Russia’s https://www.economist.com/zaluzhny-profile
Стр. 1 из 1 25.02.2023, 22:59

Annex 252
RT, Poroshenko Signs Laws Praising Ukraine Nationalists as ‘Freedom Fighters’
(16 May 2015)

Annex 252
Poroshenko signs laws praising Ukraine nationalists
as ‘freedom fighters’
RT
Ukrainian nationalists accused of having links to Nazi Germany have been legalized, praised as
freedom fighters and granted social benefits in legislation signed by president Poroshenko as part
of so-called ‘de-communisation’ package of laws.
Such paramilitary groups as Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian
Insurgent Army (UPA), as well as other underground groups that operated in Soviet Union from
1917 till 1991, have been declared “freedom fighters.”
“The law provides for state recognition of the struggle for Ukrainian independence in the
twentieth century and defines the legal status of participants in the struggle for Ukrainian
independence in the twentieth century,” an explanatory note to the document reads.
READ MORE: Ukraine bans Communism & Nazism, celebrates UPA nationalists as 'freedom
fighters'
The Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine adopted a law on April 9 when some 271 MPs officially recognizes
Ukrainian nationalists who actively collaborated with Nazis in the 20th century as “freedom
fighters.” Members of several official paramilitary groups, including OUN and UPA, notorious for
their bloody campaign in the 1940s are now granted social benefits by the new law.
According to the bill, actions by such organizations are now rendered lawful, as their goals and
methods “did not contradict” the United Nations Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights or other international acts. Historians estimate the OUN – UPA are responsible for at least
one million deaths, including a large number of Poles, Russians and Jews.
The quest to present Ukrainian nationalists as heroes, who were not just fighting against the Soviet
government but also bravely resisted the Nazi Germany invasion, has been in the making for over a
decade. Initially proposed in 2005 by then President Victor Yushchenko, the initiative struggled to
gain much public support. Protests against recognition of Nazi collaborators were held across the
country at that time.
READ MORE: Putin blasts ‘cynical attempts to rewrite history’ at Russia-China WWII conference
In 2010, Yushchenko did grant Stepan Bandera, the leader of OUN the posthumous title of Hero of
Ukraine. A year later, the award was annulled after being widely condemned by European
Parliament, Russian, Polish and Jewish organizations.
The ‘de-communization’ package of laws signed by Poroshenko on Friday also included a
Annex 252
legislation banning communist-era symbolic and propaganda, condemning Soviet government onpar with German Nazi regime. He also signed laws that will see the release of Soviet-era KGBarchives to public, and scrap the term Great Patriotic War from official use replacing it with WorldWar II.
Annex 253 The website of R. Khanna, Release: Rep. Khanna Leads Bipartisan Members in Condemning Anti-Semitism in Europe (25 April 2018)

Annex 253
RELEASE: Rep. Khanna Leads Bipartisan Members
In Condemning Anti-Semitism in Europe
Washington, DC – Congressman Ro Khanna (CA-17) and Congressman David N. Cicilline (RI-01)
are leading more than 50 House Republicans and Democrats in pushing for the U.S. Department
of State to exert diplomatic pressure on Ukraine and Poland for recent in incidents of statesponsored
Holocaust denial and anti-Semitism.
“We urge you to join us and human rights organizations in standing against anti-Semitism,
xenophobia, and all forms of intolerance by calling for the Polish and Ukrainian governments to
unequivocally reject Holocaust distortion and the honoring of Nazi collaborators and fully
prosecute anti-Semitic crimes,” the Members wrote in a letter to Deputy Secretary of State John
Sullivan. “We also ask that you detail what steps are being taken by the United States (U.S.)
government to monitor instances of Holocaust distortion and ensure that the U.S. is not
supporting or funding groups and individuals that promote or justify anti-Semitism. We believe
these steps must include a firm request that these offensive laws be repealed.”
“Our government should be concerned with the resurgence of anti-Semitism in Ukraine and
Poland,” said Rep. Khanna. “The State Department must use all available diplomatic channels to
work with the Ukrainian and Polish government to combat the rise of this hateful ideology which
has historically threatened peace and security in the region.”
The full text of the letter is embedded below and a PDF copy is available here.
--------------------------------------------------------------
April 23, 2018
The Honorable John Sullivan
Deputy Secretary of State
U.S. Department of State
2201 C Street NW
Washington, DC 20520
Dear Deputy Secretary Sullivan:
We write to express our dismay about recent reports of state-sponsored Holocaust distortion and
denial taking place in Europe, particularly in Poland and Ukraine. These developments are
unacceptable, especially given today’s global surge of anti-Semitism.
We urge you to join us and human rights organizations in standing against anti-Semitism,
xenophobia, and all forms of intolerance by calling for the Polish and Ukrainian governments to
RELEASE: Rep. Khanna Leads Bipartisan Members In Condemning ... https://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:nl_Euw_bf...
Стр. 1 из 4 05.03.2023, 19:52
Annex 253
unequivocally reject Holocaust distortion and the honoring of Nazi collaborators and fullyprosecute anti-Semitic crimes. We also ask that you detail what steps are being taken by the UnitedStates (U.S.) government to monitor instances of Holocaust distortion and ensure that the U.S. isnot supporting or funding groups and individuals that promote or justify anti-Semitism. Webelieve these steps must include a firm request that these offensive laws be repealed.While the legal questions and historical contexts of Ukraine and Poland differ, developments inboth countries are cause for concern. Earlier this year, Warsaw passed a law making it a criminaloffense to state that Poland participated in the Holocaust. The law, which was rightfully criticizedby the U.S. State Department, the Israeli government, and others, was accompanied by a surge ofanti-Semitic remarks. The Israeli Embassy in Warsaw reported being flooded by anti-Semiticvitriol, while members of the Polish Jewish community expressed concern at rising tensions in thewake of the law. Despite Polish President Andrzej Duda’s assurances that the law would not beused to stifle free speech, a lawsuit has already been filed against an Argentinian newspaper usingthis law; Jan Dziedziczak, the Deputy Director of the Polish Foreign Ministry, has demanded thatIsrael change an exhibit in Yad Vashem in Jerusalem; and an Israeli mayor was forced to cancel acommemoration ceremony after he refused local authorities’ demands to remove references toPolish complicity in the Holocaust from his speech.Ukraine’s 2015 memory laws went even further by glorifying Nazi collaborators and making it acriminal offense to deny their “heroism.” However, unlike the Polish law, this move by thegovernment in Kyiv has received little to no public response from the United States. The groupsand individuals extolled by Ukraine include Nazi collaborators Stepan Bandera, RomanShukhevych, and the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), as well as the UkrainianInsurgent Army (UPA). These paramilitaries and individuals in some cases collaborated with theNazis and bear responsibility for the murder of thousands of Jews, 70,000-100,000 Poles, andother ethnic minorities between 1941 and 1945. It’s particularly troubling that much of the Nazi glorification in Ukraine is government-supported.Examples include the 2017 pro-UPA campaign conducted by the Ukrainian Institute of NationalMemory; the naming of streets after Bandera and Shukhevych by the Kyiv city council; and L’viv’s2017 “ShukhevychFest” which took place on the anniversary of the 1941 L’viv Pogroms in which4000 Jews were killed.State-sponsored Holocaust revisionism in Ukraine is accompanied by other forms of anti-Semitism. As Israel’s Department of Diaspora Affairs pointed out in its annual report on anti-Semitism, the whitewashing of these Ukrainian “heroes” has coincided with the increasingincidence of anti-Semitism across Ukraine. This includes desecration of Holocaust memorials andJewish places of worship, such as the desecration of a holy tomb in Uman with a swastika-carvedpig’s head; a January 2017 march in honor of Bandera, during which participants chanted “JewsOut!”; as well as last summer’s firebombing of a L’viv synagogue during “ShukhevychFest.” Last November, Radio Free Europe reported on the presence of torches and Nazi salutes at aRELEASE: Rep. Khanna Leads Bipartisan Members In Condemning ...https://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:nl_Euw_bf...Стр. 2 из 405.03.2023, 19:52
Annex 253
20,000-person march in honor of the 75th anniversary of the UPA. These torchlight marches areclosely linked to organizations such as the neo-Nazi Azov Battalion, an armed group that wasprohibited from receiving U.S. weapons and training by the recently signed ConsolidatedAppropriations Act of 2018. Rather than disband Azov, the government incorporated it into theUkrainian National Guard overseen by the Ministry of the Interior. The group is widely known tobe closely connected to Interior Minister Arsen Avakov. The deeply troubling actions by Poland and Ukraine have been repeatedly condemned by the U.S.Holocaust Memorial Museum, the Simon Wiesenthal Center, the National Coalition SupportingEurasian Jewry, the World Jewish Congress, Yad Vashem, and the Israeli government.As members of the U.S. Congress, we have steadfastly supported Poland’s and Ukraine’s quest tobuild democratic nations. However, we are deeply concerned that the rise of anti-Semitism anddenial of the past will stymie these countries’ democratic development and prevent Poland andUkraine from becoming a free and open societies for all their citizens, Jewish and non-Jewishalike. The developments in these two countries, while particularly egregious, must also be taken incontext of a rise in glorification of Holocaust-era officials throughout Europe, including Hungary,Slovakia, Romania and the Baltic States. This is a troubling trend that must elicit a strong responsefrom our government.Therefore, we respectfully request that you respond to our serious concerns with a detaileddescription of what actions the State Department is taking to work with the Polish and Ukrainiangovernments, and other governments in the region, to combat the rise of anti-Semitism andHolocaust-denial and distortion.Additionally, at this moment that anti-Semitism and Holocaust denial is increasing around theworld, we ask that you immediately appoint someone for the position of Special Envoy to Monitorand Combat anti-Semitism. The longer this position, which has worldwide reach, sits unfilled, themore it sends the message that the U.S. will tolerate anti-Semitism and Holocaust denial.Moreover, we recognize the important work that is carried out by the Special Envoy for HolocaustIssues, and ask that you ensure that his office has the resources necessary to meet the growingchallenges in this arena.The United States must assume a leadership position by firmly standing against anti-Semitism andensuring that our Eastern European allies continue to develop democracies that are fair and just toall.We thank you for your attention to this important matter.Sincerely,###About the OfficeCongressman Khanna represents the 17th District of California, which covers communities inRELEASE: Rep. Khanna Leads Bipartisan Members In Condemning ...https://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:nl_Euw_bf...Стр. 3 из 405.03.2023, 19:52

Annex 254
The Times of Israel, Ukrainian marchers in Kiev chant ‘Jews out’ (3 January 2017)

Annex 254
Ukrainian marchers in Kiev chant ‘Jews out’
By JTA
Ukrainian nationalists in Kiev chanted “Jews out” in German at a New Year’s Day march
celebrating the birthday of a Nazi collaborator whose troops killed thousands of Jews.
Thousands attended the event in the center of the Ukrainian capital celebrating Stepan Bandera, a
leader of Ukraine’s nationalist movement in the 1930s and ’40s. They held up his portrait while an
unidentified person shouted the anti-Semitic slogan on a loudspeaker, prompting many
participants to repeat it, a video published by the Federal News Agency showed.
Bandera’s movement included an insurgent army which fought alongside Nazi soldiers during part
of World War II. Supporters of Bandera claim they sided with the Nazis against the Soviet army,
believing that Adolf Hitler would grant Ukraine independence. Bandera was assassinated in 1959
by Russia’s KGB in West Germany.
Israel’s Judiciary: Reform or Ruin?Keep Watching
Oleksandr Feldman, a Ukrainian Jewish lawmaker and president of the Ukrainian Jewish
Committee, called on authorities to investigate the march and prosecute those responsible for the
hateful slogans.
Ukrainian WWII figure Stepan Bandera, the leader of the Ukrainian nationalist and independence
URL: https://www.timesofisrael.com/ukrainian-marchers-in-kiev-chant-jews-out/
Annex 254
movement who in the 1940s encouraged members to ‘destroy’ Jews. (Wikimedia)“I still can’t get over hearing it at the rally in honor of Stepan Bandera’s birthday,” Feldman wrotein an emotional post on Facebook Tuesday. “I admit, I’m choking up with tears. I love Ukraine,love the Ukrainians.”Get The Times of Israel's Daily Editionby email and never miss our top storiesBy signing up, you agree to the termsAdding that the chants came from a “gang of a few idiots who don’t represent anyone,” henonetheless wrote: “I can’t ignore it when I, a man who worked so much for my country and city,created the hundreds and thousands of jobs, am being screamed at by some bastards to leave myhomeland.”Feldman also accused the Svoboda party, a far-right movement whose leaders and followers oftenhave engaged in anti-Semitic hate speech, of being responsible for what he termed “a provocation”during the march.Bandera is being celebrated across Ukraine as a national hero. In July he had a street named afterhim, also in Kiev, despite protests from the Jewish community.Several other Ukrainian nationalists with ties to anti-Semitic acts and policies before and duringthe Holocaust have been the subject of veneration in Ukraine in recent years, especially after theousting in 2014 of President Viktor Yanukovych in a bloody revolution over his alleged corruptionand ties to Russia.Is our work important to you?Do you rely on The Times of Israel for accurate and insightful news on Israel and the Jewishworld? If so, please join The Times of Israel Community. For as little as $6/month, you will:Support our independent journalism;Enjoy an ad-free experience on the ToI site, apps and emails; andGain access to exclusive content shared only with the ToI Community, including weekly lettersfrom founding editor David Horovitz.Join the Times of Israel Community Join our Community Already a member? Sign in to stopseeing this
Annex 255 Haaretz, Ukraine Designates National Holiday to Commemorate Nazi Collaborator (27 December 2018)

Annex 255
Ukraine designates national holiday to
commemorate Nazi collaborator - Europe
JTA, Cnaan Liphshiz
Ukraine designated the birthday of a Nazi collaborator as a national holiday and banned a book on
the anti-Semitic actions of another national leader.
The Ukrainian parliament last week declared January 1 as a national day of commemoration for
Stepan Bandera, who briefly joined forces with the Nazi occupation of Ukraine. A nationalist,
Bandera hoped the Germans would allow his country sovereignty from the Soviet Union, though
the Nazis later arrested him.
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Some of his supporters at the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, which he headed, committed
countless war crimes against Jews.
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The region of Lviv, Bandera’s native city, this month declared 2019 “Stepan Bandera Year,”
sparking protests by Israel. Tarik Youssef Cyril Amar, the former academic director of Lviv’s
Center for Urban History of East Central Europe, this week returned an award conferred on him by
the city in protest.
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Separately, Ukraine’s State Committee on Television and Radio Broadcasting banned “Book of
Thieves” by Swedish historian Anders Rydell, which includes critical analysis of the actions of
Symon Petliura, an early-20th century nationalist whose troops murdered countless Jews in
pogroms beginning in 1919.
The December 10 decree banning the book accused Rydell of “inciting ethnic, racial and religious
hatred,” the Regnum news agency reported Wednesday.
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Annex 255
A Russia-born Jew killed Petliura in Paris in 1929 as revenge for the pogroms.“The whole book ban is very symbolic in itself,” said Ukrainian Jewish Committee Director EduardDolinsky. Both communist and Nazi authorities systematically banned books.Ukraine designates national holiday to commemorate Nazi collaborato...https://www.haaretz.com/world-news/europe/2018-12-27/ty-article/uk...Стр. 2 из 225.02.2023, 23:33
Annex 256 Kyiv Post, 2019 Declared Year of Stepan Bandera in Lviv Region (13 December 2018)

Annex 256
Home / Ukraine / 2019 declared year of Stepan Bandera in Lviv region
2019 declared year of Stepan
Bandera in Lviv region
The Lviv Regional Council has decided to declare the year of 2019 to be the year of the leader of the
Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) Stepan Bandera. The decision was made on the occasion
by Interfax-Ukraine | December 13, 2018, 1􀀁00 pm | Comments (0)
EN
War Ukraine World Economics Videos Opinions Classi􀀁eds
    COPY LINK
The Lviv Regional Council has decided to declare the year of 2019 to be the year of the
leader of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) Stepan Bandera.
The decision was made on the occasion of the 110th birthday anniversary of Stepan
Bandera that is to be marked in 2019, the press service of the Lviv Regional Council said.
A plan of measures to celebrate the year of Stepan Bandera is to be developed by the Lviv
Regional Council and the Lviv Region State Administration.

War Ukraine World Economics Classi􀀁eds EN
2019 declared year of Stepan Bandera in Lviv region https://www.kyivpost.com/post/7627
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Annex 256
Also, members of the Lviv Regional Council decided to declare the year of 2019 to be theyear of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists on the occasion of the 90th anniversaryof the OUN.Comments (0)BestOldestNewestWrite the 􀀂rst comment for this!Share your thoughts about this.RELATED ARTICLES11 hours agoWAR IN UKRAINEISW Russian O􀀁ensiveCampaign Assessment,February 24, 2023By Kyiv Post12 hours agoWAR IN UKRAINE‘In Which Year?’ – UkrainianSoldiers in Donetsk MockPutin’s Order to CaptureDonbas by MarchBy Kyiv PostWarUkraineWorldEconomicsClassi􀀁edsEN2019 declared year of Stepan Bandera in Lviv regionhttps://www.kyivpost.com/post/7627Стр. 2 из 425.02.2023, 23:37
Annex 257 Gazeta.ru, “Glorification of Nazism”: Kiev March Criticised by Germany (2 January 2019) (translation)

Annex 257
Translation
Gazeta.ru, “Glorification of Nazism”: Kiev March Criticised by Germany
(2 January 2019), available at: https://www.gazeta.ru/social/2019/01/02/12116881.shtml.
“Glorification of Nazism”: Kiev March Criticised by Germany
March in Honour of Bandera in Kiev Criticised by Bundestag
By Rafael Fakhrutdinov
© RIA Novosti
The torchlight procession in honour of the extremist Stepan Bandera that took place in Kiev the
day before was criticised by the Bundestag and called “glorification of Nazism”. Czech
President Milos Zeman called upon the Czech leaders to protest against the “glorification of
war criminals” in Ukraine. Earlier, the President of Ukraine Pyotr Poroshenko placed the OUNUPA*
extremists who fought on the side of the Third Reich troops on the same footing as the
Ukrainian veterans of the Second World War who fought on the side of the USSR.
Petr Bystron, a German MP from the Alternative for Germany party, criticised harshly the
torchlight procession in honour of nationalist Stepan Bandera (who headed the Organisation of
Ukrainian Nationalists – the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (declared extremist and banned in the
Russian Federation)) that took place in Kiev the day before.
“I think that this is a big problem for the Ukrainian government – the glorification of Nazi
henchmen. The heinous crimes of the Nazis during the Second World War are to be condemned
and should not be forgotten. Anyone who praises and celebrates such acts tramples on the
memory of millions of victims of Nazism,” the German politician is quoted as saying by the
FAN.
On the first day of 2019, nationalists held a torchlight procession in Kiev to celebrate Stepan
Annex 257
Bandera’s 110th birthday anniversary. The festivities began near the Opera House in downtown Kiev. Representatives of various Ukrainian nationalist movements marched in formation in camouflage and uniform hats. The marchers carried posters and banners with images of Bandera, fired up torches, shouted “Glory to Ukraine!” and gave away greeting cards with congratulations on the New Year and Bandera’s birthday. The nationalists marched to the Maidan Square where speeches were made. Ukrainian MP Andrey Ilyenko called the 2019 “a decisive year for the future of Ukraine”. “... if we are not active and don’t convey our ideas to the public, the situation is going to be critical. Only we, the union of Ukrainians, will be able to resist the revanchist anti-Ukrainian forces. Ukraine will be saved by nationalists, not by clowns or oligarchs,” said the MP. A day before that, Czech President Milos Zeman called upon the Czech leadership to protest against the “glorification of war criminals” in Ukraine, as his press secretary wrote in a Twitter post. “The President publicly called upon the Czech Republic to officially protest against the glorification of war criminals in Ukraine,” the post reads. On the same day, the President of Ukraine Pyotr Poroshenko placed the OUN-UPA extremists who fought on the side of the Third Reich troops on the same footing as the Ukrainian veterans of the Second World War who fought on the side of the USSR. The Ukrainian leader has endorsed the amendments to the Law on the Status of War Veterans and Their Social Welfare Guarantees that are aimed at enhancing social welfare measures for nationalist organisation members. The categories of persons whose social welfare has been enhanced by the Presidential Decree include members of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (the organisation is banned in Russia), armed units of the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists, and a number of other nationalist organisations. After the law takes effect, such persons will have the governmental social welfare guarantees as combatants. In this regard, Sergei Tsekov, a member of the Federation Council Committee on International Affairs, said that the head of the Ukrainian state made all his decisions in line with the current political climate. A senator from Crimea thinks that Poroshenko is doing everything he can to earn some extra political points. Since his anti-rating is off the charts, he is forced to rely on radical Ukrainian nationalists. “What will this decision lead to? In fact, it downplays the results of the Great Patriotic War,” the Russian senator speculates. Earlier this month, Ukrainian MPs from the Pyotr Poroshenko Bloc and the People’s Front
Annex 257
factions of the Verkhovnaya Rada came up with a bill to re-award the title of Hero to Stepan Bandera. Moreover, the Ukrainian parliament proposed to officially celebrate Bandera’s birthday, the NSN reports. The Russian Foreign Ministry noted that the introduction of a “Bandera Day” would not be surprising against the background of the “bacchanalia” seen in Ukraine around memorial dates and holidays. “The lack of a proper response to all this from the Western handlers of Kiev, international organisations and human rights structures that care so much about “democratic values” is regretful,” the commentary said. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs added that the worshipping of such “vile historical characters” testifies to the contemptuous attitude towards the Ukrainian people and Bandera’s “numerous victims”. Last autumn, Warsaw expressed its outrage at the statement of the Ukrainian Ambassador to Poland, Andrey Deshchytsia, that Poles would be allowed to carry out search and exhumation activities on the Ukrainian territory only if Warsaw began to restore the monuments to nationalists that had been destroyed. The ideology of Ukrainian nationalism is widely supported in Ukraine. In August, Poroshenko opened a military parade in Kiev on the Independence Day of his country with the words from the March of Ukrainian Nationalists.

Annex 258
Times of Israel, Hundreds of Ukrainian Nationalists March in Honor of Nazi Collaborator
(1 January 2022)

Annex 258
KYIV, Ukraine — Hundreds of Ukrainian nationalists held a torchlight march in the capital of Kyiv to mark the
birthday of Stepan Bandera, the leader of a rebel militia that fought alongside Nazi soldiers in World War II.
The Sunday march came amid persistently high concerns over Russia’s massing of troops near the Ukrainian border,
which many believe could be a prelude to an invasion. A large sector of eastern Ukraine has been under the control of
Russia-backed separatist rebels since 2014.
“Today, when there is a war with the occupier at the front, and the struggle against the ‘􀀁fth column’ continues in the
rear, we remember and honor the memory of Stepan Bandera,” said Andriy Tarasenko, leader of the nationalist party
Right Sector.
During World War II, Bandera led the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, whose men killed thousands of Jews and Poles,
including women and children, while 􀀁ghting alongside Nazi Germany against the Red Army and communists.
Bandera’s supporters claim that they sided with the Nazis against the Soviet army in the belief that Adolf Hitler
would grant independence to Ukraine.
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Expressions of admiration for Bandera and other collaborators have increased in scope and status following the 2014
revolution in Ukraine, which toppled the regime of Viktor Yanukovych amid claims that he is a Russian stooge, and
triggered an armed con􀀂ict with Russia.
Hundreds of Ukrainian nationalists march in
honor of Nazi collaborator
Stepan Bandera led Ukrainian Insurgent Army, which fought alongside Nazi Germany during WWII, killing
thousands of Jews and Poles
By AGENCIES
1 January 2022, 10:34 pm
Activists of various nationalist parties carry torches during a rally in Kyiv, Ukraine, on January 1, 2022. (AP Photo/Efrem Lukatsky)
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Annex 258
Activists of various nationalist parties carry torches and a portrait of Stepan Bandera during a rally in Kyiv, Ukraine, on Saturday, January 1, 2022. (AP Photo/Efrem Lukatsky)The veneration of Nazi collaborators, including killers of Jews, is a growing phenomenon in Eastern Europe, wheremany consider such individuals as heroes because they resisted Soviet Communism.‘Modern slavery’:How foreigncaregivers in Israelhave been extortedfor decadesJudicial overhaulwill leave the rightto vote unprotected,admits MK leadingeffortIsrael bombsHamas sites inGaza, hours afterrockets shot towardAshkelon, SderotBank of Israel chiefsaid to warneconomic crisis‘could break outwithin a moment’US ‘deeplyconcerned’ by largenumber of civilianinjuries, deaths inNablus raidHead of think tankthat helped shapelegal overhaul callsoverride clause‘stupid’Six rockets 􀀁redfrom Gaza towardsouthern Israel inapparent reprisal‘South Park’ ripsinto Harry andMeghan in latestepisodeMOST POPULAR12345678Discussions are moderated for civility. Read the guidelines here.Conversation12 CommentsLog inSign upWhat do you think?Sort by BestOMOleksandr Mudrenko3 January, 2022Bandera and the crimes of his followers are a dark page in Ukrainian history. People who called themselves Bandera actively participated in the mass executions of people on ethnic, religious and ideological grounds. This is a proven fact, moreover, the "UPA Chronicles" published in Canada contain c...See moreReply·17·SharePowered byTerms|Privacy|FeedbackShow More CommentsHundreds of Ukrainian nationalists march in honor of Nazi collaborato...https://www.timesofisrael.com/hundreds-of-ukrainian-nationalists-ma...Стр. 2 из 225.02.2023, 23:41
Annex 259 Ternopol City Council, From now on, the Ternopol City Stadium will bear the name of UPA Commander-in-Chief Roman Shukhevych (5 March 2021) (translation)

Annex 259
Translation
Ternopol City Council, From now on, the Ternopol City Stadium will bear the name of UPA
Commander-in-Chief Roman Shukhevych (5 March 2021), available at:
https://ternopilcity.gov.ua/news/46912.html
Ternopol City Council
official website
From now on, the Ternopol City Stadium will bear the name of UPA Commander-in-Chief
Roman Shukhevych
On 5 March, a session of the Ternopol City Council decided that the city stadium be named
"Roman Shukhevych Ternopol City Stadium".
"On this special day, we honour the memory of Roman Shukhevych, the Hero of Ukraine,
Commander-in-Chief of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army. It is very symbolic that we are making an
important decision to name the central stadium 'Roman Shukhevych Ternopol City Stadium'
today" Mayor Sergey Nadal said. - "The UPA Commander-in-Chief was not only an exemplary
commander, but also a good athlete and leader in many sports. And right now, the sports and
patriotic competitions "XI Shukhevych Cup" are taking place in Ternopol."
With due regard for the courage and unyielding determination of the Commander-in-Chief of the
Ukrainian Insurgent Army Roman Shukhevych in the national liberation struggle and his selfsacrifice
in the name of the Ukrainian people, the members of the City Council unanimously
supported the proposal of the Mayor to name the stadium "Roman Shukhevych Ternopol City
Stadium".

Annex 260
Gazeta.ru, Kiev Residents Vote to Rename Tulskaya Square in Honour of “UPA Heroes”
(21 June 2022)
(translation)

Annex 260
Translation
Gazeta.ru, Kiev Residents Vote to Rename Tulskaya Square in Honour of “UPA Heroes”
(21 June 2022), available at:
https://www.gazeta.ru/politics/news/2022/06/21/17974814.shtml.
Kiev Residents Vote to Rename Tulskaya Square in Honour of “UPA
Heroes”*
By Maxim Yermolov
© RIA Novosti
A voting in the “Digital Kiev” application for renaming toponyms “associated with Russia” has
resulted in that fact that Tulskaya Street and Tulskaya Square can be named in honour of the
“Heroes of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA; recognised as an extremist organisation and
banned in Russia), Strana.ua reports.
In addition, the majority of the voters supported the renaming of Leo Tolstoy Street to Ukrainian
Heroes Street and Marshal Malinovsky Street to Heroes of the Azov Regiment Street and voted
to rename Bakunin Street in honour of Ulas Samchuk, a Ukrainian writer and journalist who
collaborated with Nazi Germany.
Groznenska Street and Kislovodskaya Street in Kiev were decided to be renamed to Ichkerskaya
Street and Mirgorodskaya Street, respectively. In addition, Kiev residents proposed to
perpetuate the memory of Andriy Melnyk, the leader of a branch of the Organisation of
Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) (banned in Russia) that was considered more loyal to the Nazis,
instead of Soviet Major General Vasily Tupikov.
Earlier, in the context of the special military operation, the Ukrainian authorities decided to
change the traditional names of some food stuffs.
* the organization is banned in Russia

Annex 261
Lenta.ru, Turgenev Street Renamed in Honour of UPA Fighters in Lvov (17 April 2008)
(translation)

Annex 261
Translation
Lenta.ru, Turgenev Street Renamed in Honour of UPA Fighters in Lvov (17 April 2008),
available at: https://lenta.ru/news/2008/04/17/street/.
Turgenev Street Renamed in Honour of UPA Fighters in Lvov
The Lvov City Council decided to rename Ivan Turgenev Street in honour of the Heroes of the
Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), Interfax reports. 69 out of the 90 deputies supported the idea.
According to IA REGNUM, no one voted against, with the remaining 16 parliamentarians in the
hall simply refraining from the vote.
The parliamentary resolution notes that the street was renamed in respect for the memory of the
“UPA soldiers – participants in the heroic struggle for the liberation of Ukraine from Nazism
and the Communist terror”.
The Lvov Communists opposed that decision. Aleksander Kalinyuk, First Secretary of the local
branch of the Communist Party of Ukraine, has repeatedly stated that if the street is renamed,
he will appeal to the court and arrange for protests.
The Ukrainian Insurgent Army, the combat wing of the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists
(OUN), fought against both German and Red Army troops during World War II. After the end
of the war, UPA members continued to fight against the Soviet authorities.

Annex 262
RT, Poland Wants Ukraine to Admit Genocide (16 August 2022)

Annex 262
Poland wants Ukraine to admit genocide
RT
A deputy culture minister says the 1943 Volhyn massacres fit the definition of genocide and Kiev
will have to recognize that
The mass murder of Poles by Ukrainian nationalists during the Second World War meets the
definition of genocide and the government in Kiev will have to recognize this sooner or later,
Poland’s Deputy Minister of Culture and National Heritage Jaroslaw Sellin said on Tuesday.
“They have to acknowledge it because it’s a fact. It’s simply a fact. A political decision was made
and implemented for ethnic cleansing, the extermination of the entire national minority that has
lived there for centuries,” Sellin told the Polish Press Agency (PAP) during a TV interview.
“This is genocide, it fits all the parameters of the definition of genocide, so there is no discussion
here. This is a historical fact. Sooner or later, the Ukrainians will have to recognize it,” he added.
Polish historians say between 100,000-130,000 ethnic Poles were massacred by Stepan Bandera’s
Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA). In 2016, the parliament in Warsaw adopted a resolution
establishing July 11 as a day of commemorating the genocide, referring to the date on which the
UPA attacked 150 Polish towns in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia. The parliament in Kiev responded
by denouncing the resolution as counterproductive.
Poland has put together a proposal for a joint working group and sent the list of its members to the
Ministry of Culture in Kiev, Sellin told PAP. The working group would start the search for mass
graves, organize exhumations and proper burials, and put up monuments to commemorate the
dead.
“We are waiting for a personnel proposal from the Ukrainian side,” he said.
Part of the problem, Sellin said, was the Ukrainian government policy of glorifying the UPA as
Ukrainian nationalists who fought against the Soviet Union – while ignoring the other things they
did, such as the genocide of Poles. As a result, he said, there is a “real ignorance” of the Volhyn
massacres in Ukraine.
Poland wants Ukraine to admit genocide https://www.rt.com/news/560961-poland-ukraine-genocide-bandera/
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Annex 262
Poland’s task is to build a common historical truth, the deputy minister said, adding that theUkrainians will “sooner or later come to the point where part of the traditions of this militaryformation and the nationalist political movements behind it are unacceptable, worthy ofcondemnation.”Bandera and the UPA are national heroes in present-day Ukraine, officially established as such in2010 by the US-backed government of President Viktor Yushchenko.Poland wants Ukraine to admit genocidehttps://www.rt.com/news/560961-poland-ukraine-genocide-bandera/Стр. 2 из 225.02.2023, 23:44
Annex 263 People’s World, Ukraine’s Ally Poland Demands It Stop Glorifying Nazi Collaborators (18 August 2022)

Annex 263
  
Search

Ukrainian fascists carry torches and a portrait of Stepan Bandera during a rally in Kiev, Jan. 1, 2022.
The rally was organized to mark the birthday of Bandera, founder of an armed group that fought against
the USSR and aided Hitler during his invasion of Soviet Ukraine in 1941. Poland is demanding that the
Ukrainian government stop glorifying Bandera and recognize the genocide of Poles and others that he
helped commit during WWII. | Efrem Lukatsky / AP
Ukraine must acknowledge the genocide of Poles by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) in
World War II, a Polish official says.
Warsaw has proposed a joint commission to exhume mass graves and give victims a proper
burial but received no response from Kiev, Deputy Culture Minister Jaroslaw Sellin told
Ukraine’s ally Poland demands it stop glorifying Nazi
collaborators
| BY MORNING STAR

August 18, 2022 | 10:57 AM CDT
Ukraine’s ally Poland demands it stop glorifying Nazi collaborators –... https://www.peoplesworld.org/article/ukraines-ally-poland-demands-it...
Стр. 1 из 6 25.02.2023, 23:45
Annex 263
Children play around the monument to Stepan Bandera, Hitler’s WWII allyin Ukraine, erected by the government in Lviv, Western Ukraine, March 19,2022. Bandera’s forces helped the Nazis in their genocidal rampagethrough Soviet Ukraine during the war. | Bernat Armangue / APreporters on Tuesday.Ukrainian authorities have rebuffed protests from Poland and Israel about their glorificationof Nazi collaborator Stepan Bandera and his organization the UPA, which massacred over130,000 Jews and Poles in an ethnic cleansing program during the Second World War.Bandera, who fought with the Nazis against the Soviet Union, has been given Ukrainiannational hero status as an anti-Soviet militant since the “Maidan” coup of 2014, with hisbirthday named a public holiday in his honor.The publicrehabilitation of Nazicollaboratorsprovided RussianPresident VladimirPutin with one of theclaims he used to tryto justify his invasionof Ukraine inFebruary.Sellin said the UPA’smassacres met thedefinition ofgenocide. “This is a historical fact. Sooner or later, Ukraine will have to acknowledge it,” hesaid.“The traditions of this military formation and the nationalist political movements behind it areunacceptable, worthy of condemnation.“They have to acknowledge it because it’s a fact. It’s simply a fact. A political decision wasmade and implemented for ethnic cleansing, the extermination of the entire national minorityUkraine’s ally Poland demands it stop glorifying Nazi collaborators –...https://www.peoplesworld.org/article/ukraines-ally-poland-demands-it...Стр. 2 из 625.02.2023, 23:45
Annex 263
that has lived there for centuries,” a Polish diplomat added.Poland designated July 11 a national day in memory of the genocide in 2016, earning arebuke from Ukraine, which has also dismissed Israeli objections to rallies celebratingBandera as “counterproductive.”Morning StarTAGS:historyNazisPolandRussiaUkrainewarCONTRIBUTORMorning StarMorning Star is the socialist daily newspaper published in Great Britain. MorningStar es el diario socialista publicado en Gran Bretaña.RELATED ARTICLESDr. Martin Luther King on the legacy of W.E.B. Du BoisUkraine’s ally Poland demands it stop glorifying Nazi collaborators –...https://www.peoplesworld.org/article/ukraines-ally-poland-demands-it...Стр. 3 из 625.02.2023, 23:45

Annex 264
Golos Sokalshchiny, Memorial Plaque Unveiled on the Facade of Yury Lipa District Central
Library in Yavorov (20 August 2020)
(translation)

Annex 264
Translation
Golos Sokalshchiny, Memorial Plaque Unveiled on the Facade of Yury Lipa District
Central Library in Yavorov (20 August 2020), available at:
https://golossokal.com.ua/ru/novyny-kultury/y-misti-iavorovi-vidbylos-vidkrittiamemorialnoi-
tablici-na-fasadi-raionnoi-centralnoi-biblioteki-imeni-uriia-lipi.html.
Memorial Plaque Unveiled on the Facade of Yury Lipa District Central
Library in Yavorov
On 19 August 2020, on the 76th anniversary of the death of Yury Lipa, a memorial plaque was
unveiled on the facade of the District Central Library named after Yuri Lipa in the urban-type
settlement of Yavorov on the occasion of the 120th anniversary of his birth.
During the event, the libraries of the Yavorov District were solemnly presented with a book
titled “Folk Art Treasury of Yavorov District” as written by V. Yaryomin.
Ivan Sobko, Deputy Head of the Lvov Regional State Administration, Vitaly Denega, First
Deputy Chair of the Yavoriv District State Administration, Vladimir Dzyunka, Deputy Chair
of the Yavorov District State Administration, Vladimir Sichak, Chair of the Yavorov District
Council, and representatives of various public organisations took part in the event.
“Today’s opening of the memorial plaque named after Yury Lipa makes it possible once again
to pay tribute and thank this public figure and spiritual guide of the Ukrainian people for his
heroism. We must remember such heroes who served for the benefit of the Ukrainian people
with their lives and work”, says Ivan Sobko.
It is worth noting that the opening of the plaque was to be held on the 5th of May 2020 but was
postponed due to the quarantine.
Annex 264
Reference information: In the house where the Yavorov District Central Library named after Yury Lipa is now located, Dr. Yury Lipa delivered his lectures in 1943 and 1944.
Annex 265 EurAsia Daily, OUN-UPA “Euthanasiologist” Doctor Honoured in Lvov Region (22 August 2020) (translation)

Annex 265
Translation
EurAsia Daily, OUN-UPA “Euthanasiologist” Doctor Honoured in Lvov Region
(22 August 2020), available at: https://eadaily.com/ru/news/2020/08/22/v-lvovskoyoblasti-
chestvuyut-vracha-evtanaziologa-iz-oun-upa.
OUN-UPA “Euthanasiologist” Doctor Honoured in Lvov Region
The plaque in honour of Yury Lipa in the Yavorov district library was for some reason placed
next to the WC door. The photo is from Eduard Dolinsky’s Facebook page.
On the 23rd of August, Ukraine celebrates the Day of the National Flag, followed by the
Independence Day on the 24th of August. In the district centre of Yavorov, Lvov Region,
these special occasion days for the Ukrainian state are celebrated in dedication to Yury
Lipa, a doctor and a Nazi criminal who was in charge of the OUN-UPA medical courses
(the organisation is banned in Russia). Commemorative plaques in honour of Yury Lipa
have been placed on the facade and inside the Yavorov district library (which is named
after this Ukrainian Nazi as well); cultural heritage evenings are held in the district by
young nationalist scouts from the Plast Association.
Alongside his medical practice, Yury Lipa was an active political publicist and is viewed as one
of the most prominent thinkers of Ukrainian nationalism. Here are a few examples of his
political philosophy:
"Only Ukrainian uniqueness gives ample opportunities for an expansion of the Ukrainian race.
The uniqueness of Ukrainians asserts the power of their subconscious racial predecessors; the
Goths and Hellenes. Interbreeding with Muscovites is a phenomenon that has been unknown to
the Ukrainian race. Historically, the poorest Ukrainian woman would be ashamed to marry
even the richest Muscovite. The poorest of Ukrainian peasants would never hire themselves out
Annex 265
to work in Muscovite villages. Taras Shevchenko's “Cherry Orchard by the House” is now our anti-Muscovite driving lever, because the thriftless and devoid of any tradition Urals-Finnish spirit of hatred towards the Ukrainian family is influencing upon Ukraine to push it away from Moscow” (The Cause of Ukraine, 1938); "Jewish handlers treat the peoples of the Soviets as a rural kike does his horse: he whips it endlessly until the horse finally gets a kind of scuffed rhythm (...). 300 eggs from every Ukrainian woman and 1,500 ejaculations from every Ukrainian man are the same treasure for the state as energy reserves or deposits of iron, coal and oil” (The Ukrainian Race, 1938); "First of all, Ukraine needs to be cleansed from the six million Muscovites who are its parasites, comprise almost 10 percent of its population and, as a rule, live in cities. They are parasites who are used to rule over Ukrainians (...) A free Ukraine will come not after Kiev is liberated from the Muscovites, but after Moscow is destructed. The destruction of Russia as the centre of the supranational division of lands between the Volga, Pechora and the White Sea is the basis of a strong Ukraine” (Geopolitical Landmarks of the new Ukraine, 1941). Lipa also wrote poetry: “Ranks are advancing, rattling and bathing in blood, tempered in fire. Fire and blood, life, will or death are burning in their chests... Do you hear the cry — Sieg Heil! Heil! Sieg Heil!” “To preserve the purity of the Ukrainian race, Lipa thought it necessary to set up sex courts and tribunals like the ones in Nazi Germany. They say that Adolf Hitler himself read the works of Yury Lipa and invited him to Berlin, offering him the post of the head the government of Ukraine. But Lipa refused the Nazi, returned home in triumph and joined the UPA," recalls the chairman of the Ukrainian Jewish Committee, Eduard Dolinsky. For his racist doctrinarianism worthy of Nazi murderer doctors, the Ukrainian Jewish Committee dubbed the certified doctor Yury Lipa an “euthanasiologist". Yury Lipa was not born in Yavorov; he was born in Odessa in 1900. The Yavorov district administration honours his memory so much because on 19 August 1944 Lipa was shot by NKVD units in the village of Shutova near Yavorov. Beside Yavorov, streets in Odessa, Kropyvnytskyi, Lvov and Stryi, the Lvov war veteran and political prisoners’ hospital, and a Ukrainian school in Toronto, Canada, are named after the “euthanasiologist”.
Annex 266 Wikipedia, Yury Lipa Street (translation)

Annex 266
Translation
Wikipedia, Yury Lipa Street, available at:
https://uk.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D0%92%D1%83%D0%BB%D0%B8%D1%86%D1%8F
_%D0%AE%D1%80%D1%96%D1%8F_%D0%9B%D0%B8%D0%BF%D0%B8.
Yury Lipa Street
Material from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
This name is used for several geographical features and the page contains links to articles about each
of them. If you got here via an internal link, please go back and correct it so that it points directly to
the right article.
The person after whom these features are named is Yury Ivanovich Lipa
Yury Lipa Street is a street name in many Ukrainian cities and towns. The list
below contains only some of them.
Contents
• 1 Yury Lipa Street
o 1.1 Kiev region
o 1.2 Kirovograd region
o 1.3 Lvov region
o 1.4 Sumy region
• 2 Ivan and Yury Lipa Street
• 3 Former streets
• 4 Notes
Yuri Lipa Street
Kiev region [edit][edit code].
• Yury Lipa Street is a street in the city of Kiev.
Kirovograd region [edit][edit code].
• Yury Lipa Street is a street in the city of Kropyvnytskyi.
Lvov region [edit] [edit code]..
• Yury Lipa Street is a street in the village Buniv village.
• Yury Lipa Street is a street in the city of Vynnyky.
• Yury Lipa Street is a street in the village of Volia-Dobrostanska.
• Yury Lipa Street is a street in the town of Ivano-Frankovo.
• Yury Lipa Street is a street in the town of Krakovets.
• Yury Lipa Street is a street in the village of Kulynichi.
Annex 266
• Yuri Lipa Street is a street in the city of Lvov. • Yury Lipa Street is a street in the village Moloshkovychi. • Yury Lipa Street is a street in the city of Novoyavorivsk. • Yury Lipa Street is a street in the town of Olesko. • Yury Lipa Street is a street in the village of Prylbychi village. • Yury Lipa Street is a street in the village of Starychi. • Yury Lipa Street is a street in the city of Stryi. • Yury Lipa Street is a street in the town of Shklo. • Yury Lipa Street is a street in the village of Shutova. • Yury Lipa Street is a street in the city of Yavorov. Sumy region [edit][edit code] • Yury Lipa Street is a street in the city of Konotop. • Yury Lipa Street is a street in the city of Sumy. Ivan and Yury Lipa Street[edit]. [edit code]. • Ivan and Yury Lipa street is a street in the city of Odessa[1]. Former streets[edit] [edit code]. • Ivan and Yury Lipa Street is the former name of Pishenina Street in the Malynovskyi district of the city of Odessa[1]. Notes. 1 Two largest squares to be swapped in Odessa and many streets to be renamed [Archived 21 July 2018 at Wayback Machine(Rus) Categories: Multiple meaning terms: urbanonyms Yury Lipa Street This page was last edited at 23:47, 6 June 2022
Annex 267 Kulturologia.ru, How Nationalist Symon Petlyura Became a Hero of Ukraine, and Why the Man Who Killed Him Was Acquitted (11 April 2022) (translation)

Annex 267
Translation
Kulturologia.ru, How Nationalist Symon Petlyura Became a Hero of Ukraine, and Why
the Man Who Killed Him Was Acquitted (11 April 2022), available at:
https://kulturologia.ru/blogs/110422/53031/.
How Nationalist Symon Petlyura Became a Hero of Ukraine, and Why the
Man Who Killed Him Was Acquitted
Symon Petlyura stands among the modern Ukrainian heroes as a symbol of a desperate desire
for national independence. At some point, he even eclipsed Mazepa, the independence seeker.
At the same time, hardly anybody ever probes into details of the life and death of this man.
Initially far from the top of the Ukrainian nationalist movement, Petlyura managed to rise to the
fore during the revolution of 1917. At the end of the 1910s, he turned to raging antisemitism
and led Jewish pogroms. This fact allowed the court to acquit Symon Petlyura’s assassin.
Read more: the extermination of Jews by Ukrainian nationalists.
Annex 267
Kiev’s Revolution Ambivalence The Pro-German Kiev in 1918. Like many other figures of the revolution, Symon Petlyura, a cab driver’s son, studied at a theological seminary and was expelled because of his anti-government activities. Having emigrated to the Austro-Hungarian Lvov, he gained experience in the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party, and then among the Ukrainian Social Democrats. After returning to Russia, he earned a living as a teacher and accountant, cooperating with national liberation organisations on the side. Petlyura was wanted by the police since 1907, all the while shuttling safely between Moscow and St. Petersburg. In 1912-1914 he was in charge of publishing The Ukrainian Life newspaper. When the First World War broke out, Petlyura was drafted to the army, although he was never seen in combat. This inglorious fact did not prevent Symon from becoming the head of the Ukraine’s Front Committee after the February Revolution. In the spring of 1917, he joined the Ukrainian Central Rada (UCR) as the War Minister and initiated the establishment of the Ukrainian Army despite his lack of military and combat experience. When the independence of Ukraine was declared on 20 November 1917, Bolshevik detachments were disarmed. The Ukrainian delegation in Brest entered into negotiations with the Germans. Two months later, a full Ukrainian autonomy from the Russian influence was declared under the German patronage. At the same time, the Bolsheviks set up their own Ukrainian government in Kharkov and started to fight against the UCR. On 26 January 1918, the Bolsheviks took over Kiev but did not stay long there and had to retreat under the onslaught of German troops. On 29 April, the Germans declared General Skoropadsky the Hetman of Ukraine, and Petlyura was appointed the head of the All-Ukrainian Union of Zemstvos. By May 1918, acting together with Vynnychenko, he initiated the creation of a National Union of representatives of all Ukrainian parties, starting a war on Skoropadsky. On 13 November 1918, a new ruling body called the Ukrainian Directory was set up, and on the following day Petlyura’s troops, as was agreed with the Germans, entered Kiev. That is how Symon became the commander-in-chief of the Ukrainian People’s Republic Army.
Annex 267
Hetman’s Troubles and Petlyura’s Triumph Petlyurists have the blood of tens of thousands of Jews on their hands. Photo: ic.pics.livejournal.com The Germans soon stopped supporting the Hetman because of their internal problems, and then Skoropadsky tried to rely upon the Russian population, proclaiming a future alliance with a non-Soviet Russia on 14 November. On the same day, the Directory leaders put Petlyura in charge of an armed uprising. They held negotiations with the Germans who still remained in Bila Tserkva and confirmed their neutrality. The Hetman's guard – the last opponent of the Directory – surrendered without any resistance. Petlyura moved on to Kiev. Vigilante guard officers and some units of the Hetman’s army that supported Skoropadsky tried to resist the Sich riflemen. Biding his time, Petlyura set up a camp in Fastiv patiently waiting for the Hetman's army to turn to his side. In ten days, the number of his troops multiplied by dozens of times. The Hetman’s power by that time was limited to the borders of Kiev, and most of his troops defected to the Directory as expected. The last people Skoropadsky relied on were Russian officers. The Germans did not interfere in the conflict, getting ready to evacuate and selling weapons to Petlyura. The situation became finally clear when the German garrison signed a neutrality agreement with the Directory in December. On 13 December 1918, Petlyura moved out to take Kiev. These events are described in detail by Mikhail Bulgakov in his “White Guard”. The next morning, the Directory took over the city. This was the heyday for Symon Petlyura. However, it did not last long.
Annex 267
Triumph and Collapse The Armed Forces of the Ukrainian People's Republic. Photo: ic.pics.livejournal.com According to historians, at the best of his times Petlyura had a dozen Cossack divisions and several regiments of Sich riflemen, all of whom were then called Petlyurists. When not in combat, the units busied themselves with pogroms. The same can be said, of course, about the White and Red units. However, according to the researcher Nahum Gergel, a larger portion of the Civil War time pogroms were perpetrated by Petlyura’s “army”. His estimates are based on eyewitness accounts and newspaper reports. The publicist Dmitry Gubin identifies the Proskurov pogrom as the first act of extermination of an ethnic minority for the sake of building Ukraine. Archival documents cited by the researcher describe the massacre of Jews, regardless of their age or gender, by the Petlyurites. The Orthodox priest Kachurovsky who tried to shelter Jewish children, was hacked to death by the perpetrators. According to a report by the Red Cross special commission, at least 50 thousand Jews were killed in Kiev in those days. However, modern Ukrainian statisticians have questioned these facts writing off the murders to non-regular units who were not controlled by Petlyura. Nevertheless, Petlyura’s response to a demand from Jewish organisations to use power to stop the pogroms is recorded in history: “Don’t make mischief between me and my army”. In June 1920, Kiev was taken over by the Red Army, and Petlyura, wearing a false moustache to avoid recognition, fled via Poland to Budapest, Vienna and Geneva, finally finding himself in Paris. Later on, he would often change his appearance and live under fake names, but all these efforts would not save him from revenge. His assassin, Mr. Schwarzbard, stated as an excuse that Symon Petlyura had encouraged pogroms and therefore was primarily responsible for the crimes. Mr. Schwarzbard was acquitted and declared a national hero in Israel. In contrast, his victim Petlyura was raised to the pantheon of national heroes in Ukraine. As far as the kingdoms of Moscow and Russia are concerned, they often did not get along with the Turks throughout their history. History knows many examples of what the Russian Empire did to tame the Ottomans; the Russian-Turkish wars.
Annex 268 Lenta.ru, Comintern Street in Kiev Renamed to Petlyura Street (19 June 2009) (translation)

Annex 268
Translation
Lenta.ru, Comintern Street in Kiev Renamed to Petlyura Street (19 June 2009), available
at: https://lenta.ru/news/2009/06/18/petlura/.
Comintern Street in Kiev Renamed to Petlyura Street
The Kiev City Council renamed Comintern Street to Symon Petlyura Street, RIA Novosti
reported on the 18th of June.
The renaming was timed to the 130th anniversary of the birth of Ataman Symon Petlyura, the
head of the Directorate of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. During the Civil War, he
participated in battles against the Red Army and then emigrated. Petlyura was killed in Paris in
1926 in retaliation for arranging for Jewish pogroms in Ukraine. Nowadays, Petlyura is
considered a national hero in Ukraine.
It was reported earlier that, in addition to Petlyura Street, streets named after Colonel Yevhen
Konovalets of the Ukrainian People’s Republic’s Army and Commander-in-Chief Roman
Shukhevych of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army may appear in Kiev.
This initiative was opposed by Mikhail Kalnitsky, a member of the Naming Commission and a
Kiev scholar. “Let’s call the streets after recognised heroes – writers, artists or scientists but not
politicians”, he said.

Annex 269
UKRINFORM, Nationalists Succeed in Protecting Petlyura Street in Poltava Region
(28 February 2017)
(translation)

Annex 269
Translation
UKRINFORM, Nationalists Succeed in Protecting Petlyura Street in Poltava Region
(28 February 2017), available at: https://www.ukrinform.ru/rubric-regions/2184660-
nacionalisty-otstoali-ulicu-petlury-v-poltavskoj-oblasti.html.
Ukraine Foreign Multimedia Platform
Nationalists Succeed in Protecting Petlyura Street in Poltava Region
The Shyshaky District Court of the Poltava Region granted a claim filed by Vladimir Chmyr,
Chair of the OUN Secretariat, to invalidate the decision made by the Shyshaky Village Council
to rename Simon Petlyura Street to Shyshaky Street.
The announcement was made today by Bohdan Chervak, OUN Chair, on his Facebook page.
“The Shyshaky District Court of the Poltava Region has just granted a claim filed by Vladimir
Chmyr, Chair of the OUN Secretariat, to invalidate the decision made by the Shyshaky Village
Council to rename Simon Petlyura Street to Shyshaky Street”, Mr. Chervak wrote. “Therefore,
there will be a street named after Simon Petlyura! in Shyshaky”, he noted.
However, according to the OUN Chair, the questions remain how the deputies could have made
such illegal decision and in which other towns and villages similar decisions have been made.
Earlier, in the village of Shyshaky near Poltava, the local deputies decided to rename Simon
Petlyura Street to Shyshaky Street. The Shyshaky District Unit of the OUN then lodged with
the court a lawsuit seeking to cancel their decision.

Annex 270
The Ukrainian News, Expert Council of Ukraine’s State Committee on Television and Radio
Broadcasting Bans Swedish Historian’s World-Famous Book That Mentions Jewish Pogroms of
Petlyura Times (26 December 2018)
(translation)

Annex 270
Translation
The Ukrainian News, Expert Council of Ukraine’s State Committee on Television and
Radio Broadcasting Bans Swedish Historian’s World-Famous Book That Mentions Jewish
Pogroms of Petlyura Times (26 December 2018), available at:
https://ukranews.com/news/603810-ehkspertnyy-sovet-gosteleradyo-zapretyl-v-ukraynevsemyrno-
yzvestnuyu-knygu-shvedskogo-ystoryka-s.
Expert Council of Ukraine’s State Committee on Television and Radio
Broadcasting Bans Swedish Historian’s World-Famous Book That Mentions
Jewish Pogroms of Petlyura Times
By Yakov Stashinsky
THE NATIONAL COUNCIL OF TELEVISION AND RADIO BROADCASTING OF
UKRAINE
The Expert Council of the State Committee on Television and Radio Broadcasting of
Ukraine has banned the import and sale in Ukraine of the Russian translation of “The
Book Thieves: The Nazi Looting of Europe’s Libraries and the Race to Return a Literary
Inheritance”, a book published in 2018 by the Swedish historian and journalist Anders
Rydel.
The book has been banned in Ukraine “for inciting interethnic, racial and religious enmity”, as
stated in the minutes of the Committee’s meeting held on 10 December, provided by the State
TV & Radio Committee at the request of The Ukrainian News.
Annex 270
According to the text of the minutes, the Expert Council on Publishing Products chaired by Bogdan Chervak reviewed 25 books published in the Russian Federation in 2018 at its meeting on the 10th of December. It should be noted that, apart from Russian books, the list contains translated publications.
Annex 270
Among others, the Council members unanimously voted to ban Rydel’s book as an “incitement to hatred”.
Annex 270
Even Nicholas Roerich who, as it turned out, “pushes propaganda of the aggressor country” from the distant past, is now in the category of banned books. Truth be told, two members of the Council voted against banning his book “The Paths of Blessing”. Earlier, Eduard Dolinsky, the director of the Ukrainian Jewish Committee, voiced his outrage at the banning of Rydel’s book in Ukraine on his Facebook page https://www.facebook.com/eduard.dolinsky/posts/2238081892890533. “What are these “Sharikovs” against? The author re-iterates the allegations spread by Russian propaganda about the figures of the Ukrainian People's Republic.” They refer to Symon Petlyura, infamous for the Jewish pogroms, who is mentioned in the book. This turned out to be enough to ban a book by a world-famous author. I don’t know who and what Chervak is
Annex 270
guided by, but this whole book banning thing is quite symbolic in itself,” he wrote. Eduard Dolinsky about 4 years ago In Ukraine, it is the head of the OUN Bogdan Chervak who is in charge of issuing permits for the import of books. His work title is the first deputy head of the State Committee on Television and Radio Broadcasting. Chervak was appointed a book inquisitor because he graduated from a pedagogical institute in Drohobych and worked as a teacher of the Ukrainian language and literature. This turned out to be enough for the Nazi collaborator apologist to fly into a rage and begin the symbolic burning of books, prohibiting their import into Ukraine. Even the absolutely beautiful and harmless Poetry of the Silver Age is among his victims... See more “The Book Thieves” is a 2017 bestseller written by the Swedish historian Andres Rydel. Its full title is “The Book Thieves: The Nazi Looting of Europe’s Libraries and the Race to Return a Literary Inheritance”. The book has been translated into 27 languages including Russian (at the end of 2018). The book was an Amazon bestseller for over ten weeks (in the category of history books), shortlisted for the Kirkus Magazine best non-fiction book award in the USA in 2017, and received the Bengt Janson Memorial Foundation Award in Sweden in 2018.

Annex 271
Time, Exclusive: Leader of Far-Right Ukrainian Militant Group Talks Revolution With TIME
(4 February 2014)

Annex 271
Exclusive: Leader of Far-Right Ukrainian Militant
Group Talks Revolution With TIME
By Simon Shuster
Take the smell of an army barracks, add a bit of char and gasoline, and you’d have a rough idea of
the air on the fifth floor of the House of Trade Unions, the headquarters of the revolution in
Ukraine. When protesters first occupied the building in December, their leaders divvied up its
floors among the political parties and activists involved in the revolt. Since then, the only floor offlimits
to journalists has been the fifth, which houses the militant arm of the revolution, Pravy
Sektor (Right Sector), the coalition of right-wing radicals that grew out of the uprising. They had
good reason to avoid publicity. After their violent clashes with police last month, their members
could face years in prison if the ruling government survives the revolt.
But on Sunday night, their leader Dmitro Yarosh agreed to give his first interview to a foreign
media outlet. It was not so much an act of vanity as a political coming-out. He has clearly grown
tired of being the movement’s anonymous enforcer. In recent days, as a negotiated end to the crisis
has started coming into view, the need for a military wing of the revolution has diminished. And so
has the trust in its upper ranks. The mainstream opposition leaders, like the former world boxing
champion Vitali Klitschko, have faced growing pressure to distance themselves from Pravy Sektor,
which the U.S. State Department has condemned for “inflaming conditions on the streets.”
Increasingly marginalized, the group has grown much more assertive and, in some ways, has
started going rogue.
(MORE: Far-Right Groups Try to Hijack Ukraine’s Revolution)
In his interview with TIME, Yarosh, whose militant brand of nationalism rejects all foreign
influence over Ukrainian affairs, revealed for the first time that Pravy Sektor has amassed a lethal
arsenal of weapons. He declined to say exactly how many guns they have. “It is enough,” he says,
“to defend all of Ukraine from the internal occupiers” — by which he means the ruling government
— and to carry on the revolution if negotiations with that government break down.
But so far, those negotiations have been making significant strides toward resolving the crisis. On
Tuesday, the parliament began debating a sweeping reform of the constitution, while allies of
President Viktor Yanukovych suggested for the first time that he is ready to consider early
elections. Both moves would mark a major breakthrough. But Yarosh, watching from the sidelines,
has begun to doubt whether the negotiators have the interests of his men at heart. “This whole
peaceful song and dance, the standing around, the negotiations, none of it has brought real
change.” Dozens of his men, he says, remain behind bars after their street battles against police
two weeks ago.
Exclusive: Leader of Far-Right Ukrainian Militant Group Talks Revol... https://time.com/4493/ukraine-dmitri-yarosh-kiev/
Стр. 1 из 3 25.02.2023, 23:51
Annex 271
With that in mind, Yarosh and another militant faction began a parallel set of negotiations over theweekend. On Monday, they claimed to be in direct talks with Ukraine’s police forces to secure therelease of jailed protesters, including members of Pravy Sektor. Mainstream opposition leaderssaid they had not authorized any such talks. At the same time, Yarosh has demanded a seat at thenegotiating table with the President. Once again, he was flatly denied. His ideology, it seems, is justtoo toxic to let him in the room.But neither can Klitschko and his fellow politicians easily sever their ties with Pravy Sektor. Thegroup serves some of the uprising’s most essential functions. Its fighters control the barricadesaround the protest camp in the center of Ukraine’s capital, and when riot police have tried to tear itdown, they have been on the front lines beating them back with clubs, rocks, Molotov cocktails andeven a few catapults, in the mold of siege engines of the Middle Ages. Around the country, itsfighters have helped seize government headquarters in more than a dozen cities. “Pravy Sektor hasproved its loyalty to the ideals of freedom,” Yarosh says. “Now we needed to present thismovement as a source of leadership.”In any kind of fair election, that would be nearly impossible. Pravy Sektor’s ideology borders onfascism, and it enjoys support only from Ukraine’s most hard-line nationalists, a group too small tosecure them a place in parliament. But taking part in the democratic process is not part of Yarosh’sstrategy. “We are not politicians,” he says in his office, a pack of Lucky Strikes and a walkie-talkieon the table in front of him, while a sentry in a black ski mask and bulletproof vest stands by thedoor. “We are soldiers of the national revolution.” His entire adult life has been spent waiting forsuch a revolution to “steer the country in a new direction, one that would make it truly strong, notdependent on either the West or the East.”(MORE:How Russia Is Fighting to Regain Control Over Ukraine)As Unrest Grows In Ukraine, Questions Over Who's Really Steering Opposition0 seconds of 2 minutes, 6 secondsVolume 0%Through all his years in the nationalist movement, Yarosh, a 42-year-old father of three, says hehas never had any form of occupation apart from his activism. The son of two factory workers, hewas born and raised in a provincial town in eastern Ukraine, and became involved in thenationalist underground in the late 1980s, just as the Soviet Union was disintegrating. Nearly all ofthe satellite states of the USSR, from the Baltics to Central Asia, were then pushing to break awayfrom Moscow’s control, and in 1988, Yarosh joined one of the more radical groups fighting for anindependent Ukraine.The following autumn, months after the Soviet Union pulled its troops out of Afghanistan, Yaroshwas drafted into the Red Army, a common form of punishment for political activists at the time.He was stationed briefly in Belarus before being transferred to Siberia, where he served as a guardat strategic missile sites. The Soviet doctrines of unity between Russia and Ukraine did little tosoften his views. “If anything, the army made me more convinced that my path is correct,” he says.Exclusive: Leader of Far-Right Ukrainian Militant Group Talks Revol...https://time.com/4493/ukraine-dmitri-yarosh-kiev/Стр. 2 из 325.02.2023, 23:51
Annex 271
When Ukraine declared independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, Yarosh went on hungerstrike to demand a transfer to the newly established Ukrainian army. His commanding officersignored him.In 1994, a few years after he was discharged and returned to Ukraine, he joined a right-wingorganization called Trizub (Trident), and slowly climbed its ranks before assuming leadership in2005. Along with several other far-right groups, Trizub formed the core of Pravy Sektor when thecurrent uprising broke out in Ukraine two months ago. Its main adversary has always been Russia,although it also has little patience for Western influence on Ukraine. “For all the years of Ukraine’sindependence, Russia has pursued a systematic, targeted policy of subjugation toward Ukraine,”Yarosh says. “So of course we will prepare for a conflict with them,” he adds, especially afterRussia’s recent invasion of another one of its former satellites, Georgia. “If they stick their faceshere like they did in Georgia in 2008, they’ll get it in the teeth.”So far, his jabs at the leaders of the opposition in Ukraine have not been quite as pointed. He hasaccused them of vanity and ineffectiveness, but he has also observed the truce they called a weekand a half ago to allow their negotiations to proceed. “Not a single Molotov cocktail has gone flyingsince then,” he says proudly. “A truce is a truce. They want to negotiate, let them negotiate.” But asYarosh realizes, he and his men have staked a great deal on the outcome of these talks.If the ruling government holds on to power, Pravy Sektor could be forced to take the blame for theviolence that left dozens of police officers in the hospital two weeks ago. “All those criminal chargesare already waiting in the prosecutor’s office,” he says. On the other hand, if the opposition forms anew government, they are not likely to carve out a place for Yarosh and his men in the halls ofpower. So it is no surprise that he has begun to show some political initiative.For the past two decades, he has been waiting and preparing for the start of the “nationalrevolution,” and now that he finds himself at the head of its armed division, he does not seemready to let it pass peacefully away, at least not on anyone else’s terms. “People have gotten intouch with us from around the country, saying, ‘Guys, don’t let us down. Take us to victory, toindependence, if the other leaders are incapable of that,’” Yarosh says. “So if the time has come foran active struggle, I am ready to carry it to the end. I am not afraid of that responsibility. I see noreason to hide my face.”Contact us at [email protected]: Leader of Far-Right Ukrainian Militant Group Talks Revol...https://time.com/4493/ukraine-dmitri-yarosh-kiev/Стр. 3 из 325.02.2023, 23:51

Annex 272
Jewish.ru, Anti-Semitism Goes Uphill (9 April 2013)
(translation)

Annex 272
Translation
Jewish.ru, Anti-Semitism Goes Uphill (9 April 2013), available at:
https://jewish.ru/ru/events/world/8343/.
Anti-Semitism Goes Uphill
Last Sunday, the results of an annual study of the antisemitic manifestations worldwide in 2012
were presented at the Tel Aviv University.
The study report named “Antisemitic Manifestations Worldwide 2012. Overview of Main
Trends” has been prepared by the Kantor Centre for the Study of Contemporary European Jewry
in conjunction with the Kantor Data Foundation for the Study of Contemporary Anti-Semitism
and Racism at Tel Aviv University and the European Jewish Congress (EJC).
“The number of antisemitic manifestations worldwide, including those associated with
violence, increased by 30 percent last year compared to 2011”, the report says. “There was an
escalation after two years of decline”.
In total, 686 acts of violence and vandalism motivated by antisemitism were recorded
worldwide last year, including 273 attacks on people of various ages and acts of desecration of
190 synagogues, cemeteries and monuments. More than 200 cases of encroachment on
properties belonging to Jews or Jewish organisations were also recorded.
Most of the anti-Semitic incidents (510) occurred in countries where the largest Jewish
communities outside Israel reside. Most of these acts took place in France (200 cases), the US
(99), the UK (84), Canada (74) and Australia (53).
Vyatcheslav Kantor, President of the European Jewish Congress and the head of the Kantor
Centre for the Study of Contemporary European Jewry, spoke at a press conference dedicated
to the publication of the report. “The number of antisemitic manifestations accompanied by acts
of violence especially increased in France where a massacre took place at the in Ozar Hatorah
School in Toulouse. Quite a few cases of antisemitism also occurred in Hungary, the Great
Britain, Germany, and Australia. The violence in France showed that violence against Jews is
rooted in the worldview of extremist elements”, Mr. Kantor said.
According to him, the attack on the Jewish school in Toulouse did not serve as a sobering shock
for those extremists throughout Europe, but, on the contrary, encouraged them to continue their
Annex 272
“struggle”. In his opinion, this process shows that “antisemitism generates antisemitism, and authorities must henceforth act quickly and decisively to prevent such incidents”. The President of the EJC recommended that security forces in European countries pay special attention to “extremist enclaves” in a number of Muslim communities in Europe, which, according to him, serve as the main hotbeds of radical Islamism. Among the main factors contributing to the growth of antisemitism in the past year, the report notes: 1) imitation of the actions taken by the Toulouse terrorist Mohammed Merah; 2) intensification and growth of the popularity of far-right political parties and organisations; and 3) protest against the Israeli operation “Pillar of Defence” in the Gaza Strip. The strengthening of right-wing extremist parties took place in Greece (Golden Dawn), Hungary (Jobbik) and Ukraine (Svoboda). Raving representatives of right-wing parties make calls against local Jewish communities in national parliaments. The Svoboda (Freedom) party, formerly named the Social-National Party of Ukraine (reminiscent of Hitler’s NSDAP), won 8% of the votes in the last elections to the Verkhovnaya Rada. Its leader, Oleg Tyahnybok, has repeatedly stated that “Ukraine is ruled by the Russian-Jewish mafia”. “However, the most alarming situation with antisemitism and xenophobia has developed in Hungary where attacks on representatives of ethnic minorities take place almost every week. Polls show that the popularity of extreme nationalists in Hungary is growing. Jobbik recently became the most popular party among students”, Mr. Kantor said. He stressed that a member of the Hungarian parliament from Jobbik called Jews a “threat to the national security” and called on the authorities to put all Jews on a special account. Mr. Kantor called on the Hungarian government and the EU leadership to pay special attention to such phenomena and wage an uncompromising struggle against them. According to a sociological study recently conducted by the Kantor Centre for the Study of Contemporary European Jewry in 10 European countries, about 30 percent of the population of these countries share antisemitic prejudice to one degree or another, with Spain being the champion of such sentiments. Street violence against Jews also grew in the past year, particularly in Western Europe, but also in North America and Australia, Mr. Kantor said. In most cases, the victims were religious Jews easily identifiable because of their clothing. In a number of cases, Jewish community leaders advised their members for safety reasons “not to appear on the street in a traditional Jewish costume with a kippah on their heads, not to speak Hebrew, etc.”. In conclusion, Mr. Kantor stressed that the economic difficulties experienced by Europe cause the popularity of neo-Nazis to grow, which resembles what happened with their predecessors in the 1930s in relation. “However, a situation could occur where the economy will be restored but moral values will be lost”, he noted.
Annex 272
European Jews are launching a campaign against antisemitism and xenophobia, Mr. Kantor said. The EJC insists that the European Parliament should hold hearings on the situation in Hungary.

Annex 273
Gazeta.ru, Mila Kunis Called “Zhyd” in Ukraine (24 December 2012)
(translation)

Annex 273
Translation
Gazeta.ru, Mila Kunis Called “Zhyd” in Ukraine (24 December 2012), available at:
https://jewish.ru/ru/events/russia/8945/.
Mila Kunis Called “Zhyd” in Ukraine
Hollywood star Mila Kunis, who was born in Chernovtsy, Ukraine, recently found herself at
the centre of an anti-Semitic scandal in Ukraine. Igor Miroshnichenko, a Verkhovnaya Rada
member from the nationalist Svoboda (Freedom) party, called on his Facebook page not to
consider Ms. Kunis Ukrainian on the grounds that “she is a zhyd by her origin”. Mr.
Miroshnichenko accused the actress of being proud of her Jewish origin, but never spoking
positively about Ukraine. His statement and especially his use of the word “zhyd” (Jew), which
sounds in modern Ukrainian no less offensive than in Russian, caused indignation of Jews in
Ukraine and all over the world.
Eleonora Groysman, President of the Ukrainian Independent Council of Jewish Women, an all-
Ukrainian public organisation, and Editor-in-Chief of Kiev Yevreiski, urged the Ukrainian
Justice Ministry to confirm that the use of the word “zhyd” is unacceptable and offensive to
Jews.
In response, the Ministry said the country’s laws do not prohibit the word “zhyd” and its
derivatives from being used.
The Simon Wiesenthal Center in Los Angeles sent an indignant letter to Ukrainian Prime
Minister Nikolay Azarov, tmz.com reports. “On behalf of the 400,000 members of the Simon
Wiesenthal Center, one of the world’s largest human rights organisations, we want to express
our indignation at the insults which the Jewish community of Ukraine is subjected to by the
Svoboda party”, the letter says. “In particular, we urge you to protest against the outrageous
antisemitic antics against the Ukrainian-born actress Mila Kunis by Verkhovnaya Rada member
Igor Miroshnichenko who called the actress a “zhyd”. As you know, this word was used by the
Nazis and their henchmen who killed Jews in Babyn Yar”.
“Mila Kunis’ parents like thousands other Jewish families were forced to leave Ukraine
primarily because of anti-Semitism”, the letter says. “Today Ms. Kunis is a well-known and
respected American actress whom Ukraine should apologise to. It is regrettable that intolerance
Annex 273
and antisemitism remain so strong in this country even after the Holocaust tragedy and the collapse of the USSR. We call on you, as Prime Minister, to condemn Mr. Miroshnichenko’s statement and thereby say “no” to xenophobic sentiments that threaten democracy”. Representatives of the Ukrainian nationalist party themselves are convinced there is nothing wrong with the word “zhyd”. Yuriy Miroshnichenko and Iryna Farion, Verkhovnaya Rada members from the Svoboda party, said that the word “zhyd” is quite acceptable since it is used in classical literary works by Ukrainian authors. However, the ruling Party of Regions did not support the anti-Semites. On the 21st of December, Vadym Kolesnichenko, Verkhovnaya Rada member from that party, submitted to the Rada a draft resolution “On the Prohibition of Hate Speech and Expressions Degrading Human Dignity”. The bill is intended to prohibit offensive words like “zhyd”, “khokhol” and “moskal” from being used, Ukrainskaya Pravda writes. Mila Kunis has repeatedly said in her interviews that her family left the USSR in 1991 precisely because of antisemitism. “Jewish life was very difficult in the Soviet Union. The older generation of my family survived the Holocaust, and many of my relatives died”, she told about her life in Ukraine. “Because of the discrimination, many Soviet Jews hid their ethnicity, but my parents did not hide their Jewishness and instilled in me a sense of pride in their roots. It is not necessary to tell the whole world about it – that is enough to know for yourself. We celebrate Yom Kippur and Hanukkah, although we may not follow the canons in every aspect. When I went to a Soviet school, antisemitism was very common. It was obvious that you were not welcome in this country. So we went to America”.
Annex 274 Wolfram Nordsieck, Parties and Elections in Europe. Supreme Council of Ukraine Elections

Annex 274
Parties and Elections in Europe
Wolfram Nordsieck
The Wayback Machine - https://web.archive.org/web/20180612211142/http://www.parties-andelections.
eu/ukraine.html
Home · Calendar · Countries · References · Links · Content
Parties and Elections in Europe
President: Petro Poroshenko (BPP) · Prime Minister: Volodymyr Groysman (BPP) ·
Governing parties: BPP, NF
Legislative elections: Supreme Council of Ukraine, 5-year term, 450 seats, 5% threshold,
parallel voting system (225 PR + 225 FPTP):
Party 2014 2012
Narodnyj Front (NF)
People's Front
Conservatism
Nationalism
22,1% 82 - -
Blok Petra Porošenka "Solidarnist"
(BPP)
Bloc Petro Poroshenko "Solidarity"
Liberal
conservatism
21,8% 132 - -
Ob'jednannja Samopomič (OS)
Union Self Reliance
Conservatism 11,0% 33 - -
Opozycijnyn Blok (OB)
Opposition Bloc
Regionalism
Centrism
Euroscepticism
9,4% 29 - -
Radikalna Partija Olega Ljaška (RP)
Radical Party Oleh Lyashko
Nationalism 7,4% 22 1,1% 1
Vseukrajinske Ob'jednannja
"Batkivščyna" (BA)
All-Ukrainian Union "Fatherland"
Conservatism 5,6% 19 25,5% 102
Vseukrajiinske Ob'jednannja
"Svoboda" (SVOBODA)
All-Ukrainian Union "Freedom"
Nationalism
Far-right politics
4,7% 6 10,4% 38
Komunistyčna Partija Ukrajiny
(KPU)
Communist Party of Ukraine
Communism
Marxism-
Leninism
3,9% - 13,2% 32
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Silna Ukrajina (SU)Strong UkraineCentrism3,1%1--Vseukrajiinske AhrarneOb'jednannja "Zastup" (ZASTUP) All-Ukrainian Agrarian Union "Zastup"Agrarianism2,7%1--Pravyj Sektor (PS) Right SectorNationalismFar-right politics 1,8%1--Partija Rehioniv (PR) Party of RegionsRegionalismCentrism Euroscepticism--30,0%187UDAR Vitalija Klička (UDAR) Punch Vitali KlitschkoLiberalism--14,0%40Independents-97-44Others 6,5%-5,8%6Unfilled-27--Total-450-450Turnout52,4%58,0%© 2014 Wolfram Nordsieck. Source: Central Election Commission (http://www.cvk.gov.ua).Archive:Elections (1990-2012).Parties and Elections in Europehttps://web.archive.org/web/20180612211142/http://parties-and-electi...Стр. 2 из 225.02.2023, 23:53
Annex 275 Central Election Commission, Extraordinary Parliamentary Election 2014, Data as of 29 October 2014

Annex 275
The Wayback Machine - https://web.archive.org/web/20141029091159/http://www.cvk.gov.ua:80/pls/vnd2014/wp039ept001f01=910.html
C E N T R A L E L E C T I O N C O M M I S S I O N Українська
Data on vote counting at percincts within single-mandate districts
Extraordinary parliamentary election on 26.10.2014
As of 29.10.2014 10:56:03
% of processed PEC protocols 98.13
District No. Winning candidate, nomination
Percentage of
votes cast for
candidate
Number of votes
cast for candidate
% of processed
PEC protocols Results
Autonomuos Republic of Crimea 0.00
Vinnytsia region 98.07
11 Dombrovskyi Oleksandr Heorhiiovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA" 51.37 51 043 100.00
12 Poroshenko Oleksii Petrovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA" 64.04 62 359 100.00
13 Yurchyshyn Petro Vasylovych , self nominated 44.86 40 551 97.03
14 Melnychuk Ivan Ivanovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA" 42.37 39 384 100.00
15 Sporysh Ivan Dmytrovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA" 33.82 25 676 93.95
16 Stadniichuk Roman Vasylovych , self nominated 21.89 14 506 93.90
17 Kucher Mykola Ivanovych , self nominated 47.38 42 977 100.00
18 Demchak Ruslan Yеvheniiovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA" 51.68 43 955 100.00
Volyn region 97.96
19 Huz Ihor Volodymyrovych , Political party "NARODNYY FRONT" 30.69 27 243 100.00
20 Martyniak Serhii Vasylovych , self nominated 34.94 33 161 93.63
21 Ivakhiv Stepan Petrovych , self nominated 62.66 58 662 98.79
22 Lapin Ihor Oleksandrovych , Political party "NARODNYY FRONT" 24.24 24 245 100.00
23 Yеremeiev Ihor Myronovych , self nominated 40.43 41 510 100.00
Dnipropetrovsk region 99.37
24 Bezbakh Yakiv Yakovych , self nominated 30.90 20 399 100.00
25 Kuriachyi Maksym Pavlovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA" 27.99 15 437 87.65
26 Denysenko Andrii Serhiiovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA" 34.54 21 764 100.00
27 Filatov Borys Albertovych , self nominated 56.66 36 166 100.00
28 Kulichenko Ivan Ivanovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA" 33.50 18 864 100.00
29 Kuprii Vitalii Mykolaiovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA" 29.71 16 688 100.00
30 Dubinin Oleksandr Ivanovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA" 26.08 17 887 100.00
31 Pavlov Kostiantyn Yuriiovych , self nominated 33.36 28 469 100.00
32 Halchenko Andrii Volodymyrovych , self nominated 24.75 19 936 100.00
33 Usov Kostiantyn Hlibovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA" 28.43 19 649 100.00
34 Kryshyn Oleh Yuriiovych , self nominated 24.16 17 206 100.00
35 Shypko Andrii Fedorovych , self nominated 33.00 25 981 100.00
36 Martovytskyi Artur Volodymyrovych , self nominated 50.40 40 264 100.00
37 Shpenov Dmytro Yuriiovych , self nominated 39.02 26 102 100.00
38 Nesterenko Vadym Hryhorovych , self nominated 31.35 21 334 100.00
39 Yarosh Dmytro Anatoliiovych , Political party "PRAVYY SEKTOR" 29.76 20 719 100.00
40 Didych Valentyn Volodymyrovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA" 27.59 16 764 99.22
Donetsk region 89.70
45 Zviahilskyi Yukhym Leonidovych , self nominated 72.73 1 454 100.00
46 Kliuiev Serhii Petrovych , self nominated 47.47 22 669 100.00
47 Solod Yurii Vasylovych , Political party "Opozytsiynyy blok" 34.12 13 126 93.80
48 Yеfimov Maksym Viktorovych , self nominated 34.12 17 003 100.00
49 Omelianovych Denys Serhiiovych , self nominated 23.18 4 045 53.90
DISTRICTS AND PRECINCTS POLITICAL PARTIES CANDIDATES СOMMISSIONS OBSERVATION VOTING RESULTS DEPUTIES
Central Election Commission - 2012-2013 https://web.archive.org/web/20141029091159/http:/www.cvk.gov.ua/p...
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50Hiellier Yеvhenii Borysovych , self nominated39.5427 674100.0052Shkiria Ihor Mykolaiovych , self nominated42.764 48191.3053Nedava Oleh Anatoliiovych , self nominated63.632 275100.0057Matviienkov Serhii Anatoliiovych , self nominated64.1630 474100.0058Taruta Serhii Oleksiiovych , self nominated59.7627 10890.9059Sazhko Serhii Mykolaiovych , self nominated30.776 14872.9760Lubinets Dmytro Valeriiovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"48.1817 221100.00Zhytomyr region96.2362Rozenblat Boryslav Solomonovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"20.8119 349100.0063Reveha Oleksandr Vasylovych , self nominated29.4226 765100.0064Areshonkov Volodymyr Yuriiovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"41.0332 805100.0065Lytvyn Volodymyr Mykhailovych , self nominated41.3836 53699.2866Dziublyk Pavlo Volodymyrovych , Political party "NARODNYY FRONT"18.7113 26782.2167Razvadovskyi Viktor Yosypovych , self nominated37.1934 188100.00Zakarpats`ka region100.0068Horvat Robert Ivanovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"21.5819 469100.0069Baloha Viktor Ivanovych , self nominated61.9139 364100.0070Lano Mykhailo Ivanovych , self nominated38.7534 528100.0071Baloha Pavlo Ivanovych , self nominated44.6224 560100.0072Petovka Vasyl Vasylovych , self nominated68.0436 711100.0073Baloha Ivan Ivanovych , self nominated44.8622 777100.00Zaporizhzhia region99.7374Sabashuk Petro Pavlovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"27.7617 143100.0075Artiushenko Ihor Andriiovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"29.9123 080100.0076Frolov Mykola Oleksandrovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"21.7517 148100.0077Bohuslaiev Viacheslav Oleksandrovych , self nominated53.7436 165100.0078Ponomarov Oleksandr Serhiiovych , self nominated48.5135 332100.0079Hryhorchuk Oleksandr Serhiiovych , self nominated21.9417 345100.0080Balytskyi Yеvhen Vitaliiovych , self nominated47.4030 781100.0081Valentyrov Serhii Vasylovych , self nominated24.4117 04998.7082Kryvokhatko Vadym Viktorovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"36.0025 195100.00Ivano-Frankivsk region98.8483Shevchenko Oleksandr Leonidovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"40.9037 08595.0084Dovbenko Mykhailo Volodymyrovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"18.2619 750100.0085Nasalyk Ihor Stepanovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"52.0551 569100.0086Dyriv Anatolii Borysovych , Political party "NARODNYY FRONT"22.3020 635100.0087Derevianko Yurii Bohdanovych , self nominated69.6662 17198.2988Tymoshenko Yurii Volodymyrovych , Political party "NARODNYY FRONT"29.3026 92296.8989Solovei Yurii Ihorovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"23.0718 862100.00Kyiv region96.2990Marchenko Oleksandr Oleksandrovych , SVOBODA party23.6720 71498.9791Solvar Ruslan Mykolaiovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"50.9536 60493.3392Hudzenko Vitalii Ivanovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"27.0523 24299.5393Onyshchenko Oleksandr Romanovych , self nominated35.9828 79698.3494Romaniuk Viktor Mykolaiovych (1975), Political party "NARODNYY FRONT"32.0025 989100.0095Havryliuk Mykhailo Vitaliiovych , Political party "NARODNYY FRONT"19.4317 382100.0096Moskalenko Yaroslav Mykolaiovych , self nominated26.9521 13183.1697Rizanenko Pavlo Oleksandrovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"34.0331 40897.7798Mishchenko Serhii Hryhorovych , self nominated40.4138 262100.00Kirovohrad region100.0099Yarynich Kostiantyn Volodymyrovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"37.9932 231100.00100Berezkin Stanislav Semenovych , self nominated28.0220 481100.00101Poplavskyi Mykhailo Mykhailovych , self nominated31.4426 503100.00Central Election Commission - 2012-2013https://web.archive.org/web/20141029091159/http:/www.cvk.gov.ua/p...Стр. 2 из 525.02.2023, 23:54
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102Dovhyi Oles Stanislavovych , self nominated29.9024 375100.00103Kuzmenko Anatolii Ivanovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"35.2124 970100.00Luhansk region83.17106Bakulin Yеvhen Mykolaiovych , Political party "Opozytsiynyy blok"43.084 95550.87107Dunaiev Serhii Volodymyrovych , self nominated37.767 826100.00112Ioffe Yulii Yakovych , self nominated48.724 27260.86113Kurylo Vitalii Semenovych , self nominated21.4810 75196.48114Harbuz Yurii Hryhoriiovych , self nominated26.254 72872.27Lviv region98.87115Dobrodomov Dmytro Yеvhenovych , self nominated42.0744 80298.93116Podoliak Iryna Ihorivna , Political party SAMOPOMICH Union41.2047 285100.00117Yurynets Oksana Vasylivna , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"42.5544 547100.00118Dubnevych Bohdan Vasylovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"43.1150 574100.00119Bondar Mykhailo Leontiiovych , Political party "NARODNYY FRONT"26.3628 118100.00120Dubnevych Yaroslav Vasylovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"60.0167 797100.00121Matkivskyi Bohdan Myronovych , self nominated23.6126 904100.00122Parasiuk Volodymyr Zinoviiovych , self nominated56.7066 50595.63123Batenko Taras Ivanovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"51.0652 45798.80124Musii Oleh Stepanovych , self nominated29.8630 004100.00125Lopushanskyi Andrii Yaroslavovych , self nominated32.0834 96296.55126Kit Andrii Bohdanovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"30.7932 71599.09Mykolaiv region97.74127Kozyr Borys Yuriiovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"33.1718 821100.00128Iliuk Artem Oleksandrovych , self nominated33.4121 491100.00129Zholobetskyi Oleksandr Oleksandrovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"39.6322 536100.00130Vadaturskyi Andrii Oleksiiovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"43.7526 539100.00131Livik Oleksandr Petrovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"20.3713 058100.00132Kornatskyi Arkadii Oleksiiovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"34.8018 95888.58Odesa region95.74133Matviichuk Eduard Leonidovych , self nominated24.2015 905100.00134Chekita Hennadii Leonidovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"38.3422 138100.00135Kivalov Serhii Vasylovych , self nominated28.8017 561100.00136Holubov Dmytro Ivanovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"30.3117 784100.00137Klimov Leonid Mykhailovych , self nominated30.1313 93376.73138Fursin Ivan Hennadiiovych , self nominated34.8120 81696.28139Presman Oleksandr Semenovych , self nominated42.5425 467100.00140Huliaiev Vasyl Oleksandrovych , self nominated29.1318 39798.19141Barvinenko Vitalii Dmytrovych , self nominated26.6617 396100.00142Kisse Anton Ivanovych , self nominated52.8732 59196.75143Urbanskyi Oleksandr Ihorovych , Partiia "Sylna Ukraina"30.0916 776100.00Poltava region100.00144Kaplin Serhii Mykolaiovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"46.3036 762100.00145Bublyk Yurii Vasylovych , SVOBODA party22.6017 467100.00146Shapovalov Yurii Anatoliiovych , self nominated22.6717 166100.00147Kulinich Oleh Ivanovych , self nominated21.1915 995100.00148Ishcheikin Kostiantyn Yеvhenovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"22.7518 638100.00149Reka Andrii Oleksandrovych , Political party "NARODNYY FRONT"25.1918 467100.00150Zhevaho Kostiantyn Valentynovych , self nominated43.8133 482100.00151Kutovyi Taras Viktorovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"62.8648 532100.00Rivne region99.50152Osukhovskyi Oleh Ivanovych , SVOBODA party24.5124 329100.00153Vozniuk Yurii Volodymyrovych , Political party "NARODNYY FRONT"35.6635 935100.00154Dekhtiarchuk Oleksandr Volodymyrovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"21.0122 786100.00Central Election Commission - 2012-2013https://web.archive.org/web/20141029091159/http:/www.cvk.gov.ua/p...Стр. 3 из 525.02.2023, 23:54
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155Yanitskyi Vasyl Petrovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"28.7627 51097.64156Yеvtushok Serhii Mykolaiovych , All-Ukrainian Union "Batkivshchyna"27.6324 950100.00Sumy region100.00157Medunytsia Oleh Viacheslavovych , Political party "NARODNYY FRONT"31.0228 276100.00158Suhoniako Oleksandr Leonidovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"28.0824 746100.00159Derkach Andrii Leonidovych , self nominated61.8447 503100.00160Molotok Ihor Fedorovych , self nominated46.1529 957100.00161Lavryk Mykola Ivanovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"21.5018 079100.00162Bukhariev Vladyslav Viktorovych , All-Ukrainian Union "Batkivshchyna"20.2614 813100.00Ternopil region98.90163Pastukh Taras Tymofiiovych , self nominated35.4537 583100.00164Holovko Mykhailo Yosyfovych , SVOBODA party35.5839 000100.00165Yuryk Taras Zinoviiovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"44.6751 23395.77166Liushniak Mykola Volodymyrovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"40.4849 526100.00167Barna Oleh Stepanovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"28.5328 403100.00Kharkiv region99.70168Pysarenko Valerii Volodymyrovych , self nominated30.9823 176100.00169Kirsh Oleksandr Viktorovych , Political party "NARODNYY FRONT"24.7118 574100.00170Sviatash Dmytro Volodymyrovych , self nominated34.0123 289100.00171Khomutynnik Vitalii Yuriiovych , self nominated29.7919 282100.00172Mysyk Volodymyr Yuriiovych , self nominated54.3436 095100.00173Denysenko Anatolii Petrovych , self nominated42.2125 01997.53174Feldman Oleksandr Borysovych , self nominated64.9447 728100.00175Katsuba Volodymyr Mykhailovych , self nominated35.1720 748100.00176Shentsev Dmytro Oleksiiovych , self nominated54.8034 324100.00177Ostapchuk Viktor Mykolaiovych , self nominated47.7030 889100.00178Dobkin Dmytro Markovych , self nominated33.0520 082100.00179Hirshfeld Anatolii Musiiovych , self nominated24.2315 878100.00180Bilovol Oleksandr Mykolaiovych , self nominated52.9531 48898.34181Muraiev Yеvhenii Volodymyrovych , self nominated48.9529 714100.00Kherson region98.19182Spivakovskyi Oleksandr Volodymyrovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"21.5212 41787.36183Hordieiev Andrii Anatoliiovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"27.2817 781100.00184Vinnyk Ivan Yuliiovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"18.1313 015100.00185Khlan Serhii Volodymyrovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"39.0425 619100.00186Nehoi Fedir Fedorovych , self nominated27.6117 33598.79Khmelnyts region99.93187Melnyk Serhii Ivanovych , self nominated33.7528 056100.00188Labaziuk Serhii Petrovych , self nominated35.8131 290100.00189Shynkovych Andrii Vasylovych , self nominated17.9916 486100.00190Matsola Roman Mykolaiovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"30.1924 63599.54191Bondar Viktor Vasylovych , self nominated18.6115 246100.00192Hereha Oleksandr Volodymyrovych , self nominated73.7768 821100.00193Melnychenko Volodymyr Volodymyrovych , self nominated33.7028 099100.00Cherkasy region99.09194Petrenko Oleh Mykolaiovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"41.1531 771100.00195Zubyk Volodymyr Volodymyrovych , self nominated31.2625 505100.00196Bobov Hennadii Borysovych , self nominated30.0424 590100.00197Holub Vladyslav Volodymyrovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"34.2124 26198.63198Rudyk Serhii Yaroslavovych , self nominated21.4515 828100.00199Nychyporenko Valentyn Mykolaiovych , self nominated44.6433 59295.72200Yatsenko Anton Volodymyrovych , self nominated57.4149 687100.00Chernivtsi region96.61Central Election Commission - 2012-2013https://web.archive.org/web/20141029091159/http:/www.cvk.gov.ua/p...Стр. 4 из 525.02.2023, 23:54
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The data and materials presented on this page are of solely informative nature and cannot be used as official documents. The Web-site link required if using the content.Contact the webmaster | © 2014 Central Election Commission201Fedoruk Mykola Trokhymovych , Political party "NARODNYY FRONT"34.4928 80099.08202Rybak Ivan Petrovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"21.1717 34497.59203Timish Hryhorii Ivanovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"28.7420 21997.70204Burbak Maksym Yuriiovych , Political party "NARODNYY FRONT"24.3418 89892.90Chernihiv region99.36205Kulich Valerii Petrovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"28.1920 46993.97206Atroshenko Vladyslav Anatoliiovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"51.3438 684100.00207Yеvlakhov Anatolii Serhiiovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"37.7129 46499.21208Davydenko Valerii Mykolaiovych , POLITICAL PARTY "VSEUKRAYINS'KEAHRARNE OB'YEDNANNYA "ZASTUP"38.8633 073100.00209Kodola Oleksandr Mykhailovych , Political party "NARODNYY FRONT"26.8819 037100.00210Dmytrenko Oleh Mykolaiovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"27.5821 934100.00Kyiv99.81211Rybchynskyi Yеvhen Yuriiovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"34.3931 188100.00212Stashuk Vitalii Fylymonovych , Political party "NARODNYY FRONT"36.7536 102100.00213Bereza Boryslav Yukhymovych , self nominated29.4426 909100.00214Chumak Viktor Vasylovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"51.5244 349100.00215Illienko Andrii Yuriiovych , SVOBODA party39.5533 966100.00216Suprunenko Oleksandr Ivanovych , self nominated24.6019 69998.66217Biletskyi Andrii Yеvheniiovych , self nominated33.7531 445100.00218Ariev Volodymyr Ihorovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"63.4651 213100.00219Tretiakov Oleksandr Yuriiovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"44.9139 986100.00220Konstantinovskyi Viacheslav Leonidovych , Political party "NARODNYY FRONT"32.4725 340100.00221Yеmets Leonid Oleksandrovych , Political party "NARODNYY FRONT"37.7033 669100.00222Andriievskyi Dmytro Yosypovych , PARTY "BLOK PETRA POROSHENKA"57.2948 011100.00223Levchenko Yurii Volodymyrovych (1984), SVOBODA party37.3033 40299.00Sevastopol0.00 © Information Analysis System "Vybory narodnykh deputativ Ukrajiny"Central Election Commission - 2012-2013https://web.archive.org/web/20141029091159/http:/www.cvk.gov.ua/p...Стр. 5 из 525.02.2023, 23:54

Annex 276
European Parliament Resolution on the Situation in Ukraine No. 2012/2889 (RSP),
13 December 2012

Annex 276
Index Previous Next Full text
Document stages in plenary
P7_TA(2012)0507 RC-B7-0544/2012
Procedure : 2012/2889(RSP)
Select a document : RC-B7-0544/2012
Texts tabled :
RC-B7-0544/2012
Debates : Votes :
PV 13/12/2012 - 11.7
CRE 13/12/2012 - 11.7
Texts adopted :
P7_TA(2012)0507
Texts adopted 125k 84k
Thursday, 13 December 2012 - Strasbourg
Situation in Ukraine
European Parliament resolution of 13 December 2012 on the situation in Ukraine 2012/2889(RSP))
The European Parliament,
– having regard to its previous resolutions and reports, in particular those of 1 December 2011 containing the European
Parliament’s recommendations to the Council, the Commission and the EEAS on the negotiations on the EU-Ukraine
Association Agreement(1) and of 24 May 2012 on the situation in Ukraine and the case of Yulia Tymoshenko(2),
– having regard to the interim reports and preliminary conclusions of the OSCE/ODIHR election observation mission to
Ukraine, in particular the Statement of Preliminary Findings and Conclusions, issued on 29 October 2012 jointly with the
OSCE Parliamentary Assembly, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, the European Parliament and the
NATO Parliamentary Assembly,
– having regard to the joint statement on the parliamentary elections in Ukraine issued by High Representative Catherine
Ashton and Commissioner Štefan Füle on 12 November 2012,
– having regard to the Council conclusions on Ukraine of 10 December 2012,
– having regard to the statement made by former Polish President Aleksander Kwasniewski and former European Parliament
President Pat Cox on 3 October 2012, stating that the elections will be ‘decisive’ for the future of Ukraine and that the
’momentum in EU-Ukraine relations has stalled’,
– having regard to the report of Parliament’s ad hoc election observation delegation to the parliamentary elections in Ukraine,
presented at the Committee of Foreign Affairs meeting of 6 November 2012,
– having regard to the EU-Ukraine Action Plan on Visa Liberalisation, adopted on 22 November 2010,
– having regard to the ENP Progress Report on Ukraine, published on 15 May 2012,
– having regard to Rule 110(2) and (4) of its Rules of Procedure,
A. whereas the 2011 EU-Ukraine summit in Kyiv recognised Ukraine as a European country with a European identity, which
shares a common history and common values with the countries of the European Union;
B. whereas OSCE/ODIHR and international election observers found evidence that the Ukrainian elections were
characterised by an unbalanced media environment, mismanagement regarding the composition of the electoral
commissions, lack of transparency in party financing, abuse of administrative resources, and a tilted playing field, also
reflected in the absence of leading opposition candidates imprisoned for political reasons, which constituted a step backwards
compared with previous general elections;
C. whereas, while the OSCE has issued a generally positive assessment of the voting process on election day, international
observers pointed to a lack of transparency in the way the final results were collated, and assessed negatively both the votetabulation
process in 77 out of the 161 district election commissions observed and the fact that delays in vote tabulation
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continued on 10 November in 12 single-mandate districts;D. whereas, according to OSCE/ODIHR reports, the conduct of the post-electoral process was marred by irregularities,delays in the vote count and a lack of transparency in the electoral commissions;E. whereas, in a joint statement, Vice-President / High Representative Catherine Ashton and Commissioner Štefan Füleexpressed concern about the conduct of the post-electoral process, which was marred by irregularities;F. whereas the general elections of 28 October 2012 were considered a key test for Ukraine in signalling the irreversibility ofthe country’s engagement towards the development of a fully-fledged democratic system, the consolidation of the rule of lawand the continuation of political reforms;G. whereas, for the first time, the Venice Commission and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE)issued recommendations stating very clearly that Ukraine should have a proportional system with open lists;H. whereas the European Parliament’s special envoy, Aleksander Kwasniewski, warned against attempts to isolate Ukraine,which could lead to the creation of favourable conditions for undemocratic regimes;I. whereas the EU-Ukraine summit of December 2011, which was intended to lead to the signing of the associationagreement, fell short of its objective due to the EU’s uneasiness concerning the political situation in Ukraine, in particular thearrest and trial of opposition leaders Yulia Tymoshenko and Yuri Lutsenko;J. whereas the Verkhovna Rada is examining Bill 8711, a liberticidal piece of legislation that will limit freedom of expressionand assembly for those who support the human rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people; whereas the UnitedNations Human Rights Committee recently ruled that this breaches Articles 19 and 26 of the International Covenant on Civiland Political Rights;1. Expresses regret at the fact that, according to the OSCE, PACE, NATO Parliamentary Assembly and European Parliamentobservers, the electoral campaign, electoral process and post-electoral process failed to meet major international standardsand constitute a step backwards compared with the national elections in 2010;2. Notes, in particular, that certain aspects of the pre-election period (the arrest of opposition political leaders, the lack of alevel playing field, caused primarily by the misuse of administrative resources, cases of harassment and intimidation ofcandidates and electoral staff, a lack of transparency in campaign and party financing, and a lack of balanced mediacoverage) and the irregularities and delays in the vote count and tabulation process constituted a step backwards comparedwith recent national elections;3. Stresses that the fact that two leaders of the opposition, Yulia Tymoshenko and Yuri Lutsenko, and others were held in jailduring the elections adversely affected the electoral process;4. Stresses that effective cooperation between Ukraine and the European Union can only be realised on the basis of a clearwillingness on the part of the Ukrainian authorities to carry out and implement the necessary reforms, in particular that of thelegal and judicial system, with the aim of fully adhering to the principles of democracy and respect for human rights andfundamental freedoms, minority rights and the rule of law; calls for active and effective support to be given to this reformprocess by the institutions of the European Union, the Council of Europe and its Venice Commission;5. Is concerned about the misuse of administrative resources and the system of campaign financing, which fell short ofinternational standards as set by the Council of Europe’s Group of States Against Corruption (GRECO); calls on the newgovernment to continue strengthening the provisions of the law on party financing in order to provide for more transparency offunding and spending, the full disclosure of sources and amounts of campaign expenditure and the sanctions for violation ofcampaign funding provisions in particular;6. Calls on the Government of Ukraine to address the electoral irregularities, including the inconclusive results in someelection districts, in dialogue with all political parties; expects, furthermore, the Ukrainian parliament to address in due coursethe shortcomings of the electoral law; expects the Verkhovna Rada to be able to build on the existing proposals that wereprepared by the outgoing parliament with the full support of the European Union and the Venice Commission;7. Expresses its concern about the problems relating to the counting and tabulation of votes in a number of single-mandateconstituencies; welcomes the decision of the Central Election Commission not to declare a result for these constituencies andthe fact that the Ukrainian authorities started to take measures to hold new elections in these constituencies as rapidlypossible;8. Is concerned about the rising nationalistic sentiment in Ukraine, expressed in support for the Svoboda Party, which, as aresult, is one of the two new parties to enter the Verkhovna Rada; recalls that racist, anti-Semitic and xenophobic views goagainst the EU’s fundamental values and principles and therefore appeals to pro-democratic parties in the Verkhovna Radanot to associate with, endorse or form coalitions with this party;9. Expresses continued support for the European aspirations of the Ukrainian people; regrets that the recent parliamentaryelections did not constitute meaningful progress in advancing Ukraine’s credentials in this regard; stresses that the EUremains committed to working with Ukraine, including civil society (NGOs, religious organisations, etc.), in order to improvedemocratic institutions, strengthen the rule of law, ensure media freedom and advance essential economic reforms;10. Confirms the EU’s commitment to further advancing relations with Ukraine through the signing of the associationagreement as soon as the Ukrainian authorities demonstrate determined action and tangible progress, as called for above,possibly by the time of the Eastern Partnership Summit in Vilnius in November 2013; notes that progress in politicalTexts adopted - Situation in Ukraine - Thursday, 13 December 2012https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/TA-7-2012-0507_E...Стр. 2 из 325.02.2023, 23:55
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association and economic integration is dependent on Ukraine’s tangible commitment to democratic principles, the rule of law,the independence of the judiciary and media freedom;11. Notes the adoption and signing of the law on referendums in Ukraine; expects the Ukrainian authorities to consider therecommendations of the Venice Commission, once available, in order to prevent possible abuse of this legislation;12. Makes a strong appeal to the Ukrainian authorities to find, together with the European Parliament’s envoys, AleksanderKwasniewski and Pat Cox, a reasonable and just solution to the Tymoshenko case; urges the Ukrainian Government torespect and implement the final decisions of the European Court of Human Rights on the ongoing case of Yulia Tymoshenkoand Yuri Lutsenko;13. Calls on Ukraine to end the selective application of justice in Ukraine at all levels of government and to make it possiblefor opposition parties to participate in political life on the basis of a level playing field; calls on the authorities, in this context, tofree and rehabilitate politically persecuted opponents, including Yulia Tymoshenko, Yuri Lutsenko and others;14. Welcomes the signing of the amended visa facilitation agreement between the European Union and Ukraine, whichintroduces clear improvements in the delivery of visas for Ukrainian citizens, compared with the agreement currently in force;calls on the Council to advance EU-Ukraine dialogue on visa liberalisation ahead of the Eastern Partnership Summit in Vilniusin November 2013;15. Strongly appeals to VP/HR Catherine Ashton and Commissioner Štefan Füle to step up the EU’s engagement withUkraine and to remain committed to work towards using the full potential of the relations between the EU and Ukraine for thebenefit of the citizens of Ukraine and the EU, inter alia by ensuring steady progress in the visa liberalisation dialogue;16. Welcomes the conclusions of the Foreign Affairs Council meeting of 10 December 2012;17. Calls on the Verkhovna Rada to reject Bill 8711, which limits freedom of expression in relation to sexual orientation andgender identity and which was adopted at first reading in October; points out that this law is in clear breach of the EuropeanConvention on Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, both ratified by the parliament ofUkraine;18. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the European External Action Service (EEAS), the Council, theCommission, the Member States, the President, Government and Parliament of Ukraine and the Parliamentary Assemblies ofthe Council of Europe and the OSCE.(1)Texts adopted, P7_TA(2011)0545.(2)Texts adopted, P7_TA(2012)0221.Legal notice - Privacy policyTexts adopted - Situation in Ukraine - Thursday, 13 December 2012https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/TA-7-2012-0507_E...Стр. 3 из 325.02.2023, 23:55

Annex 277
Newsweek, Yarosh: Russians, Rise Up Against Putin! (19 March 2014)

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The Wayback Machine - https://web.archive.org/web/20140328092833/http://mag.newsweek.com:80/20…
Yarosh: Russians, Rise Up Against Putin!
By Anna Nemtsova / March 19, 2014 5:28 PM EDT
Newsweek spoke with Dmitry Yarosh, 42, a leader of the Right Sector, a once obscure rightwing
group that is now at the center of a geopolitical standoff between Russia and the United
States.
NEWSWEEK: Is it true that you have been training Right Sector forces for more
than 20 years?
YAROSH: I was training paramilitary troops for almost 25 years. Although we just came out
of the revolution, my guys are continuing military training all across Ukraine, ready to
cleanse the country of the occupiers.
How many are you?
I cannot give you the exact number, as our structure and divisions are constantly growing all
over Ukraine, but more than 10,000 people for sure. We have certain preconditions for our
recruits: patriotism and other criteria for proper behavior.
Are you aware that a Moscow court is trying you for calling for terrorist actions
against Russia?
That is Putin's idea. He is a political corpse.
Do you have many war veterans in your ranks? Are your forces a part of
Ukraine's army?
As soon as Russia declared war, we recruited retired officers, generals of the interior ministry
and security agencies. We are coordinating our actions with the council of the National
Security and Defense, as well as with the army's general headquarters. We are currently
negotiating to put our forces on a proper legal footing.
What is Right Sector's response to a vote to secede Crimea from the Ukraine?
Right Sector, together with all other Ukrainian citizens, is ready to defend Ukraine's
territorial integrity by all possible means. In case the Kremlin decides to attack us, they will
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have a major partisan war on Ukraine territory.Do you think Ukraine has enough forces to defend itself?I am realistic about the pitiful conditions of our military forces, including Right Sector. Ourarmy is many hundreds of times weaker than Russia's, so it's important for Ukraine to doeverything to resolve the crisis through negotiations.Why do you call your organization paramilitary? Are you armed just withKalashnikovs or do you also have more serious weapons?As in any army, we have specialists trained to shoot S-300 missiles. In case of a partisan war,there will be shooting from every house.Do you realize that the majority of Russians, including cultural and intellectualleaders, support Putin's actions in Crimea because they see you as a leader of afascist, radical movement? Are you ready to become the reason for the end ofyears of Russian-Ukrainian friendship?Unfortunately, Russia is largely brainwashed. Ukrainian nationalists have nothing to do withfascism. The powerful Russian propaganda machine knows what it's doing. The beliefs ofRight Sector are against chauvinism. We base our views on nationalist ideas. The proof is that40 percent of our members speak Russian; Jews and other nationals feel comfortable in ourforces.What then makes your movement "right"?Ukraine deserves to have its own national state. That is what makes our movement right.Was your book Nation and Revolution—in which you define your movement'senemies as the Russian Federation and the Russian Orthodox Church—aprediction of "the liberating war" of the Ukrainian nation?The book is a collection of my articles that was criticized when it came out. But now we seethat it predicted many events that have since happened. I would advise Russian citizens tostart their struggle against Putin's fascist regime. That would be the best guarantee offriendship between Russian and the Ukrainian people. So long as Putin is in power, Russianimperialism will always be putting improper pressure upon Ukraine.Why do you refer to the Russian president, who enjoys high popularity ratings,as a fascist?Yarosh: Russians, Rise Up Against Putin! - Newsweekhttps://web.archive.org/web/20140328092833/http://mag.newsweek....Стр. 2 из 426.02.2023, 23:14
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Putin built up his power by fascistic methods. He ignored the constitutional rights of Russiancitizens. In Russia, police beat up those taking part in mass protests in Moscow and St.Petersburg. That smells of fascist methods to me. They arrest protesters carrying antiwarsigns. That is fascism.It is broadly believed in Ukraine that the revolution would not have happenedwithout Right Sector. What kind of revolution was it?We had a nationalist revolution to create a state where Ukrainian people would be the masterof their own destiny in their own land. Until now, we have had an occupying regime. We'll doeverything to give our people full freedom, justice and a share of the nation's wealth.Your men are all over the center of Kiev. Why do you and your men wear blackuniforms?This is not an official uniform. We bought uniforms sold to security guards. [And] I havetaken professional advice about strengthening our security [because] we have been giveninformation that some Russian forces are interested in kidnapping, arresting or liquidatingme.Who is shooting on the Maidan every night?That is not my people. My men never use their weapons unless there is a specific need.You are running for president. What special qualifications do you have to be apolitician? Do you think you have a chance to win the presidential election?I graduated from university, specializing in Ukrainian language and literature. I neverintended to be a politician. But since January 19 of this year, I have been responsible for allthe events. We have seen two miracles happen already: Politicians have not betrayed therevolutionary spirit of the Maidan; and we won the revolution. I expect one more miracle totake place at the presidential election.Did your movement support Chechen insurgencies in Russia?We supported the first Chechen war against Russian empire. We sent a delegation toChechnya. We helped treat the Chechen wounded here. And we publish Chechen books.Did you really call for Islamic insurgencies to support Ukraine in the waragainst Russia? Did any of your men meet with the Chechen insurgency leaderDoku Umarov?Yarosh: Russians, Rise Up Against Putin! - Newsweekhttps://web.archive.org/web/20140328092833/http://mag.newsweek....Стр. 3 из 426.02.2023, 23:14
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I didn't say that. I am not sure [who met Umarov]. When we were helping Chechnya, DokuUmarov was just an ordinary field commander. We are not supporters of the Islamist waragainst defenseless women and children.Ukraine's former president, Viktor Yanukovych, has said the new leadership inKiev is going to raise Bandera flag that is considered fascist in Russia. Is thattrue?We stood under red and black flags throughout the revolution. Red Ukrainian blood spilledon the black Ukrainian earth—that flag is the symbol of the national revolution. I amconvinced that this flag will bring us freedom.Who finances you? Do you think the West is going to support Ukraine?As a matter of principle, l do not take money from oligarchs, as we do not want to bedependent. We received some U.S. dollars from the Ukrainian diaspora. Otherwise the entirecountry supports the Right Sector.I am sure that if Russians bombed Kiev—and we believe there is fifty-fifty chance that willhappen—NATO will not come to fight for Ukraine. Europe has betrayed Ukraine many times.We are not counting on its help. We can count only on our own forces and our ingenuity.Yarosh: Russians, Rise Up Against Putin! - Newsweekhttps://web.archive.org/web/20140328092833/http://mag.newsweek....Стр. 4 из 426.02.2023, 23:14
Annex 278 Reuters, Commentary Ukraine’s neo-Nazi problem (20 March 2018)

Annex 278
Commentary: Ukraine’s neo-Nazi problem
Josh Cohen
As Ukraine’s struggle against Russia and its proxies continues, Kiev must also contend with a
growing problem behind the front lines: far-right vigilantes who are willing to use intimidation and
even violence to advance their agendas, and who often do so with the tacit approval of law
enforcement agencies.
A January 28 demonstration, in Kiev, by 600 members of the so-called “National Militia,” a newlyformed
ultranationalist group that vows “to use force to establish order,” illustrates this threat.
While the group’s Kiev launch was peaceful, National Militia members in balaclavas stormed a city
council meeting in the central Ukrainian town of Cherkasy the following day, skirmishing with
deputies and forcing them to pass a new budget.
Many of the National Militia's members come from the Azov movement, one of the 30-odd
privately-funded “volunteer battalions” that, in the early days of the war, helped the regular army
to defend Ukrainian territory against Russia's separatist proxies. Although Azov uses Nazi-era
symbolism and recruits neo-Nazis into its ranks, a recent article in Foreign Affairs downplayed any
risks the group might pose, pointing out that, like other volunteer militias, Azov has been “reined
in” through its integration into Ukraine’s armed forces. While it’s true that private militias no
longer rule the battlefront, it’s the home front that Kiev needs to worry about now.
When Russian President Vladimir Putin’s seizure of Crimea four years ago first exposed the
decrepit condition of Ukraine’s armed forces, right-wing militias such as Azov and Right Sector
stepped into the breach, fending off the Russian-backed separatists while Ukraine’s regular
military regrouped. Though, as a result, many Ukrainians continue to regard the militias with
gratitude and admiration, the more extreme among these groups promote an intolerant and
illiberal ideology that will endanger Ukraine in the long term. Since the Crimean crisis, the militias
have been formally integrated into Ukraine’s armed forces, but some have resisted full integration:
Azov, for example, runs its own children’s training camp, and the careers section instructs recruits
who wish to transfer to Azov from a regular military unit.
According to Freedom House’s Ukraine project director Matthew Schaaf, “numerous organized
radical right-wing groups exist in Ukraine, and while the volunteer battalions may have been
officially integrated into state structures, some of them have since spun off political and non-profit
structures to implement their vision.” Schaaf noted that “an increase in patriotic discourse
supporting Ukraine in its conflict with Russia has coincided with an apparent increase in both
public hate speech, sometimes by public officials and magnified by the media, as well as violence
towards vulnerable groups such as the LGBT community,” an observation that is supported by a
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recent Council of Europe study.In recent months, Ukraine has experienced a wave of unchecked vigilantism. Institute Respublica,a local pro-democracy NGO, reported that activists are frequently harassed by vigilantes whenholding legal meetings or rallies related to politically-controversial positions, such as thepromotion of LGBT rights or opposition to the war. Azov and other militias have attacked anti-fascist demonstrations, city council meetings, media outlets, art exhibitions, foreign students andRoma. Progressive activists describe a new climate of fear that they say has been intensifying eversince last year's near-fatal stabbing of anti-war activist Stas Serhiyenko, which is believed to havebeen perpetrated by an extremist group named C14 (the name refers to a 14-word slogan popularamong white supremacists). Brutal attacks this month on International Women’s Day marches inseveral Ukrainian cities prompted an unusually forceful statement from Amnesty International,which warned that "the Ukrainian state is rapidly losing its monopoly on violence.”Ukraine is not the only country that must contend with a resurgent far right. But Kiev’s recentefforts to incorporate independent armed groups into its regular armed forces, as well as acontinuing national sense of indebtedness to the militias for their defense of the homeland, makeaddressing the ultranationalist threat considerably more complicated than it is elsewhere.According to Schaaf and the Institute Respublica, Ukrainian extremists are rarely punished for actsof violence. In some cases — such as C14's January attack on a remembrance gathering for twomurdered journalists — police actually detain peaceful demonstrators instead.To be clear, the Kremlin’s claims that Ukraine is a hornets’ nest of fascists are false: far-rightparties performed poorly in Ukraine’s last parliamentary elections, and Ukrainians reacted withalarm to the National Militia’s demonstration in Kiev. But connections between law enforcementagencies and extremists give Ukraine’s Western allies ample reason for concern. C14 and Kiev'scity government recently signed an agreement allowing C14 to establish a "municipal guard" topatrol the streets; three such militia-run guard forces are already registered in Kiev, and at least 21operate in other cities.In an ideal world, President Petro Poroshenko would purge the police and the interior ministry offar-right sympathizers, including Interior Minister Arsen Avakov, who has close ties to Azovleader Andriy Biletsky, as well as Sergei Korotkykh, an Azov veteran who is now a high-ranking police official. But Poroshenko would risk major repercussions if he did so; Avakov is hischief political rival, and the ministry he runs controls the police, the National Guard and severalformer militias.As one Ukrainian analyst noted in December, control of these forces make Avakov extremelypowerful and Poroshenko’s presidency might not be strong enough to withstand the kind of directconfrontation with Avakov that an attempt to oust him or to strike at his power base could wellproduce. Poroshenko has endured frequent verbal threats, including calls for revolution, fromultranationalist groups, so he may believe that he needs Avakov to keep them in check.Commentary: Ukraine’s neo-Nazi problemhttps://www.reuters.com/article/us-cohen-ukraine-commentary-idU...Стр. 2 из 326.02.2023, 23:20
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Avakov’s Peoples’ Party status as the main partner in Ukraine’s parliamentary coalition increasesAvakov’s leverage over Poroshenko’s Bloc. An attempt to fire Avakov could imperil Poroshenko’sslim legislative majority, and lead to early parliamentary elections. Given Poroshenko’s currentunpopularity, this is a scenario he will likely try to avoid.Despite his weak position, Poroshenko still has some options for reducing the threat from the farright. Though Avakov controls the Ukraine’s police and National Guard, Poroshenko stillcommands Ukraine’s security and intelligence services, the SBU, and could instruct the agency tocut its ties with C14 and other extremist groups. Poroshenko should also express public support formarginalized groups like the Roma and LGBT communities, and affirm his commitment toprotecting their rights.Western diplomats and human rights organizations must urge Ukraine’s government to uphold therule of law and to stop allowing the far right to act with impunity. International donors can help byfunding more initiatives like the United States Agency for International Development’s projectssupporting training for Ukrainian lawyers and human rights defenders, and improving equitableaccess to the judicial system for marginalized communities. There’s no easy way to eradicate the virulent far-right extremism that has been poisoningUkrainian politics and public life, but without vigorous and immediate efforts to counteract it, itmay soon endanger the state itself.About the AuthorJosh Cohen is a former USAID project officer involved in managing economic reform projects inthe former Soviet Union.The views expressed in this article are not those of Reuters News.Commentary: Ukraine’s neo-Nazi problemhttps://www.reuters.com/article/us-cohen-ukraine-commentary-idU...Стр. 3 из 326.02.2023, 23:20

Annex 279
The Telegraph, Ukraine crisis: the neo-Nazi brigade fighting pro-Russian separatists
(11 August 2014)

Annex 279
Ukraine crisis: the neo-Nazi brigade fighting pro-
Russian separatists
By Tom Parfitt 11 August 2014 • 9:00am
The fighters of the Azov battalion lined up in single file to say farewell to their fallen comrade. His
pallid corpse lay under the sun in an open casket trimmed with blue velvet.
Some of the men placed carnations by the body, others roses. Many struck their chests with a
closed fist before touching their dead friend’s arm. One fighter had an SS tattoo on his neck.
Sergiy Grek, 22, lost a leg and died from massive blood loss after a radio-controlled anti-tank mine
exploded near to him.
As Ukraine’s armed forces tighten the noose around pro-Russian separatists in the east of the
country, the western-backed government in Kiev is throwing militia groups – some openly neo-
Nazi - into the front of the battle.
The Azov battalion has the most chilling reputation of all. Last week, it came to the fore as it
mounted a bold attack on the rebel redoubt of Donetsk, striking deep into the suburbs of a city
under siege.
Andriy Biletsky, 35, (in black T-shirt), commander of Ukraine's Azov battalion Credit: Tom Parfitt
Andriy Biletsky, in black T-shirt, commander of Ukraine's Azov battalion (Tom Parfitt)
In Marinka, on the western outskirts, the battalion was sent forward ahead of tanks and armoured
vehicles of the Ukrainian army’s 51st Mechanised Brigade. A ferocious close-quarters fight ensued
as they got caught in an ambush laid by well-trained separatists, who shot from 30 yards away. The
Azov irregulars replied with a squall of fire, fending off the attack and seizing a rebel checkpoint.
Mr Grek, also known as “Balagan”, died in the battle and 14 others were wounded. Speaking after
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the ceremony Andriy Biletsky, the battalion’s commander, told the Telegraph the operation hadbeen a “100% success”. “The battalion is a family and every death is painful to us but these wereminimal losses,” he said. “Most important of all, we established a bridgehead for the attack onDonetsk. And when that comes we will be leading the way.”The military achievement is hard to dispute. By securing Marinka the battalion “widened the frontand tightened the circle”, around the rebels’ capital, as another fighter put it. While Vladimir Putin,Russia’s president, prevaricates about sending an invasion force into Ukraine, the rebels he backsare losing ground fast.But Kiev’s use of volunteer paramilitaries to stamp out the Russian-backed Donetsk and Luhansk“people’s republics”, proclaimed in eastern Ukraine in March, should send a shiver down Europe’sspine. Recently formed battalions such as Donbas, Dnipro and Azov, with several thousand menunder their command, are officially under the control of the interior ministry but their financing ismurky, their training inadequate and their ideology often alarming.The Azov men use the neo-Nazi Wolfsangel (Wolf’s Hook) symbol on their banner and members ofthe battalion are openly white supremacists, or anti-Semites.The Azov battalion uses the neo-Nazi Wolfsangel (Wolf''s Hook) symbol on its banner (Tom Parfitt)“Personally, I’m a Nazi,” said “Phantom”, a 23-year-old former lawyer at the ceremony wearingcamouflage and holding a Kalashnikov. “I don’t hate any other nationalities but I believe eachnation should have its own country.” He added: “We have one idea: to liberate our land fromterrorists.”The Telegraph was invited to see some 300 Azov fighters pay respects to Mr Grek, their firstcomrade to die since the battalion was formed in May. An honour guard fired volleys into the air atthe battalion’s headquarters on the edge of Urzuf, a small beach resort on Ukraine’s Azov Seacoast. Two more militiamen died on Sunday fighting north of Donetsk. Petro Poroshenko,Ukraine’s president, called one of them a hero.escenichttps://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/ukraine/11025...Стр. 2 из 526.02.2023, 23:49
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Each new recruit receives only a couple of weeks of training before joining the battalion. Theinterior ministry and private donors provide weapons.The HQ is a seaside dacha compound dotted with pines that once belonged to the ousted presidentof Ukraine, Vladimir Yanukovich, when he was governor of this region. Families in swimsuits withtowels and inflatable rings walk past gate-guards toting automatic rifles.Parked inside among wooden gazebos overlooking the sea are the tools of Azov’s trade – twoarmoured personnel carriers, a converted truck with retractable steel shutters to cover its windows,and several Nissan pick-ups fitted with machine-gun mounts.A converted truck with steel shutters used by the Azov battalion and known to the fighters as 'the Lump of Iron' (TomParfitt)Mr Biletsky, a muscular man in a black T-shirt and camouflage trousers, said the battalion was alight infantry unit, ideal for the urban warfare needed to take cities like Donetsk.The 35-year old commander began creating the battalion after he was released from pre-trialdetention in February in the wake of pro-western protests in Kiev. He had denied a charge ofattempted murder, claiming it was politically motivated.A former history student and amateur boxer, Mr Biletsky is also head of an extremist Ukrainiangroup called the Social National Assembly. “The historic mission of our nation in this criticalmoment is to lead the White Races of the world in a final crusade for their survival,” he wrote in arecent commentary. “A crusade against the Semite-led Untermenschen.”The battalion itself is founded on right wing views, the commander said in Urzuf, and no Naziconvictions could exclude a recruit. “The most important thing is being a good fighter and a goodbrother so that we can trust each other,” he said.Interestingly, many of the men in the battalion are Russians from eastern Ukraine who wear masksbecause they fear their relatives in rebel-controlled areas could be persecuted if their identities arerevealed.escenichttps://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/ukraine/11025...Стр. 3 из 526.02.2023, 23:49
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Phantom said he was such a Russian but that he was opposed to Moscow supporting “terrorists” inhis homeland: “I volunteered and all I demanded was a gun and the possibility to defend mycountry.”Asked about his Nazi sympathies, he said: “After the First World World War, Germany was a totalmess and Hitler rebuilt it: he built houses and roads, put in telephone lines, and created jobs. Irespect that.” Homosexuality is a mental illness and the scale of the Holocaust “is a big question”,he added.Fighters of the Azov battalion say farewell to their first comrade to die in the war against Russia-backed rebels (TomParfitt)Stepan, 23, another fighter, said that if leaders of the pro-Russian separatists were captured theyshould be executed after a military tribunal.Such notions seem a far cry from the spirit of the “Maidan” protests that peaked in Kiev inFebruary with the ousting of Mr Yanukovich, who had refused to sign a trade agreement with theEuropean Union. Young liberals led the way but the uprising, which ended with the presidentfleeing to Russia, provoked a huge patriotic awakening that sucked in hardline groups.Azov’s extremist profile and slick English–language pages on social media have even attractedforeign fighters. Mr Biletsky says he has men from Ireland, Italy, Greece and Scandinavia. At thebase in Urzuf, Mikael Skillt, 37, a former sniper with the Swedish Army and National Guard, leadsand trains a reconnaissance unit.“When I saw the Maidan protests I recognised bravery and suffering,” he told the Telegraph. “Awarrior soul was awakened. But you can only do so much, going against the enemy with sticks andstones. I had some experience and I though maybe I could help.”Mr Skillt says he called himself a National Socialist as a young man and more recently he wasactive in the extreme right wing Party of the Swedes. “Now I’m fighting for the freedom of Ukraineagainst Putin’s imperialist front,” he said.escenichttps://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/ukraine/11025...Стр. 4 из 526.02.2023, 23:49
Annex 279
His unit is improving fast under his tutelage. “What they lack in experience, they make up in balls,”he said. Once he is done with Azov –where he claimed he receives a nominal GBP100 a month –Mr Skillt plans to go to Syria to fight for President Bashar al-Assad as a hired gun earning “verygood money”.Such characters under Kiev’s control play straight into the hands of Russian and separatistpropaganda that portrays Ukraine’s government as a “fascist junta” manipulated by the West.“These battalions are made up of mercenaries, not volunteers,” said Sergei Kavtaradze, arepresentative of the rebel authorities in Donetsk. “They are real fascists who kill and rapecivilians.” Mr Kavtaradze could not cite evidence of his claim and the battalion says it has notharmed a single civilian.Ukraine’s government is unrepentant about using the neo-Nazis. “The most important thing istheir spirit and their desire to make Ukraine free and independent,” said Anton Gerashchenko, anadviser to Arsen Avakov, the interior minister. “A person who takes a weapon in his hands andgoes to defend his motherland is a hero. And his political views are his own affair.”Mark Galeotti, an expert on Russian and Ukrainian security affairs at New York University, fearsbattalions like Azov are becoming “magnets to attract violent fringe elements from across Ukraineand beyond”. “The danger is that this is part of the building up of a toxic legacy for when the warends,” he said.Extremist paramilitary groups who have built up “their own little Freikorps” and who arefundamentally opposed to finding consensus may demand a part in public life as victors in theconflict, Mr Galeotti added. “And what do you do when the war is over and you get veterans fromAzov swaggering down your high street, and in your own lives?”escenichttps://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/ukraine/11025...Стр. 5 из 526.02.2023, 23:49

Annex 280
Pravfond, Why Western Human Rights Activists Paid Attention to Ukrainian Nationalists’
Outages (18 June 2018)
(translation)

Annex 280
Translation
Pravfond, Why Western Human Rights Activists Paid Attention to Ukrainian Nationalists’
Outages (18 June 2018), available at: https://pravfond.ru/presstsentr/
stati/pochemu_zapadnye_pravozashchitniki_obratili_vnimanie_na_beschinstva_u
krainskikh_natsionalistov_2423/.
FOUNDATION FOR SUPPORT AND PROTECTION OF
THE RIGHTS OF COMPATRIOTS LIVING ABROAD
Why Western Human Rights Activists Paid Attention to Ukrainian
Nationalists’ Outages
Four well-known western human rights organisations urged Ukrainian Prosecutor
General Yury Lutsenko and Ukrainian Interior Minister Arsen Avakov to condemn the
crimes committed by Ukrainian nationalists and punish the perpetrators. Their letter has
been published on Human Rights Watch’s website. Radical groups have committed at
least 20 crimes since the beginning of 2018, but all of them have gone unnoticed by the
authorities, activists say. RT found out why the West finally paid attention to the outrages
of Ukrainian radicals.
Four human rights organisations – Human Rights Watch (HRW), Freedom House, Amnesty
International, and Front Line Defenders – have written an open letter to Ukrainian Prosecutor
Annex 280
General Yury Lutsenko and Ukrainian Interior Minister Arsen Avakov, urging them to rein in Ukrainian radicals and punish them for their crimes. Their letter says that since the beginning of 2018, various radical groups, including those banned in Russia, such as S14, Right Sector*, Tradition and Order, Carpathian Sich and others, have committed at least two dozen attacks on civilians in Kiev, Vinnitsa, Uzhhorod, Lvov, Chernovtsy, Ivano-Frankovsk and other cities and towns in Ukraine. However, law enforcement agencies either fail to conduct or delay investigations those crimes. “Even where the attackers publicly stated their responsibility on social networks, the investigative authorities took no measures against them”, the letter points out. Human Rights Watch, Freedom House, Amnesty International, and Front Line Defenders ask the official Kiev to investigate the crimes committed by radical groups and punish those liable. Radical Factor This is the first document prepared by Western human rights activists, which expresses concerns about the actions taken by radicals in Ukraine and condemns those actions, political scientist Alexander Asafov said in an interview with RT. Human Rights Watch and other human rights organisations finally paid attention to the fact that journalists, members of LGBT communities, and Roma, whose camp in Kiev was attacked by S14, a right-wing radical group that, by the way, received a state grant for its operations, are under attack in Ukraine, he stressed. According to RT’s source in the People’s Front party, Western partners of Ukraine fear that “the situation in the country may get out of control”. “The police have long lost their monopoly on violence” as radical attacks on all unwanted citizens go unpunished, and any attempts to rein in nationalists are accompanied by accusations of “playing into the hands of the Kremlin”, the source said. In their appeal to Mrs. Avakov and Lutsenko, the human rights activists, among other things, expressed concerns about the fact that the Ukrainian authorities involve radicals in “performing police functions”, including patrolling the streets. RT’s source in the Popular Front party confirmed that the Kiev authorities often engage radicals in solving “delicate problems” the Ukrainian police cannot be used for. As an example, he cited the blocking of Russian consulates in Ukraine during the presidential elections in Russia in March of this year, an attack on the head of Rossotrudnichestvo and on the Russian Centre for Science and Culture in Kiev, threats to Igor Guzhva, Editor-in-Chief of the opposition medium Strana.ua, who was forced to emigrate to Vienna, attacks on branches of Russian banks and the Inter TV channel, and blocking of the building occupied by the 21K TV channel. The representative of People’s Front also recalled the creation of a parallel power structure in Ukraine – the so-called people’s militias, which are reportedly controlled by Arsen Avakov. “As far as I know, representatives of the EU and the United States regularly discuss security issues in Ukraine with President Pyotr Poroshenko. But there is no reaction, so it seems that the
Annex 280
authorities benefit from what is happening”, said RT’s source in the Samopomich (Self-Reliance) party. The interlocutor of RT recalled that the US State Department published a report on human rights in Ukraine in 2017. It stated that the number of murders, kidnappings and illegal arrests is growing in the country. It also described total corruption among authorities, attacks on journalists which remain uninvestigated, and the deplorable condition of the national judicial system. Crimes without Punishment The experts also paid attention to the fact that the human rights activists for the first time pointed out the impunity of Ukrainian radicals. In many instances during the post-Maidan period, those nationalists who committed offenses have managed to avoid liability. For example, in late October 2017, the Svyatoshino District Court of Kiev released Nikolay Kokhanovsky, the commander of the volunteer battalion of the extremist group “Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists”** who had wounded a man with two shots in his back. Another telling example was the release in last June of those Right Sector’s fighters who set off a shootout in Mukachevo in July 2015, resulting in four people killed and 14 wounded. In late March 2016, nationalists Andrey Medvedko and Denis Polishchuk were released; they were accused of killing Oles Buzina, a famous Ukrainian writer and journalist, in the spring of 2015. The court is still unable to hear their case. During the years of the “Maidan” power, Ukrainian radicals felt their complete impunity, experts say. And nationalists themselves are already openly talking about that. “We are fighting for the rights of Ukrainian citizens, and there is nothing to punish us for”, a source in S14 told RT. “The police are not coping with their duties, so we are forced to act. Law enforcers understand this and informally support us”, he added. Yevhen Karas, a leader of S14, openly stated in an interview with the Ukrainian edition of Liga.net that law enforcement officers work in close connection with nationalists. When asked by the journalist whether the Security Service of Ukraine (SSU) was providing them with information, he answered in the affirmative. “Yes. Relatively speaking, if there is a separatist rally – then they pass [the relevant information]. Moreover, they inform not only us but also Azov, Right Sector and so on”, he explained. “There Is no Place for Criticism Here” According to some experts, the appeal by the human rights activists to the official Kiev will not change the situation.
Annex 280
“None of this will affect human rights or the attitude towards Kiev in the West. The Ukrainian government will always be able to say: “It's not us, it’s some citizens showing their position in this way, we will definitely punish them”. In fact, this is happening with either tacit approval or quiet help from the government. Right-wing radical groups have long turned into illegal armed formations perfectly integrated into the political life of Ukraine; major politicians, such as Arsen Avakov, use their services”, Mr. Asafov said. At the same time, the Ukrainian authorities seem to remain aloof from what is happening, experts say. After all, it is not the official Kiev who attacks human rights activists, dissidents and representatives of the LGBT community, Rostislav Ishchenko, President of the Centre for System Analysis and Forecasting, explained in an interview with RT. “The attacks are carried out by right-wing radicals whom the official Ukrainian authorities cannot control. Moreover, the official Kiev relies on them as a means of intimidation. These people are very strong, and they are themselves a political force that can rein in anyone”, he said. However, according to Mr. Ishchenko, the West’s attitude towards Ukraine has changed recently. “Since 2015, they have stopped providing significant financial assistance to Ukraine. The country receives just crumbs from the Western community to implement certain targeted programs, and people in the West are well aware of whom they are dealing with”, he emphasised. According to analysts, the calls by the human rights activists will not be heeded by Kiev, nor will be any serious response to them. RT’s source in the Samopomich party believes the heads of law enforcement agencies will ignore the appeal of human rights organisations. “Elections are approaching, and the authorities will tighten the screws, continuing to put pressure on those journalists and human rights activists who will criticize the actions taken by the country’s top officials. They need to increase their ratings, so there is no place for criticism here”, he said. * Right Sector is a Ukrainian association of radical nationalist organisations found to be extremist and banned in Russia (by the Judgment of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation dated 17 November 2014). ** Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists – Ukrainian Insurgent Army (OUN-UPA) is a Ukrainian organisation found to be extremist and banned in Russia (by the Judgment of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation dated 17 November 2014).
Annex 281 Azov.org, About Azov (translation)

Annex 281
Translation
Azov.org, About Azov, available at: https://azov.org.ua/pro-nas/.
ABOUT AZOV
Subordination:
The Azov Battalion was created on 5 May 2014 in the city of Berdyansk as a battalion of
the Special Operations Police Patrol Service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs pursuant
to a decision of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine.
On 17 September 2014, by order of the Minister of Internal Affairs of Ukraine, the Azov
Battalion was reorganised and expanded to become a part of the Azov Special
Operations Police Regiment of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
On 11 November, the Minister of Internal Affairs of Ukraine signed an order to transfer
the Azov Regiment to the National Guard of Ukraine and bring it up to strength as a
combat unit of the National Guard. Today, it is a separate special operations
detachment "Azov" of military unit 3057 of the National Guard of Ukraine.
Conduct of hostilities:
As part of the forces of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine, the Azov detachment
took part in military operations in the territory where the Anti-Terrorist Operation (ATO)
and the Joint Forces Operation (JFO) were conducted and also throughout Ukraine:
After its creation, the Azov Police Battalion conducted training in Zaporozhskaya region
near the city of Berdyansk and patrolled the area around the city of Mariupol.
On 07 May 2014, terrorists fired with automatic weapons at a bus of the Azov police
battalion near the village of Mangush. The driver was wounded. One of the attackers
was killed, two others were taken prisoner, including Igor Khakimzyanov, the 'minister of
defence' of the terrorist organisation of the so-called "Donetsk People's Republic".
On 09 May 2014, servicemen of the Azov Police Battalion took part in the liberation of
the building of the city police department which had been seized by terrorists in the city
of Mariupol.
On 12 June 2014, servicemen of the Azov Police Battalion detained Aleksandr
Fomenko, one of the leaders of terrorists of the so-called "Donetsk People's Republic"
in the city of Mariupol.
Annex 281
On 13 June 2014, servicemen of the Azov Police Battalion, supported by units of the National Guard and the Armed Forces of Ukraine, liberated Mariupol from terrorists of the so-called "Donetsk People's Republic". Terrorists lost 3 killed and 17 wounded and 38 terrorists were detained. On 30 June 2014, servicemen of the Azov Battalion detained a commander of pro-Russian Berdyansk cossacks Igor Guskov, who is an associate of one of the leaders of terrorists in Donbas, Russian citizen Igor Girkin. Since the beginning of July 2014, servicemen of the Azov Battalion have been conducting operations to block the weapons supply channels used by terrorists in Donetsk region. As of 6 July, the Azov Sea coast in Donetsk region is fully controlled by the battalion's forces, and checkpoints have been set up. On 12 July 2014, servicemen of the battalion detained Vasyl Chernenko, one of the leaders of terrorists from the city of Druzhkovka. The detainee was handed over to the SBU for investigative actions. He is accused of creating terrorist groups and carrying out attacks on Ukrainian military. On 15 July 2014, servicemen of the Azov Battalion detained one of the leaders of terrorists of the so-called "DPR" Oleksey Pabushkov, or the "Greek", who is an associate of Andrey Borisov nicknamed "Chechen", the leader of the combat unit of the "DPR"'s terrorists in Mariupol. The detainee was handed over to the SBU for investigative actions. On 25 July 2014, servicemen of the Azov Battalion detained a terrorist from "DPR" nicknamed "Flag", who held the position of a gunsmith in a local terrorist cell. The detainee was handed over to the SBU for investigative actions. On 04 August 2014, the Azov Police Battalion, in coordination with the Armed Forces of Ukraine, liberated the town of Maryinka from terrorists and Russian mercenaries. On 10 August 2014, the Armed Forces of Ukraine, in coordination with the Azov Police Battalion, launched an operation to liberate the city of Ilovaisk and eliminate the terrorists' fortified area. On 18 August 2014, the Azov Police Battalion, in conjunction with units of the Donbas Battalion and a separate company of the Dnepr Battalion, fought heavy battles on the outskirts of Ilovaisk. On 05 September 2014, the Azov Police Battalion, in conjunction with units of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, was defending Mariupol and repelled several attacks by illegal armed groups. On 12 October 2014, servicemen of the Azov Police Regiment and soldiers of the Armed Forces of Ukraine put out of action a terrorist tank that was shelling the positions of the Ukrainian military and an armoured vehicle "Tiger" of the Russian occupation forces.
Annex 281
In November 2014, the leadership of the Azov Police Regiment, jointly with the SBU and the State Border Guard Service of Ukraine, detained a Russian citizen who, on the instructions of the Russian special services, was to join the unit and share information on the activities of Azov and the operations in which it would participate, as well as to prepare a murderous attack on its leadership, for which purpose he had components for making remotely operated explosives. On 12 December 2014, the special operations detachment "Azov" of the National Guard of Ukraine fought with the terrorist groups of the so-called "DPR" and Russian troops for the towns of Pavlopol, Granitnoye and Kominternovo. On 10 February 2015, the separate special operations detachment "Azov" of the NGU conducted an offensive operation and liberated 5 populated places east of the city of Mariupol from occupation: Shyrokino, Berdyansk, Lebedinskoye, Kominternovo, Pavlopol. April and May 2016 - strengthening the enforcement of public order in Odessa. In August 2016, at the instance of the Commander of the National Guard of Ukraine, a part of the special operations detachment "Azov" was assigned to guard checkpoints in Zaporozhskaya. From autumn 2016 to the present, the special operations detachment "Azov" of the NGU has been carrying out ant-airborne defence tasks along the Azov Sea coast. March-July 2017 – a unit of the special operations detachment "Azov" of the NGU, in conjunction with the SBU, served at entry-exit checkpoints near Donetsk and took preventive measures to prevent terrorism and other offences. From 09 September 2017 to 05 May 2018, sniper groups of the special operations detachment "Azov" of the NGU were carrying out special and general military reconnaissance and counter-sabotage missions in the ATO (Anti-Terrorist Operation) and, later, the JFO (Joint Forces Operation) areas. During the period of the mission, illegal armed groups suffered the following losses: 8 killed and 8 wounded; 9 coaxial grenade launchers, 1 firing position, and 1 blindage were destroyed; and 2 firing positions were partially destroyed. On 20 January 2018, while carrying out a counter-battery task, the special operations detachment "Azov" of the NGU destroyed 1 Nona-B artillery piece of illegal armed groups. From January to September 2019, the battalion tactical group (BTG) "Azov", as part of the 30th Separate Mechanised Brigade of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, was performing a combat mission on the line of contact in the area of the Svetlodarsk Bulge. During the period of the mission, illegal armed groups suffered the following losses: 30 killed, 42 wounded, and 1 captured; 1 "Zoo 1" radar destroyed, 2 "Eleron" UAVs shot down; 8 infantry combat vehicles, 1 MT-LB multi-purpose light-armoured towing vehicle, 10 cars and trucks, 8 exclusion zones, 9 blindages, and 11 barracks destroyed. The BTG forces advanced the front line by 1 km in various areas.
Annex 281
Since its inception, Azov unit has been involved in rapid response teams and patrols throughout the Joint Forces Operation (JFO) area to counter sabotage and prevent terrorism. Losses of the Azov detachment in 2014 to 2019 Awards for the period 2014 to 2019: More than 150 Azov servicemen were awarded state decorations, including the title "Hero of Ukraine", to whom the Order of the Golden Star was awarded (posthumously); the Order of Bogdan Khmelnytsky, III class; the Order of Danyl Galytskyi, III class; the Order "For Courage", III, II and I classes; and the medals "For Military Service to Ukraine" and "To the Defender of the Fatherland". More than 1,700 servicemen of the Azov detachment were awarded departmental decorations of the Verkhovnaya Rada of Ukraine, the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine, and the National Guard of Ukraine and badges of the JFO Commander.
Annex 282 SPIEGEL, Ukraine: German mercenaries join far-right volunteer battalion (11 November 2017) (translation)

Annex 282
Translation
SPIEGEL, Ukraine: German mercenaries join far-right volunteer battalion
(11 November 2017), available at: https://www.spiegel.de/panorama/justiz/ukrainedeutsche-
soeldner-heuern-bei-rechtsextremem-freiwilligenbataillon-an-a-
1177400.html?utm_campaign=buffer&utm_content=bufferfd37d&utm_medium=socia
l&utm_source=twitter.com.
Ukraine: German mercenaries join far-right volunteer battalion
Jan K. from eastern Germany, for example: he is posing with his thumb outstretched in his
Facebook photo, he is wearing a T-shirt in camouflage colors, a protective vest, on it an
emblem with the lettering "Azov". According to SPIEGEL, this right-wing extremist
volunteer battalion (https://www.spiegel.de/thema/deutschland_rechtsextremismus/), which
is fighting pro-Russian separatists in the Ukraine conflict
(https://www.spiegel.de/thema/ukraine_konflikt/), is increasingly receiving support from
Europe, especially from Germany While around 850 mercenaries were still fighting in the
militia troops in 2014, today there are already more than 2,500, according to security
authorities. (This message comes from the SPIEGEL. You can find the new SPIEGEL here
https://magazin.spiegel.de/SP/2017/46/index.html.)
The reason is a recruitment offensive for a "reconquest of Europe", with which the
regiment is also recruiting young recruits among German neo-Nazis. In July, for
example, German-language leaflets were distributed among the visitors at the
Rechtsrock festival in Themar, Thuringia, inviting them to "join the ranks of the best" to
"save Europe from extinction".
Azov was founded in the spring of 2014 by nationalist politicians and is subordinate to
the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine. The commander of the regiment, the rightwing
extremist politician Andrey Biletsky, received the rank of lieutenant colonel from
the Minister of Internal Affairs of Ukraine in 2014.
The advertising campaign of the Ukrainian fighters has apparently succeeded:
as with Jan K., photos of German neo-Nazis who proudly present their affiliation to
Azov are increasingly appearing on social networks.

Annex 283
Gazeta.ua, Biletskiy: "Azov" will become a party" (28 May 2016)
(translation)

Annex 283
Translation
Gazeta.ua, Biletskiy: "Azov" will become a party" (28 May 2016), available at:
https://gazeta.ua/articles/politics/_bileckij-azov-stane-partiyeyu/701012?mobile=false.
Biletskiy: "Azov" will become a party"
Gazeta.ua
Saturday, 28 May 2016 14:57
Biletskiy: "Azov" will become a party"
Photo: unian.ua
The "Azov" Civil Corps was created for political activities. In the future, it will be reorganised as a
party.
Andrey Biletskiy, people’s deputy and first commander of the "Azov" Regiment, said this in an
interview with "Ostrov".
"Of course, yes," - he said when asked about the creation of a party.
Biletskiy noted that the "Azov" Civil Corps network has long existed for political and social
struggle. It will be used to form a party. At the same time, he is confident that "Azov" will not need
a lot of money for political activities.
"We need many times less money than classical parties. Our people are heavily motivated by the
principle of volunteerism and ideology. And this replaces a lot of money for us. Where a
conventional party needs to spend 100 thousand dollars, 5 thousand will be enough for me,"
Biletskiy said.

Annex 284
Newsweek, Ukrainian Nationalist Volunteers Committing 'ISIS-Style' War Crimes
(10 September 2014)

Annex 284
26.02.2023, 23:58 Ukrainian Nationalist Volunteers Committing 'ISIS-Style' War Crimes
https://www.newsweek.com/evidence-war-crimes-committed-ukrainian-nationalist-volunteers-grows-269604 1/9
WORLD
BY DAMIEN SHARKOV ON 9/10/14 AT 12:36 PM EDT
Ukrainian Nationalist Volunteers Committing 'ISIS-Style'
War Crimes
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Annex 284
26.02.2023, 23:58Ukrainian Nationalist Volunteers Committing 'ISIS-Style' War Crimeshttps://www.newsweek.com/evidence-war-crimes-committed-ukrainian-nationalist-volunteers-grows-2696042/9GWORLDUKRAINERUSSIAWAR CRIMESPOROSHENKOroups of right-wing Ukrainian nationalists are committing war crimesin the rebel-held territories of Eastern Ukraine, according to a reportfrom Amnesty International, as evidence emerged in local media of thevolunteer militias beheading their victims.Ukrainian servicemen from the "Azov" battalion detain men at a site of battle with pro-Russian separatists in theeastern Ukrainian port city of Mariupol June 13, 2014.OSMAN KARIMOV/POOL/REUTERS
Annex 284
26.02.2023, 23:58Ukrainian Nationalist Volunteers Committing 'ISIS-Style' War Crimeshttps://www.newsweek.com/evidence-war-crimes-committed-ukrainian-nationalist-volunteers-grows-2696043/9Armed volunteers who refer to themselves as the Aidar battalion "have beeninvolved in widespread abuses, including abductions, unlawful detention, ill-treatment, theft, extortion, and possible executions", Amnesty said.The organisation has also published a report detailing similar alleged atrocitiescommitted by pro-Russian militants, highlighting the brutality of the conflictwhich has claimed over 3,000 lives.Amnesty's statement came before images of what appeared to be the severedheads of two civilians' started circulating on social media today, identified byRussian news channel NTV as the heads of rebel hostages.NEWSWEEK NEWSLETTER SIGN-UP >Shortly after, Kiev-based news network Pravilnoe TV reported that it hadspoken with one of the mothers of the victims who confirmed her son was arebel, captured during fighting in Donetsk.She said she had received her son's head in a wooden box in the post,blaming nationalist volunteers for her son's death. Newsweek has not beenable to verify the report independently.
Annex 284
26.02.2023, 23:58Ukrainian Nationalist Volunteers Committing 'ISIS-Style' War Crimeshttps://www.newsweek.com/evidence-war-crimes-committed-ukrainian-nationalist-volunteers-grows-2696044/9There are over 30 pro-nationalist, volunteer battalions similar to Aidar, such asUkraina, DND Metinvest and Kiev 1, all funded by private investors.The Aidar battalion is publicly backed by Ukrainian oligarch Ihor Kolomoyskyi,who also allegedly funds the Azov, Donbas, Dnepr 1, Dnepr 2 volunteerbattalions, operating under orders from Kiev. Last spring Kolomoyskyi offered abounty of $10,000 of his own money for each captured Russian "saboteur".NEWSWEEK SUBSCRIPTION OFFERS >A warrant for Kolomoyskyi's arrest was issued in Russia in July for "organisingthe killing of civilians," through his sponsorship of volunteer militants."According to the government these volunteers always operate under anoverall command and control of one of their regular forces," Denis Krivosheevof Amnesty International told Newsweek.Amnesty's report, however, indicates Kiev's loose regulation on volunteergroups and its "members... act with virtually no oversight or control".Amnesty has asked for Kiev to clarify the legal status and affiliation of itsvolunteer battalions and fully integrate them into "clear chains of command",making all of its servicemen aware of international law and implementing"effective investigations" into abuses of human rights.Meanwhile Norwegian channel TV2 presented footage yesterday of the Azovbattalion flying flags with the symbols of Ukraine's neo-Nazi party - Patriot ofUkraine.
Annex 284
26.02.2023, 23:58Ukrainian Nationalist Volunteers Committing 'ISIS-Style' War Crimeshttps://www.newsweek.com/evidence-war-crimes-committed-ukrainian-nationalist-volunteers-grows-2696045/9This is the first instance of government-backed volunteers displaying far-righttendencies. However, numerous powerful paramilitary groups are reportedlyinvolved in the Ukrainian conflict such as Patriot of Ukraine, Right Sector andWhite Hammer.Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko announced today that the majority ofRussian troops had left the country, raising hopes of peace negotiationsbetween Kiev and pro-Russian separatists.Correction: This article originally mistakenly stated Ihor Kolomoyskyioffered a bounty for each killed 'saboteur', when it was in fact for eachcaptured 'saboteur'. This has been corrected and Newsweek apologisesfor the error.REQUEST REPRINT & LICENSING, SUBMIT CORRECTION OR VIEW EDITORIAL GUIDELINES

Annex 285 Amnesty International Briefing, Ukraine: Abuses and war crimes by the Aidar Volunteer Battalion in the north Luhansk region, 8 September 2014

Annex 285
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
BRIEFING
8 September 2014
AI Index: EUR 50/040/2014
Ukraine: Abuses and war crimes by the Aidar Volunteer
Battalion in the north Luhansk region
It’s not Europe. It’s a bit different… There is a war
here. The law has changed, procedures have been
simplified… If I choose to, I can have you arrested
right now, put a bag over your head and lock you
up in a cellar for 30 days on suspicion of aiding
separatists.
--Aidar battalion commander to Amnesty
International researcher
Members of the Aidar territorial defence battalion, operating in the north
Luhansk region, have been involved in widespread abuses, including
abductions, unlawful detention, ill-treatment, theft, extortion, and possible
executions.
The Aidar battalion is one of over thirty so-called volunteer battalions to
have emerged in the wake of the conflict, which have been loosely
integrated into Ukrainian security structures as they seek to retake
separatist held areas.
In the course of a two-week research mission to the region, an Amnesty
International researcher interviewed dozens of victims and witnesses of the
abuses, as well as local officials, army commanders and police officers in
the area and representatives of the Aidar battalion.
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Our findings indicate that, while formally operating under the command of the Ukrainian security forces combined headquarters in the region members of the Aidar battalion act with virtually no oversight or control, and local police are either unwilling or unable to address the abuses. Some of the abuses committed by members of the Aidar battalion amount to war crimes, for which both the perpetrators and, possibly, the commanders would bear responsibility under national and international law. Part of the region where the Aidar battalion currently operates – such as the conurbation of Severodonetsk, Lysychansk and Rubizhne and the town of Shchastya - was under the control of the separatist forces of the so-called Lugansk People’s Republic (LNR) from mid-May to late July. During this time, separatist forces are reported to have committed a wide range of abuses against civilians, including abduction, theft and murder. Amnesty International has documented such abuses by separatist armed groups in other regions. The Aidar battalion played a significant role in the Ukrainian advances in July, most prominently in the recapture of the town of Shchastya, 24 kilometers north of Luhansk city. It has lost many of its combatants in the fighting. Up to several dozen were killed in an ambush south of Shchastya after the announcement of the ceasefire on 6 September, 2014. While hailed by many nationally as a committed fighting force, the Aidar battalion has acquired locally a reputation for brutal reprisals, robbery, beatings and extortion. Amnesty International is calling on the Ukrainian authorities to bring Aidar and other volunteer battalions under effective lines of command and control, promptly investigate all allegations of abuses, and hold those responsible to account. The Ukrainian authorities cannot afford to replicate in the areas they retake, the lawlessness and abuses that have prevailed in separatist-held areas. The failure to eliminate abuses and possible war crimes by volunteer battalions risks significantly aggravating tensions in the east of the country and undermining the proclaimed intentions of the new Ukrainian authorities to strengthen and uphold the rule of law more broadly.
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Abuses by the Aidar battalion Amnesty International documented dozens of cases of abuses allegedly committed by members of the Aidar battalion in Novoaidar district, Starobilsk, Severodonetsk, Lysychansk, and Shchastya between late June and late August. Typically, the fighters abducted local men, often businessmen or farmers, whom they accused of collaborating with the separatists and held in makeshift detention facilities before either releasing them or handing them over to the Security Service (SBU). In nearly all cases documented by Amnesty International the victims were subjected to beatings at the moment of capture and/or during interrogations, and either had to pay ransom for their release, or had possessions, including money, cars, telephones, and other valuables seized by the battalion members. Many of the witnesses and victims approached by Amnesty International were reluctant to share details of the incidents, fearing retaliation from Aidar battalion members. The names of victims and witnesses in illustrative cases detailed below have been changed.  On 25-27 August, Aidar battalion members abducted 4 miners from Novodruzhesk, a small town north of Lysychansk. One of the men, “Andriy” (not his real name), undergoing chemotherapy for lung cancer, told Amnesty International that he was outside his home at 3pm on 27 August when a group of Aidar battalion fighters arrived in a minibus. Two men with automatic weapons, in camouflage uniforms approached him and ordered him to lie on the ground. He said: They broke my jaw… When I lay down as they shouted ‘lie on the ground!’, one of them kicked me… They wound tape over my eyes and tied my wrists, also with tape. They put me in a minibus with my neighbour …They drove for about 20 minutes, then brought me into some kind of a room. I could not see where or what it was as my eyes were covered with tape the whole time… They held me there for a day. They gave water, one biscuit, led me to the toilet when needed.
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There were about 12-15 other detainees there. We were forbidden to talk… I was interrogated twice: ‘where were you? What did you do?’, but not beaten any more. But I heard others being beaten in the next rooms.” Andriy said the captors drove him to a stadium in Severodonetsk and released him, still blindfolded. His wife said she went to the local police who eventually managed to return to the family some of the possessions taken from him by his abductors, 2 passports and a telephone, but not his car documents, driving licence, keys, wallet and bank cards. They did not open a criminal case into the incident. On 28 August there was an attempt to debit money from his bank card. Amnesty International saw the text message sent automatically to Andriy’s phone, informing him of the attempt. Family members of two of the other detained men, seeking information on 28 August at Severodonetsk police station about their whereabouts, told Amnesty International that police and soldiers in Lysychansk told them about a secret detention facility in Severodonetsk, but Severodonetsk police denied its existence - as indeed they have to Amnesty International. An acquaintance just released from the same place had recognised one of the two men there, and recounted that detainees were forced to recite the Ukrainian national anthem and beaten if they failed.  On 25 August, at around 4 p.m., members of the Aidar battalion abducted Yevhen a 31-year-old local businessman, near the TV tower outside of Starobilsk. Yevhen told Amnesty International that three men in masks, who arrived in a black VAZ car, approached him when he stopped for a bathroom break at a disused petrol station, searched his car, took UAH 30,000 (roughly 1700 Euros) they found in it, and accused him of being a separatist. He said: “They pulled a mask over my head, and drove me for about 20 minutes. They brought me to a place that seemed to be a garage, and started interrogating me, demanding I confess to being a separatist. “They interrogated me three times. Each time, they beat me: with rifle barrels, in the kidneys with the blunt end of an axe, and other
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things. They threatened to take me out to a field and execute me. “After a day had passed they came in again and said I had been detained by the Aidar battalion, but was now in the hands of ‘Alpha’ [a unit belonging to the Ukrainian Security Service (SBU)], but I could see they were the same people.” Yevhen said that eventually the captors asked him how much money he was willing to pay for his release, and, when he said that they had already taken all he had, decided to let him go. He filed a case with the police, but was not able to recover his confiscated possessions – the money, his car, two mobile phones, and golden jewellery.  On 23 August in the afternoon, members of Aidar battalion raided the house of Olena in the village of Olexandrivka near Severodonetsk. 82-year-old Olena told Amnesty International that she was at home with her daughter, her son-in-law, and her grandson. The family heard gunfire and saw a number of vehicles approaching the house on their security camera. Olena said: “I just opened the gate, and they rushed at me. From fright I let go and it swung shut. They began firing. One jumped up on a car. I made a run for it, into the garage. They were firing. Bursts of automatic fire. A racket. Rat tat tat tat. In the garage they had already got me… I crawled my way to the door, cried out and fell at the threshold. My daughter came out shouting: “What’s going on? What are you doing? Call an ambulance, quickly.”… Blood was spilling. My daughter staunched it.” Olena told Amnesty International that the armed men searched the house, and wanted to detain her grandson, accusing him of being a separatist. She managed to convince them not to take him away, but they took some money that they found in the house, and her grandson’s four-wheel drive car. Olena was quickly sent in a taxi to Severodonetsk hospital and, as doctors informed Amnesty International, underwent 7 hours of surgery. Her significant abdominal injuries were from shrapnel rather than bullets –
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there were ragged entry and exit wounds. Her colon was severed. She had two smashed ribs removed. Response of the authorities Amnesty International raised its concerns regarding abuses committed by members of the Aidar battalion directly with its commander for Severodonetsk and Rubizhne. He confirmed that the battalion used a “simplified” procedure for detentions and indicated that the battalion indeed had its own facility in the Severodonetsk area for holding detainees. He acknowledged that there could be instances of beating during arrest, confirmed that detainees were blindfolded throughout the detention, that his troops had held Andriy, and that he personally supervised the handover of his bag of documents to the police. He did not acknowledge any acts of theft by the battalion and saw no need to introduce any measures to address them. He acknowledged that his troops took the car of Olena’s grandson as it was temporarily needed, and stated that an order had been given for its return. However, Olena’s family later informed Amnesty International that police in Troitsk (in the far north of Luhansk region) detained the car and a man driving it, after it had apparently been illicitly sold. Police and military authorities in Severodonetsk informed Amnesty International that there are 38 criminal cases opened into actions allegedly committed by the members of the Aidar battalion, mostly involving incidents of robbery. Reports on this spate of crimes were submitted up the line to the Ministries of Defence and Interior, without tangible result thus far. Local police told Amnesty International that they were well aware of the widespread criminal actions by the Aidar members but were unable to do anything beyond the registration of criminal cases. A high ranking military official in the area informed Amnesty International that after receiving his reports the Ministry of Defence sent two commissions in early August to inspect the Aidar battalion. Their recommendations for its re-organisation and the regularisation of procedures, have yet to be acted upon. Recommendations Amnesty International urges the Ukrainian authorities to:
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- Clarify the legal status of the Aidar battalion and other volunteer units; - Integrate the volunteer battalions into clear chains of command, control and accountability. - Conduct prompt, thorough, impartial and effective investigations into all allegations of abuses committed by members of volunteer battalions, including, specifically, abuses committed by the Aidar battalion in the north Luhansk region; - Effectively protect victims and witnesses of abuses under investigation against reprisals; - Ensure that all those involved in military and law-enforcement operations, including members of volunteer battalions, are made fully aware of the provisions of national and international law applicable to their actions and their potential personal and command responsibility for their breach. END/

Annex 286 US Department of State, Custom Report Excerpts

Annex 286
Afghanistan
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION
FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY
The government generally respected citizens’ right to demonstrate peacefully. Numerous
public gatherings and protests took place during the year. The Helmand Peace March
Initiative–the “peace tent” protest that launched in the provincial capital of Lashkar Gah on
March 26 following a deadly car bombing–inspired antiwar demonstrations in at least 16
other provinces, which were largely peaceful.
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FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the right to freedom of association, and the governmentgenerally respected it. The 2009 law on political parties obliges political parties to register withthe Ministry of Justice and to pursue objectives consistent with Islam. In 2012 the Council ofMinisters approved a regulation requiring political parties to open offices in at least 20provinces within one year of registration. In 2017 President Ghani signed a decree prohibitingemployees and officials of security and judicial institutions, specifically the Supreme Court,Attorney General’s Office, Ministry of Interior, Ministry of Defense, and National Directorate ofSecurity, from political party membership while government employees. Noncompliantemployees could be fired.AlbaniaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, andthe government generally respected these rights.AlgeriaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONAlthough the constitution provides for freedom of peaceful assembly and association, thegovernment severely restricted the exercise of these rights.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY
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The constitution provides for the right of peaceful assembly, but the government continued tocurtail this right. A ban on demonstrations in Algiers remained in effect. Authorities utilizedthe ban to prohibit assembly within the city limits. Nationwide, the government requiredcitizens and organizations to obtain permits from the national government-appointed localgovernor before holding public meetings or demonstrations. The government restrictedlicenses to political parties, NGOs, and other groups to hold indoor rallies or delayedpermission until the eve of the event, thereby impeding publicity and outreach efforts byorganizers.Hotels in Algiers and other major cities continued their practice of refusing to sign rentalcontracts for meeting spaces with political parties, NGOs, and civil associations without a copyof written authorization from the Ministry of Interior for the proposed gathering. NGOsreported instances of not receiving the written authorization in time to hold plannedmeetings. NGOs reported that the government threatened hotel and restaurant owners withpenalties if they rented rooms to NGOs without official authorization. In most cases, theNGOs continued to hold their meetings and police came to the hotels to end the gatherings.In July, Algerian League for the Defense of Human Rights (LADDH) and 15 representativesfrom other NGOs gathered at a hotel in Oran to discuss migration. Security servicesprevented the meeting from taking place “in the absence of an official authorization.” Theattendees moved their meetings elsewhere and were followed by police who ordered them todisperse.Throughout the year police dispersed unauthorized gatherings or prevented marching groupsof protesters from demonstrating. Police typically dispersed protesters shortly after a protestbegan and arrested and detained organizers for a few hours. Human Rights Watch, AmnestyInternational, and other NGOs criticized the government’s use of the law to restrict peacefulassembly.In September a group of military veterans organized a protest in Algiers, prompting acrackdown by authorities. Press reported 107 protestors were injured along with 51 policeand gendarmes.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the right of association, but the government restricted this right.
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The law’s extensive requirements and uneven enforcement served as major impediments tothe development of civil society. The law grants the government wide-ranging oversight ofand influence in the day-to-day activities of civil society organizations. It requires national-levelcivil organizations to apply to the Ministry of Interior for permission to operate. Onceregistered, organizations must inform the government of their activities, funding sources, andpersonnel, including notification of personnel changes. The law imposes an additionalrequirement that associations obtain government preapproval before accepting foreignfunds. If organizations fail to provide required information to the government or attempt tooperate with or accept foreign funds without authorization, they are subject to fines betweenDZD 2,000 and DZD 5,000 ($17 and $43) and up to six months’ imprisonment.According to the law, associations that apply for accreditation are entitled to receive aresponse within two months for national organizations, 45 days for interregional-levelassociations, 40 days for province-level associations, and 30 days for communalorganizations. While the Ministry of Interior oversees the accreditation process for mostassociations, the president of a local assembly approves applications for communalassociations.The Ministry of Interior may deny a license to or dissolve any group regarded as a threat tothe government’s authority or to public order, and on several occasions failed to grant, in anexpeditious fashion, official recognition to NGOs, associations, religious groups, and politicalparties. According to the ministry, organizations receive a receipt after submitting theirapplication for accreditation, and after the time periods listed above, this slip is legallysufficient for them to begin operating, to open a bank account, and to rent office or eventspace. The law does not explicitly include this provision. If the application is approved, theministry issues a final accreditation document.Many organizations reported that they never received a deposit slip and that even with thereceipt; it was difficult to conduct necessary administrative tasks without formal accreditation.Other organizations reported they never received any written response to their applicationrequest even after calling the ministry and trying to register at local police stations. Theministry maintained that organizations that were refused accreditation or that did not receivea response within the specified time period could appeal to the State Council, theadministrative court responsible for cases involving the government.The ministry did not renew the accreditations of the NGOs SOS Disparus (SOS Disappeared),Djazairouna, the LADDH, the National Association for the Fight Against Corruption, and the
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Youth Action Movement, all of which submitted their renewal applications in prior years.The government issued licenses and subsidies to domestic associations, especially youth,medical, and neighborhood associations. According to the Ministry of Interior, there were108,940 local and 1,293 national associations registered as of 2016. Unlicensed NGOsremained active, but rarely received government assistance, and citizens at times hesitated toassociate with these organizations.AndorraSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedoms of assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these rights.AnolaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:A. FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION, INCLUDING FOR THE PRESSThe constitution and law provide for freedom of expression, including for the press, but whilethe government loosened restrictions on these rights during the year, state media continuedto be the country’s primary source for news and reflected a progovernment view.Freedom of Expression: Individuals reported practicing self-censorship but generally wereable to criticize government policies without fear of direct reprisal. Social media was widelyused in the larger cities and provided an open forum for discussion.Press and Media Freedom: Private radio and print media criticized the government openlyand harshly, but access to private media sources was limited outside of the capital. Journalists
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routinely complained of lack of transparency and communication from government pressoffices and other government officials.The president appoints the leadership of all major state-owned media outlets and statecontrol of these outlets often led to one-sided reporting. State news outlets, includingAngolan Public Television (TPA), Radio Nacional, and the Jornal de Angola newspaper, favoredthe ruling party but increased their coverage of opposition political parties’ perspectives andsocial problems reflecting poor governance during the year. On January 18, the TPAinaugurated live broadcasts of plenary sessions of the National Assembly. Also in January, theTPA began permitting opposition politicians to comment live on stories featured on thenightly news. Opposition parties, however, received far less overall coverage on state mediathan did the ruling party.Violence and Harassment: Journalists reported fewer incidents of violence or harassmentduring the year. On October 19, the board of directors of TV Zimbo dismissed journalist JorgeEurico allegedly for reporting on an attempted bribery scandal involving senior governmentofficials. Media outlets Club-K and a foreign news organization reported that GeneralLeopoldino Fragoso de Nascimento “Dino,” a major shareholder in TV Zimbo, ordered Eurico’sdismissal. On October 24, Eurico published an opinion editorial denouncing his dismissal fromTV Zimbo.Censorship or Content Restrictions: In January 2017 the National Assembly passed a packageof five regulatory media laws, one of which established the Regulatory Entity for SocialCommunication (ERCA), a body mandated to license and delicense journalists and determinewhat constitutes appropriate media content. At year’s end ERCA remained largely inactive.Journalists reported practicing self-censorship.The minister of social communication, the spokesperson of the presidency, and the nationaldirector of information maintained significant decision-making authority over media. It wascommonly understood these individuals actively vetted news stories in the state-controlledprint, television, and radio media and exercised considerable authority over some privatelyowned outlets. State-controlled media rarely published or broadcast stories critical of theruling party, government officials, or government policies. Coverage critical of the previousgovernment of Jose Eduardo dos Santos and of senior-level officials who had been dismissedon allegations of corruption increased significantly during the year.
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On September 3, the minister of social communication announced that cable provider DStvwould start broadcasting two Portuguese-owned television channels, SIC Noticias and SICInternacional, which Angolan telecommunications operator ZAP, owned by Isabel dos Santos,the daughter of former president Jose Eduardo do Santos, stopped broadcasting in March2017. Expresso newspaper correspondent in Luanda Gustavo Costa and the president of theMedia Institute for Southern Africa-Angola, Alexandre Solombe, stated that ZAP’s decision tocease broadcasting the two channels was in response to their critical reporting on corruptionand poverty in the country.Libel/Slander Laws: Defamation is a crime for which conviction is punishable by imprisonmentor a fine, and unlike in most cases in which defendants are presumed innocent until provenguilty, defendants in defamation cases have the burden of proving their innocence byproviding evidence of the validity of the allegedly damaging material.Several journalists in print media, radio, and political blogs faced libel and defamationlawsuits. Journalists complained the government used libel laws to limit their ability to reporton corruption and nepotistic practices, while the government assessed that some journalistsabused their positions and published inaccurate stories regarding government officialswithout verifying the facts or providing the accused the right of reply. On July 6, the ProvincialTribunal of Luanda acquitted journalists Rafael Marques and Mariano Bras on charges ofdefamation and slander for alleging corrupt practices by former attorney general Joao Mariade Sousa. Judge Josina Ferreira Falcao ruled that Marques’ reporting, which Bras hadrepublished, fulfilled the duty of journalism to inform the public and expose suspectedwrongdoings.INTERNET FREEDOMThe law mandates ERCA to determine what constitutes appropriate media content, includingonline content. The government did not, however, restrict or disrupt access to the internet orcensor online content, and there were no credible reports the government monitored privateonline communications without appropriate legal oversight. According to the InternationalTelecommunication Union, in 2017 approximately 14 percent of residents had access to theinternet.ACADEMIC FREEDOM AND CULTURAL EVENTSThere were no government restrictions on academic freedom or cultural events.
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B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution and law provide for the right of peaceful assembly, and the governmentincreasingly respected this right.The law requires written notification to the local administrator and police three days beforepublic assemblies are to be held. The law does not require government permission to holdpublic assemblies, but permits authorities to restrict or stop assemblies in public spaceswithin 109 yards of public, military, detention, diplomatic or consular buildings for securityreasons. The law also requires public assemblies to start after 7 p.m. on weekdays and 1 p.m.on Saturdays. The government at times prohibited events based on perceived or claimedsecurity considerations. Police and administrators did not interfere with progovernmentgatherings. Nonpartisan groups intending to criticize the government or government leaders,however, often encountered the presence of police who prevented them from holding theevent. Usually authorities claimed the timing or venue requested was problematic or that theproper authorities had not received notification.On May 26, in Luanda, police intervened to prevent a group of 20 activists fromcommemorating the 41st anniversary of a 1977 protest against the MPLA that resulted in thearrest and killings of thousands of individuals. Protesters stated police prevented their accessto the protest site and attacked them with dogs and sticks. One protester was badly injured.Opposition parties, UNITA and the Broad Convergence for the Salvation of Angola-ElectoralCoalition (CASA-CE), as well as Amnesty International, criticized the police intervention.Members of LTPM held several protests during the year. On November 17, security forcesallegedly fired shots in the direction of LTPM protesters in Cafunfo, Lund Norte province, todisperse them. LTPM and several media sources reported that security forces shot oneprotester in the leg and detained dozens.The government at times arbitrarily restricted the activities of associations it consideredsubversive by refusing to grant permits for organized activities. Authorities generallypermitted opposition parties to organize and hold meetings.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION
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The constitution and law provide for the right of association, but the government did notalways respect this right (see also section 7.a.). Extensive delays in the NGO registrationprocess continued to be a problem; however, NGOs that had not yet received registrationwere allowed to operate.In July 2017 the Constitutional Court declared unconstitutional a 2015 presidential decreeregulating the operation of NGOs. Civil society had criticized the decree as potentiallyrestrictive and intrusive for including requirements that NGOs obtain approval from thegovernment before the implementation of any project, provide frequent financial reports tothe government on NGO activities, and allow local authorities to supervise NGO projectswithin their municipalities. The government stated this regulation was part of its strategy tocombat money laundering and terrorist financing. The court ruled that only the NationalAssembly had jurisdiction to legislate such requirements according to the clearly definedseparation of powers in the constitution.Antigua and BarbudaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these rights.ArgentinaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these rights. Local NGOs, including CELS, expressedconcerns that security-related protocols the Ministry of Security implemented informallybeginning in 2016 imposed restrictions on the right to peaceful protest and assembly.
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Amnesty International reported that authorities violently suppressed a public protest in LaPlata, Buenos Aires Province on August 21. Violent confrontations with police occurred aftersome protesters attempted to break into a provincial government building. Police used teargas and rubber bullets to halt the demonstration. Five protesters were arrested and dozenswere injured, including one protester who was hit by a police patrol car.The government filed charges against approximately 20 civilians for the violence that occurredduring December 2017 demonstrations against pension reform, which injured 160, including88 police officers. On May 23, the Ministry of Security offered a monetary award forinformation leading to the arrest of one of the fugitive protesters. On August 31, a federalcourt ordered one protester to pretrial detention. Additional defendants were at liberty whileawaiting trial. The cases were ongoing at year’s end. Local and international NGOs, includingCELS and Amnesty International, stated that law enforcement had violently suppressed theprotests and called for official investigation into actions by security forces.ArmeniaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association. Insome instances, the government restricted those freedoms.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution and the law provide for freedom of peaceful assembly and after the spring“velvet revolution,” the new government generally respected these rights.A local NGO, the Armenian Helsinki Committee (AHC), examined the right to freedom ofpeaceful assembly, especially focusing on the protest period of April-May. The April rallieswere unprecedented in terms of the number of participants as compared to rallies held inearlier years, with estimates of 100,000-150,000 protesters at some points. From April 13 toApril 15, NGOs reported no instances of police interference with assemblies and marches, butthe situation changed after April 16, when in response to Nikol Pashinyan’s call for a
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“decentralized struggle,” numerous citizens organized and held rallies and marches in variousparts of Yerevan as well as in the regions.AHC found many instances of disproportionate use of force, violence, and abuse of officialpowers by the police at assemblies from April 16 to April 23. For example, on April 16 and onApril 22, members of an unknown police unit threw 11 flash grenades into the crowds withoutproper warning. As a result, 40 citizens and six police officers sought medical assistance.Reporters from 168?am and Factor.am news websites also sustained injuries.According to the police report, from April 16 to April 26, 1,283 persons were forcibly broughtto police departments, including 1,144 in Yerevan, 918 of whom were also subjected toadministrative detention. The majority of the demonstrators were held in administrativedetention for no more than three hours, in accordance with the law, although some detaineesreported being held longer. Some were brought to police departments but were not allowedto make a phone call. Lawyers who cooperated in a hotline organized by human rightsdefenders reported in many cases officers prevented them from meeting with their clients. Insome cases, obstacles for lawyers to enter police departments were removed afterintervention from the ombudsman’s office.There were incidents of violence by masked assailants. On April 22, for example, more than50 individuals on Erebuni Street attacked protesters with electroshock weapons, truncheons,and stones and verbally abused them. Many of the attackers wore masks that covered theirfaces. More than 20 police officers were present when the incident occurred, but did notinterfere to stop the assaults. A reporter, a cameraman from Shant TV, and a cameramanfrom Factor TV were hurt during the incident.The SIS opened investigations into more than 50 criminal cases of police abuse of poweraccompanied by violence during the assemblies held from April 13 to May 8. Later, thosecases were merged into a single criminal case and an investigative group was established.More than 60 episodes of violence were under investigation within the framework of thatcriminal case, with reporters, lawyers, and numerous citizens recognized as aggrieved parties.In November the UN special rapporteur on peaceful assembly and association noted,“Armenia has come a long way with recent reforms and the adoption of new laws thatregulate the exercise of the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and association; howeverauthorities need to ensure the consistent enforcement of the current regulations.”
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FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide this right, and the government generally respected it. Underthe Law on Public Organizations, in force since February 2017, some NGOs have legalstanding to act on behalf of their beneficiaries limited to environmental issues in court. Thelimitations contradict a 2010 Constitutional Court decision that allowed all NGOs to have legalstanding in court.On October 29, the Ministry of Justice proposed draft amendments to the Law on PublicOrganizations that generated intense public debate. For example, on November 16, theTransparency International Anticorruption Center (TIAC) released a statement expressingconcerns the draft amendments would introduce problematic changes to the reportingrequirements for civil society organizations. The draft proposed to toughen the reporting forcivil society organizations by extending reporting requirements to all organizations regardlessof their sources of funding. In addition, the amendments would require personal informationof the donors as well as members, governing bodies, staff and volunteers who have receivedfunding. According to TIAC, the draft would put an unreasonable and disproportionateburden on public organizations.AustraliaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONAlthough the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association are not codified in law, thegovernment generally respected these rights.AustriaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION
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The constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, andthe government generally respected these rights.AzerbaijanSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, but thegovernment restricted these rights.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe government severely restricted freedom of peaceful assembly. Authorities at timesresponded to peaceful protests and assemblies by using force and detaining protesters. Thelaw permits administrative detention for up to three months for misdemeanors and up to onemonth for resisting police. Punishment for those who failed to follow a court order (includingfailure to pay a fine) may include fines of 500 to 1,000 manat ($290 to $580) and punishmentof up to one month of administrative detention.While the constitution stipulates that groups may peacefully assemble after notifying therelevant government body in advance, the government continued to interpret this provisionas a requirement for prior permission. Local authorities required all rallies to be preapprovedand held at designated locations. Most political parties and NGOs criticized the requirementsas unacceptable and characterized them unconstitutional. Authorities throughout the countryroutinely ignored applications for public rallies, effectively denying the freedom to assemble.Activists stated that police routinely arrested individuals who peacefully sought to exercisetheir fundamental freedoms on false charges of resisting police that consistently resulted inperiods of administrative detention up to 30 days. A total of 18 individuals were detained andsentenced to 15 to 30 days of administrative detention for their participation in governmentauthorized opposition rallies on March 10, March 31, and April 14. Activists also stated that, asof April 15, more than 100 Popular Front party members were summoned or harassed bypolice and warned about participating in opposition demonstrations. In another high-profile
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example, Azer Gasimli and four other activists of the opposition Republican Alternative Partywere arrested, charged with resisting police, and sentenced to administrative detention fortheir role in organizing an unauthorized march in the center of Baku on May 28 to celebratethe centennial anniversary of the founding of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic. Policesummoned dozens of other participants and warned them not to take part in similar futureevents.The government also prevented opposition groups from gathering to visit culturally importantsites, a practice authorities previously permitted. For example, on November 17, policedetained approximately 50 opposition activists, including PFP Chairman Ali Kerimli and NCDFChairman Jamil Hasanli, for attempting to hold a procession through Martyr’s Alley tocommemorate National Revival Day. Most activists were released the same day, but Kerimliand approximately eight others were held incommunicado until November 19, when Kerimliand five others were released with fines and three PFP activists were sentenced to 20 days ofadministrative detention.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for freedom of association, but the law places some restrictions onthis right, and amendments enacted during 2014 severely constrained NGO activities. Citingthese amended laws, authorities conducted numerous criminal investigations into theactivities of independent organizations, froze bank accounts, and harassed local staff,including incarcerating and placing travel bans on some NGO leaders. Consequently, anumber of NGOs were unable to operate.A number of legal provisions allow the government to regulate the activities of politicalparties, religious groups, businesses, and NGOs, including requiring NGOs to register with theMinistry of Justice if they seek “legal personality” status. Although the law requires thegovernment to act on NGO registration applications within 30 days of receipt (or within anadditional 30 days, if further investigation is required), vague, onerous, and nontransparentregistration procedures continued to result in long delays that limited citizens’ right toassociate. Other laws restrict freedom of association, for example, by requiring deputy headsof NGO branches to be citizens if the branch head is a foreigner.Laws affecting grants and donations imposed a de facto prohibition on NGOs receiving cashdonations and made it nearly impossible for them to receive anonymous donations or tosolicit contributions from the public.
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In 2014 the president approved a number of amendments to the administrative code and thelaws on NGOs, grants, and registration of legal entities that imposed additional restrictions onNGO activities and closed several loopholes for the operations of unregistered, independent,and foreign organizations. The legislation also introduced some restrictions on donors. Forexample, foreign donors were required to obtain preapproval before signing grantagreements with recipients. The laws make unregistered and foreign NGOs vulnerable toinvoluntary dissolution, intimidated and dissuaded potential activists and donors from joiningand supporting civil society organizations, and restricted their ability to provide grants tounregistered local groups or individual heads of such organizations.In January 2017 the Cabinet of Ministers issued new regulations for establishing a “singlewindow” mechanism to streamline the grant registration process. According to the newprocedures, obtaining grant registration processes for multiple agencies were merged. Thenew procedures were not fully implemented, however, further reducing the number ofoperating NGOs.In 2016 the Ministry of Justice adopted rules on monitoring NGO activities. The rules authorizethe ministry to conduct inspections of NGOs, with few provisions protecting their rights, andprovide the potential of harsh fines if they do not cooperate.The far-reaching investigation opened by the Prosecutor General’s Office in 2014 into theactivities of numerous domestic and international NGOs and local leadership remained openduring the year. As a result a number of NGOs were unable to operate, the bank accounts ofseveral NGOs remained frozen, and some NGO leaders were still prohibited from leaving thecountry.The government continued to implement rules pursuant to a law that requires foreign NGOswishing to operate in the country to sign an agreement and register with the Ministry ofJustice. Foreign NGOs wishing to register a branch in the country are required to demonstratethey support “the Azerbaijani people’s national and cultural values” and commit not to beinvolved in religious and political propaganda. The decree does not specify any time limit forthe registration procedure and effectively allows for unlimited discretion of the government todecide whether to register a foreign NGO. As of year’s end, no foreign NGOs had been able toregister under these rules.NGO representatives stated the Ministry of Justice did not act on submitted applications,particularly those from individuals or organizations working on issues related to democraticdevelopment. Some experts estimated up to 1,000 NGOs remained unregistered.
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BahrainSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution provides for the right of free assembly, but a number of laws restrict theexercise of this right. The Ministry of Interior maintained a prohibition on publicdemonstrations, stating that the purpose was to maintain public order in view of sectarianattacks in the region and that the ban was expected to be temporary in nature. Prior to theban, the government limited and controlled political gatherings, and activists reported thegovernment denied permits for organized demonstrations by refusing to accept applicationpaperwork. For the fourth year, there were no authorized demonstrations, although theministry generally did not intervene in peaceful, unauthorized demonstrations, includingspontaneous labor demonstrations. For the third year, the government declined to issuepermits for a “May Day” rally in support of workers’ rights by thousands of members of themore than 45 trade unions affiliated with the General Federation of Bahrain Trade Unions(GFBTU). According to the government, there were no applications submitted to hold ademonstration or protest during the year.The law outlines the locations and times during which it prohibits functions, including areasclose to hospitals, airports, commercial locations, security-related facilities, and downtownManama. The General Directorate of the Police may prevent a public meeting if it violatessecurity or public order, or for any other serious reason. The law states that mourners maynot turn funeral processions into political rallies and that security officials may be present atany public gathering.The law states every public gathering shall have a committee consisting of a head and at leasttwo members. The committee is responsible for supervising and preventing any illegal actsduring the function. According to the law, the Ministry of Interior is not obligated to justify whyit approves or denies requests to allow protests. The penal code penalizes any gathering “offive or more individuals” that is held for the “purpose of committing crimes or inciting othersto commit crimes.” Lawyers asserted authorities should not prevent demonstrations inadvance based on assumptions crimes would be committed. Authorities prohibited the use of
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vehicles in any demonstration, protest, or gathering unless organizers obtained specialwritten permission from the head of public security.Organizers of an unauthorized gathering faced prison sentences of three to six months. Theminimum sentence for participating in an illegal gathering is one month, and the maximum istwo years’ imprisonment. Authorities gave longer sentences for cases where demonstratorsused violence in an illegal gathering. The maximum fine is 200 dinars ($530). The law regulateselection campaigning and prohibits political activities at worship centers, universities, schools,government buildings, and public institutions. The government did not allow individuals touse mosques, maatams (Shia religious community centers), or other religious sites for politicalgatherings.The government did not prevent small opposition demonstrations that occurred in traditionalShia villages that often protested government policies or were intended to show solidaritywith prisoners. Police reportedly broke up some of these protests with tear gas, however.While groups participating in these protests often posted photographs on social media ofthese events, participants were careful to hide their faces for fear of retribution.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for freedom of association, but the government limited this right.The government required all groups to register: civil society groups and labor unions with theMinistry of Labor and Social Development and political societies with the Ministry of Justiceand Islamic Affairs. The government decided whether a group was social or political in nature,based on its proposed bylaws. The law prohibits any activity by an unlicensed society, as wellas any political activity by a licensed civil society group. A number of unlicensed societies wereactive in the country (see section 3).A civil society group applying for registration must submit its bylaws signed by all foundingmembers, together with minutes of the founding committee’s meetings containing thenames, professions, places of residence, and signatures of all founding members. The lawgrants the Ministry of Labor and Social Development the right to reject the registration of anycivil society group if it finds the society’s services unnecessary, already provided by anothersociety, contrary to state security, or aimed at reviving a previously dissolved society.Associations whose applications authorities rejected or ignored may appeal to the High CivilCourt, which may annul the ministry’s decision or refuse the appeal.
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NGOs and civil society activists asserted the ministry routinely exploited its oversight role tostymie the activities of NGOs and other civil society organizations. Local NGOs assertedofficials actively sought to undermine some groups’ activities and imposed burdensomebureaucratic procedures on NGO board members and volunteers. The Ministries of Justiceand Interior must vet funding from international sources, and authorities sometimes did notauthorize it.BangladeshSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe government limited or restricted freedoms of peaceful assembly and association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe law provided for the right to peaceful assembly, but the government limited this right.The law gives the government broad discretion to ban assemblies of more than four persons.A Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) order requires advance permission for gatherings such asprotests and demonstrations in Dhaka.According to human rights NGOs, authorities continued to use approval provisions to disallowgatherings by opposition groups. Occasionally, police or ruling party activists used force todisperse demonstrations.Throughout the year the BNP was hindered by the government from hosting assemblies andrallies. The BNP was denied applications “for security reasons” to hold rallies in Dhaka onMarch 11, 19, and 29 at the Suhrawardy Udyan, one of the few large places designated forpolitical rallies, but it was ultimately permitted to host its rally at a different location.In a separate instance, the BNP claimed it received verbal permission to conduct a rally on itsfounding anniversary on September 1 in Dhaka and to conduct a human chain in front of theNational Press Club on September 10. Law enforcement officials, however, apprehendedhundreds of participants in the two BNP events. The BNP reported law enforcement detained
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304 leaders and activists in the first three days of September and approximately 200 leadersand activists during the party’s human chain later in the month. The assistant inspectorgeneral of police headquarters denied reports of raids to detain opposition activists.The incumbent Awami League (AL) and its allies were allowed to hold rallies at SuhrawardyUdyan and other venues of their choice throughout the year.On September 15, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina said she would instruct the DMPcommissioner to allow political parties to hold rallies at Suhrawardy Udyan. Accordingto Prothom Alo, on September 29, the DMP gave permission to the BNP to hold rallies atSuhrawardy Udyan, under 22 conditions, including that they provide their own security andinstall closed-circuit television (CCTV) cameras at the venue. The DMP also “banned allactivities that can hamper public safety; carrying sticks; speech hurting religious sentiments,and arriving at the venue in processions.”During the year police used force to disperse peaceful demonstrations. According to the DailyStar, on March 14, police dispersed a group of approximately 1,000 protesters marchingtowards the secretariat building in Dhaka, using batons and tear gas and injuring 15protesters. The protesters were scheduled to arrive at a prescheduled sit-in at the secretariat.After the violent dispersal occurred, a DMP spokesperson defended the government’s actionson the grounds the protesters were obstructing traffic.Beyond formal government hindrance and police obstruction of peaceful demonstrations,there were reports the government deployed ruling party student activists to areas wherepeaceful assemblies took place. On August 4, alleged Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL)activists attacked a group of students in Dhanmondi with batons, rocks, and pistols in aneffort to quell road safety protests. The action resulted in a reported 150 injuries. Multiplenews outlets reported police did not try to prevent or restrain the attackers. Police detaineddozens of students and supporters publicly supporting the road safety protestors.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the right of citizens to form associations, subject to “reasonablerestrictions” in the interest of morality or public order, and the government generallyrespected this right. The government’s NGO Affairs Bureau sometimes withheld its approvalfor foreign funding to NGOs working in areas the bureau deemed sensitive, such as human
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rights, labor rights, indigenous rights, or humanitarian assistance to Rohingya refugees (seesections 2.d., 5., and 7.a.).The 2016 Foreign Donations (Voluntary Activities) Regulation Act places restrictions on thereceipt of foreign funds by NGOs or government officials and provides for punishment ofNGOs making any “derogatory” comments regarding the constitution or constitutionalinstitutions (see section 5). The government announced in October 2017 a number of NGOswere no longer allowed to operate in Cox’s Bazar, including Muslim Aid Bangladesh, IslamicRelief, and Allama Fazlullah Foundation. The three organizations remain barred fromoperating in Cox’s Bazar during the year, according to media reports.BarbadosSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these rights.BelarusSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for freedom of peaceful assembly; however, the governmentseverely restricted this right. Authorities employed a variety of means to discouragedemonstrations, disperse them, minimize their effect, and punish the participants. The lawprovides for freedom of association, but the government restricted it and selectively enforcedlaws and registration regulations to restrict the operation of independent associations thatmight criticize the government.
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FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYOnly registered political parties, trade unions, and NGOs could request permission to hold ademonstration of more than 1,000 persons. Authorities usually denied requests byindependent and opposition groups as well as those of self-organized citizens’ groups invarious communities around the country. A general atmosphere of repression and the threatof imprisonment or large fines exercised a chilling effect on potential protest organizers.The law criminalizes the announcement of an intention to hold demonstrations via theinternet or social media before official approval, participation in the activities of unregisteredNGOs, training of persons to demonstrate, financing of public demonstrations, or solicitationof foreign assistance “to the detriment” of the country. Violations are punishable by up tothree years’ imprisonment. Persons with unexpunged criminal records for crimes related toviolating peace and order, statehood and governance, public security, safety, and publicmorals did not have the right to act as mass event organizers. Such organizers must apply atleast 15 days in advance for permission to conduct a public demonstration, rally, or meeting,and government officials are required to respond no later than five days prior to thescheduled event. Authorities, however, generally granted permits for oppositiondemonstrations only if held at designated venues far from city centers. The amended lawallowed organizers to notify authorities of a mass event planned at a designated location nolater than 10 days before the date of the event. Authorities should inform organizers of denialno later than five days before the event. By law denials can be issued for one of two reasons:the event conflicted with one organized by a different individual or group or the notificationdid not comply with regulations.Authorities used intimidation and threats to discourage persons from participating indemonstrations, openly videotaped participants, and imposed heavy fines or jail sentences onparticipants in unauthorized demonstrations. In addition authorities required organizers toconclude contracts with police, fire department, health, and sanitary authorities for theirservices after a mass event. Authorities waived some of these requirements for the March 25celebration of the 100th anniversary of the Belarusian People’s Republic (BPR). All mediarepresentatives had to be clearly identified and carry an official media ID or foreign mediaaccreditation. They have to provide their personal ID and press documents to lawenforcement upon request.On March 27, President Lukashenka told Interior Minister Ihar Shunevich that the Ministryshould be ready to “immediately suppress” any unauthorized events which “impede people’s
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lives” because “chaos stems from them [unauthorized protests].” Shunevich responded that“not a single event, which is not sanctioned by authorities, will take place, and even if it startsit will be immediately stopped in an effective manner and in compliance with the law.”During the year local authorities countrywide rejected dozens of applications for permissionto stage various demonstrations.While Minsk city authorities cooperated with opposition groups to stage a rally and concert onthe 100 anniversary of the Belarusian People’s Republic in front of the Opera House on March25, they denied two other applications to hold marches the same day. Organizers of theconcert had sought to walk from a nearby park to the concert location before the concert. Asecond application was filed by opposition activist Mikalai Statkevich and his supporters tomarch from the central Yakub Kolas square via the main avenue to the concert location.When Statkevich decided to go ahead with his plan without permission, police arrested him ashe was leaving his home. Police also arrested approximately 60 individuals gathered at YakubKolas square.In addition, authorities in Mahilyou and Homyel denied local activists’ permission to holdrallies in city centers on March 25. They alleged that the venues were not designated for massevents or had been already booked for other events.Across the country in at least 11 different localities, approximately 57 individuals were brieflydetained, apparently in order to prevent their participation in March 25 events in Minsk.On July 3, celebrated as the Belarusian Independence Day, police dispersed an unauthorizedprotest and detained approximately 30 individuals, including Mikalai Statkevich, in front of aWWII monument to Soviet soldiers in central Minsk. Statkevich called upon his associates tohold a rally to mark the “liberation [of Minsk from the Nazis on July 3, 1944] and solidarity.”Statkevich was arrested as he was leaving his house on his way to the site on July 3. Policedetained approximately 30 activists at the site, including five observers from the human rightsgroup Vyasna, transported them to a local precinct, and released the majority later in the day.Statkevich and at least three other activists remained in detention overnight and stood trialon July 4. A Minsk district court sentenced Statkevich to a fine of 980 rubles ($490) for makingcalls to participate in an unauthorized protest on July 3.From June through October, authorities fined, detained, or arrested more than 20 protestersat the site of the Stalinist-era execution site Kurapaty. The protesters opposed the buildingand operation of a restaurant in close vicinity to the site. While police repeatedly fined the
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majority of activists for purportedly violating traffic regulations and participating inunauthorized demonstrations, a number of protesters, including Belarusian ChristianDemocracy (BCD) party cochair Paval Sevyarynets, European Belarus campaign activistMaksim Vinyarski, and filmmaker Alyaksei Tourovich were sentenced to up to 10 days ofadministrative detention.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONAll NGOs, political parties, and trade unions must receive Ministry of Justice approval tobecome registered. A government commission reviews and approves all registrationapplications; it based its decisions largely on political and ideological compatibility with officialviews and practices.Actual registration procedures required applicants to provide the number and names offounders, along with a physical address in a nonresidential building for an office, anextraordinary burden in view of the tight financial straits of most NGOs and individualproperty owners’ fears of renting space to independent groups. Individuals listed as memberswere vulnerable to reprisal. The government’s refusal to rent office space to unregisteredorganizations and the expense of renting private space reportedly forced most organizationsto use residential addresses, which authorities could then use as a reason to deny registrationor to deregister them. The law criminalizes activities conducted on behalf of unregisteredgroups and subjects group members to penalties ranging from large fines to two years’imprisonment (also see section 7.a.).The law on public associations prohibits NGOs from keeping funds for local activities atforeign financial institutions. The law also prohibits NGOs from facilitating provision of anysupport or benefits from foreign states to civil servants based on their political or religiousviews or ethnicity, a provision widely believed to be aimed at the Polish minority.Only registered NGOs may legally accept foreign grants and technical aid and only for alimited set of approved activities. NGOs must receive approval from the Department forHumanitarian Affairs of the Presidential Administration and the Ministry of the Economy fortechnical aid before they may accept such funds or register the grants.The government continued to deny registration to some NGOs and political parties on avariety of pretexts, including “technical” problems with applications. Authorities frequentlyharassed and intimidated founding members of organizations in an effort to force them to
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abandon their membership and thus deprive their groups of the number of petitionersnecessary for registration. Many groups had been denied registration on multiple occasions.On March 21, Minsk city authorities registered an educational NGO called “Out Loud.” Thiswas the group’s ninth registration application under its previous name, “Make Out,” which thegovernment requested it change before granting registration. The NGO focused on advancingthe human rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) persons andcountering discrimination and violence against them.On April 6, the BCD reported that the Ministry of Justice denied its seventh registrationapplication. The ministry said the BCD had failed to include phone numbers of some of itsmembers and had incorrectly listed the birth dates of two party founders in its applicationdocuments. The party submitted the application on January 22, and the ministry decided tosuspend the registration process and seek additional documents on February 23. TheSupreme Court upheld the ministry’s denial on May 25.BelgiumSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, andthe government generally respected these rights.BelizeSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected these rights. A state of public emergency was declared on September 4
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for 30 days in two areas of Belize City as a result of gang violence, which limited assembly inthe areas.BeninSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedoms of assembly and association. Advancenotification is required for demonstrations and other public gatherings. The governmentgenerally respected these rights. There were no instances of denial on political grounds.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution and law provide for freedom of peaceful assembly, and the governmentgenerally respected this right.The government requires advance notification for use of public places for demonstrations.Authorities sometimes cited “public order” to prevent demonstrations by opposition groups,civil society organizations, and labor unions.On May 22, the Constitutional Court ruled that the prefect of Littoral Modeste ToboulaDepartment violated the constitution and the African Charter on Human and People’s Rightsrelated to freedom of assembly and public liberties. The court ruled he did so by issuing adecree on March 13 that restricted antigovernment demonstrations by requiring priorregistration and approval by the Ministry of Interior. The court stated that requiringregistration with the Ministry of Interior violated the enjoyment of fundamental liberties.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for freedom of association, and the government generallyrespected this right. There were, however, instances where the government violated freedomof association.
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In March 2017 the Constitutional Court overturned a Council of Ministers decree banning theactivities of university student groups as a violation of the right to freedom of association. Thedecree claimed that student groups were engaged in military training and intended to disruptpublic security and peace. The court ruled that the government’s public order concerns didnot justify the suspension of citizens’ constitutional rights.BhutanSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe government restricted freedoms of peaceful assembly and association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYWhile the constitution provides for the right to assemble peacefully, the governmentrestricted this right. The law permits the government to control the public’s right to assembly“to avoid breaches of the peace” by requiring licenses, prohibiting assembly in designatedareas, and declaring curfew. The penal code prohibits “promotion of civil unrest” as an actthat is prejudicial to the maintenance of harmony among different nationalities, racial groups,castes, or religious groups.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for freedom of association, and the government permitted theregistration of some political parties and organizations that were deemed “not harmful to thepeace and unity of the country.” Many of the nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in thecountry maintained formal or informal connections to members of the royal family. Inits Freedom in the World 2018report, Freedom House stated the government did not permitthe operation of NGOs working on the status of Nepali-speaking refugees but that other localand international NGOs worked with increasing freedom from official scrutiny. Under the law,all NGOs must register with the government. To register an NGO, an individual must be acitizen, disclose his or her family income and assets, provide his or her educationalqualifications, and disclose any criminal records.
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BoliviaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONAlthough the constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association,civil society groups, especially, but not limited to, those critical of the government, facedharassment from government officials.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYWhile the law requires a permit for most demonstrations, the government rarely enforced theprovisions, and most protesters demonstrated without obtaining permits. Mostdemonstrations were peaceful, but occasionally demonstrators carried weapons, includingclubs, machetes, firearms, firecrackers, and dynamite. Security forces at times dispersedprotest groups carrying weapons or threatening government and private facilities.There were several demonstrations during the year defending the “21F” movement, whichopposed Morales’ candidacy for president and rejected the constitutional change that endedpresidential term limits. On May 29, during the South American Games in Cochabamba, agroup of 21F supporters began shouting “Bolivia said no” and wore T-shirts with “21F” printedon the front. Police asked the protesters to cover their 21F shirts. After the incident the policesubcommander, General Agustin Moreno, warned he would not allow 21F demonstrationsduring patriotic celebrations on the country’s national day in Potosi on August 6. In Potosi onAugust 6, police did not permit access to public space for those critical of the government. InSeptember police in Santa Cruz and Cochabamba did not allow 21F supporters access to themain plaza and other public spaces.On July 21, a small group of persons arrived at the Plaza Murillo in La Paz with 21F T-shirts.Within minutes a police contingent pushed the protesters out of the plaza and ended theprotest.
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According to the NGO UNIR Bolivia Foundation, on average there were approximately threedifferent types of protests per day throughout the country between January and March. Thesedemonstrations, radical protest actions, and confrontations with police resulted in one persondead and more than 100 injured.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for freedom of association, but the government did not consistentlyrespect this right. NGOs continued to be targets of government officials, including thepresident, vice president, and government ministers, if they operated in a manner perceivedas adversarial to the government. Some NGOs alleged government registration mechanismswere purposefully stringent in order to deter an active civil society.Bosnia an HerzegovinaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe law provides for freedom of peaceful assembly, and the government generally respectedthis right. In December, however, the RS Ministry of Interior banned a group of citizens fromholding peaceful protests in Banja Luka. Prior to the ban, the “Justice for David” movementhad been seeking justice in the case of 21 year-old David Dragicevic, whose murder has yet tobe solved. Dragicevic’s family has mobilized thousands of citizens in support of their searchfor the truth and their efforts to demand justice for all. The RS government justified itsdecision to ban all public gatherings of the group, including protests, with claims themovement failed to fully respect the law during previous rallies. The RS police interrupted aDecember 25 gathering, in the process arresting 20 supporters of Justice for David, includingtwo members of the Party for Democratic Progress (PDP) – President Borislav Borenovic anddelegate in the RS National Assembly Drasko Stanivukovic. Some journalists and protestorshave alleged that during the arrests police used excessive force on protesters, and haveproduced photographs that appear to support their claims. There are 10 laws governing thisright in different parts of the country, all of which were generally assessed to be overly
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restrictive. Examples include the prohibition of public assembly in front of numerous publicinstitutions in the RS, while some cantonal laws in the Federation (e.g., in Central BosniaCanton) prescribe criminal liability for failing to fulfill administrative procedures for holding apeaceful assembly. Human rights NGOs reported that authorities manipulated and controlledthe process of granting the right to assembly to civil society groups in both entities on severaloccasions in 2017.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for freedom of association, and the government generally respected thisright. Under the law, NGOs can register at the state, entity, and cantonal levels in a generallystreamlined and simple administrative process. Cooperation between the government andcivil society organizations at the state and entity levels, however, remained weak, whilegovernment support for civil society organizations remained nontransparent, particularlyregarding the allocation of funds.BotswanaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:A. FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION, INCLUDING FOR THE PRESSFreedom of Expression: The constitution and law provide for freedom of speech and press;however, the law restricts the speech of some government officials and fines persons foundguilty of insulting public officials or national symbols. The law states, “Any person in a publicplace or at a public gathering (who) uses abusive, obscene, or insulting language in relation tothe president, any other member of the National Assembly, or any public officer” is guilty ofan offense and may be fined up to 400 pula ($38). The penal code also states that any personwho insults the country’s coat of arms, flag, presidential standard, or national anthem is guiltyof an offense and may be fined up to 500 pula ($47).Press and Media Freedom: In a break from his predecessor, President Masisi initiated aproductive relationship with media shortly after assuming the presidency on April 1. He heldtwo press conferences in his first 100 days and repeatedly assured journalists of his respectfor their role in a healthy democracy. He also began the process of establishing a first-ever
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presidential press office to welcome and promote engagement with media. The governmentdominated domestic broadcasting.The government owned and operated the Botswana Press Agency, which dominated the printmedia through its free, nationally distributed newspaper, Daily News, and two state-operatedFM radio stations. State-owned media generally featured reporting favorable to thegovernment and, according to some observers, were susceptible to political interference. Opposition political parties claimed state media coverage heavily favored the ruling party. The government ombudsman stated in a 2017 report that public broadcaster BotswanaTelevision “unduly favored” the ruling party in its political coverage.Independent media were active and generally expressed a wide variety of views, whichfrequently included strong criticism of the government; however, media memberscomplained they were sometimes subject to government pressure to portray the governmentand country in a positive light. Private media organizations had more difficulty thangovernment-owned media obtaining access to government-held information.Censorship or Content Restrictions: Some members of civil society organizations alleged thegovernment occasionally censored stories in government-run media it deemed undesirable. Government journalists sometimes practiced self-censorship.Libel/Slander Laws: In 2014 police arrested Sunday Standard editor Outsa Mokone andcharged him with sedition for publishing articles about an automobile accident allegedlyinvolving President Khama. Observers noted the use of the penal code’s sedition clause for anewspaper article was unprecedented and that the Sunday Standard had published severalarticles exposing corruption allegations within the DISS. In 2016 lawyers for Mokone soughtto have the charges dropped based on the penal code’s infringement of the defendant’sconstitutional right to freedom of expression. That same year the High Court ruled the penalcode’s sedition clause was constitutional and charges of sedition against Mokone couldproceed. In September the government dropped all charges against Mokone. The Court ofAppeal did not rule on the constitutionality of the sedition clause.Internet FreedomThe government did not restrict or disrupt access to the internet or censor online content,and there were no credible reports the government monitored private online
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communications without appropriate legal authority. According to the InternationalTelecommunication Union, in 2017 approximately 41 percent of individuals used the internet.Academic Freedom and Cultural EventsThere were no government restrictions on academic freedom or cultural events.BrazilSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected these rights.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe government generally respected the right of freedom of peaceful assembly, but policeoccasionally intervened in citizen protests that turned violent.BruneiSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe government limited/restricted freedoms of peaceful assembly and association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe government’s emergency powers restrict the right to assemble. Public gatherings of 10 ormore persons require a government permit, and police may disband an unofficial assembly of
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five or more persons deemed likely to cause a disturbance of the peace. Permits require theapproval of the minister of home affairs. The government routinely issued permits for annualevents, but occasionally used the restrictions to disrupt political gatherings. Organizers ofevents on sensitive topics tended to hold meetings in private rather than apply for permits, orpracticed self-censorship at public events. In March the RBPF raided a live music eventorganized by a local grassroots arts initiative and detained the 176 persons in attendance. Anumber of those detained were charged with possession of narcotics. The raid was publicizedlive on national television and followed a clamp down on drugs and alcohol by authorities.The LGBTI community reported that the government would not issue permits for communityevents or events on LGBTI topics.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe law does not provide for freedom of association. The law requires formal groups,including religious, social, business, labor, and cultural organizations, to register with theRegistrar of Societies and provide regular reports on membership and finances. Applicantswere subject to background checks, and proposed organizations were subject to namingrequirements, including a prohibition on names or symbols linked to triad societies (Chineseorganized crime networks). The government reported it accepted the majority of applicationsto form associations, but some new organizations reported delaying their registrationapplications after receiving advice that the process would be difficult. The government maysuspend the activities of a registered organization if it deems such an act to be in the publicinterest.Organizations seeking to raise funds or donations from the general public are required toobtain permission from the Ministry of Home Affairs, and each individual fundraising activityrequires a separate permit. Approved organizations dealt with matters such as pollution,wildlife preservation, arts, entrepreneurship, and women in business.BulgariaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION
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The constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, andthe government generally respected these rights.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONAuthorities continued to deny registration of the Macedonian activist group OMO Ilindendespite a January judgment and 10 prior decisions of the European Court of Human Rightsthat the denials violated the group’s freedom of association.Burkina FasoSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution and law provide for freedom of peaceful assembly, and the governmentgenerally respected this right.In October 2017 national police arrested Pascal Zaida, a civil society leader and opengovernment critic, for holding a demonstration to protest against the administration withouta permit. National police issued a statement that they had denied his three prior requests toprotest because the protest presented “a risk of disturbing public order.” Authorities releasedZaida in November 2017 after 37 days in pretrial detention.Political parties and labor unions may hold meetings and rallies without governmentpermission, although advance notification and approval are required for publicdemonstrations that may affect traffic or threaten public order. If a demonstration or rallyresults in violence, injury, or significant property damage, penalties for the organizers includesix months to five years’ imprisonment and fines of between 100,000 and two million CFAfrancs ($180 and $3,600). These penalties may be doubled for conviction of organizing anunauthorized rally or demonstration. Demonstrators may appeal denials or imposedmodifications of a proposed march route or schedule before the courts.
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BurmaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, but thegovernment restricted these rights.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution provides the right to peaceful assembly, although this right was not alwaysrespected in practice. Restrictions remained in place in 11 Rangoon townships on allapplications for processions or assemblies. Some civil society groups asserted theserestrictions were selectively applied and used to prevent demonstrations against thegovernment or military. Farmers and social activists continued to hold protests over landrights and older cases of land confiscation throughout the country, and human rights groupscontinued to report cases in which the government arrested groups of farmers and thosesupporting them for demanding the return of confiscated land. Many reported cases involvedland seized by the military under the former military regime and given to private companiesor persons with ties to the military.Local government officials in Yangon Region, Kayah State, and elsewhere required civil societyorganizations to apply for advance permission before holding meetings and other functions inhotels and other public venues. Officials forced venues to cancel civil society events wheresuch permission was not obtained. Officials in Mandalay Division and Kayah State requiredcivil society organizations to request advance permission from the local government to meetwith diplomats.At least 42 persons were arrested in May for their participation in peaceful antiwar protests inRangoon, Mandalay, and other cities. Three people who were arrested for their participationin a related poetry reading were sentenced on September 19, two with fines of 20,000 kyats($13) and one opting to serve 15 days in prison instead of paying the fine.Following a peaceful protest on July 3 against the erection of a statue of the Burmeseindependence hero General Aung San, in Loikaw, Kayah State, 16 demonstrators were
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arrested; 11 of those 16 faced charges under Sections 505(b) for distributing pamphletsrelated to the protest. The trial continued as of October.Common charges used to convict peaceful protesters included criminal trespass, violation ofthe Peaceful Assembly and Processions Act, and violation of Section 505(b) of the penal code,which criminalizes actions the government deemed likely to cause “an offense against theState or against the public tranquility.”FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONAlthough the constitution and laws allow citizens to form associations and organizations, thegovernment sometimes restricted this right.In June the State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee ordered local branches of the organizationcommonly known as Ma Ba Tha to remove signs using that name, following a 2017 ban on theuse of the name after which the organization formally rebranded itself the Buddha DhammaParahita Foundation. Some of its members, including Wirathu, were sanctioned in 2017 forinflaming tensions towards the Muslim community using ultranationalist rhetoric. Some localbranches of the organization continued to use the name on their signs in spite of the ban, andas of October no action had been taken against them.The law on registering organizations stipulates voluntary registration for local NGOs andremoves punishments for noncompliance for both local and international NGOs. Some NGOsthat tried to register under this law found the process extremely onerous.Activists reported civil society groups, community-based organizations, and informal networksoperated openly and continued to discuss openly human rights and other political problems.They reported, however, that state surveillance of such operations and discussions wascommon and that government restrictions on meetings and other activity increased duringthe year.BurundiSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
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B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution and law provide for freedom of peaceful assembly, but the governmentseverely restricted this right (see section 1.d.). The law requires political parties and largegroups to notify the government with details prior to a public meeting and at least four daysprior to a proposed demonstration, and allows the government to prohibit meetings ordemonstrations for reasons of “public order.” When notified, authorities in most cases deniedpermission for opposition members to meet or demonstrate and dispersed meetings alreadyunderway. By contrast, supporters of the CNDD-FDD and government officials were regularlyable to meet and organize demonstrations on short notice; these demonstrations werefrequently large and included participation by senior officials.Freedom of assembly was significantly restricted in the wake of the failed coup attempt in2015, and these restrictions largely remained in place, with some notable exceptions.Members of the wing of the nonrecognized FNL-Rwasa and the Amizero Y’Abarundi coalitionof independents stated that government officials harassed or arrested supporters for holdingunauthorized meetings. Other political parties generally reported being unable to hold partymeetings or conduct political activities outside Bujumbura, except during the officialcampaign period before the May referendum. Some opposition party members cited greaterleeway, however, to conduct political meetings, such as party conferences than in thepreceding three years. In September the FRODEBU-Sahwanya party conducted a congress inBujumbura followed by a series of meetings in regions around the country; however, theparty continued to be unable to conduct public events outside of Bujumbura.During the official May 1-14 campaign period before the referendum, the Amizero Y’Abarundicoalition of independents led by Rwasa and some other opposition parties conducted largerallies throughout the country to publicize their opposition to, and advocate for votes against,the proposed constitutional changes. The events were widely publicized in media sources,through social media, and online, and there were no apparent constraints on Rwasa’s publicdiscourse, which was critical of the government. There were some reports that individualsattending rallies subsequently faced arrest or harassment by government officials, securityservices, and members of the Imbonerakure.Outside of the official campaign period, opposition actors continued to be restricted fromconducting most political activities, and members of the Imbonerakure and security services
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arrested, harassed, and in some cases committed violence against individuals they allegedopposed passage of the referendum. Although government officials stated that restrictionson political speech outside of the campaign period were consistent with the BurundianElectoral Code, no such limitations were applied to government officials and members of theCNDD-FDD party, who between December and May conducted numerous events and mediaappearances, during which they promoted the referendum and the proposed constitutionalchanges.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for freedom of association within the confines of the law, but thegovernment severely restricted this right.In January 2017 the government enacted a law constricting the liberties of internationalNGOs. The law includes requirements that international NGOs deposit a portion of theirbudgets at the Bank of the Republic of Burundi and that they maintain ethnic and genderbalances in the recruitment of local personnel. The law contains several clauses that give thegovernment considerable control over NGO selection and programming. In November 2017an international NGO was instructed to suspend its agricultural programs due to adisagreement with the Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock on program design; in Septemberthe NGO was reinstated following lengthy negotiations with the government. In December2017 another international NGO was expelled for allegedly distributing rotten seeds.On September 27, the government’s National Security Council announced a three-monthsuspension of international NGOs as of October 1. On October 2, the minister of the interiorclarified that the government was suspending their operations until the NGOs provideddocuments demonstrating compliance with the country’s NGO and banking laws. Theminister required NGOs to submit a copy of their cooperative agreement with the Ministry ofForeign Affairs, a memorandum of understanding with the appropriate technical ministry, acertification of compliance with banking regulations, and a plan to comply with the law’sethnic and gender balances within three years. He stated that the ministry would review thefiles of each NGO as soon as it received their submissions, but that NGOs failing to providedocuments within three months would be closed. Many organizations viewed the suspensionas a politically motivated restriction on civil space. The suspension had an immediate andsignificant impact on NGO operations, including on the provision of basic services. Someinternational NGOs were allowed to continue medical and education programs during thesuspension. As of mid-November the government had lifted the suspension on 38 NGOs,
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while the majority were either awaiting response to their compliance documents or still in theprocess of completing them.In January 2017 the government also enacted laws governing domestic CSOs. The lawrequires CSOs to register with the Ministry of the Interior (or with provincial governments ifthey operate in a single province), a complex process that includes approval for anorganization’s activities from the Ministry of the Interior and other ministries depending ontheir areas of expertise. There is no recourse when authorities deny registration. Registrationmust be renewed every two years. The law provides for the suspension or permanent closureof organizations for “disturbing public order or harming state security.”In 2016 the government permanently banned five CSOs that it claimed were part of thepolitical opposition. In 2016 the government announced its intention to ban Ligue Iteka, thecountry’s oldest human rights organization, for “sow(ing) hate and division among thepopulation following a social media campaign created by the International Federation ofHuman Rights and Ligue Iteka in which a mock movie trailer accused the president ofplanning genocide.” The ban took effect in January 2017; Ligue Iteka continued to operatefrom Uganda and report on conditions in Burundi. At year’s end there were no furtherreported closings of domestic CSOs.Cabo VerdeSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, andthe government generally respected these rights.CambodaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
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The constitution provides for freedom of expression, including the press; however, in 2017-18the government carried out a sustained campaign to eliminate independent news media inthe country, and most individuals and institutions reported on the need for self-censorship.Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYAlthough the constitution provides for freedom of peaceful assembly, the government did notalways respect this right.The Law on Associations and Nongovernmental Organizations (LANGO) requires all groups toregister and requires advance notification for meetings, training, protests, marches, ordemonstrations, although authorities inconsistently enforced this requirement. One provisionrequires five days’ notice for most peaceful demonstrations, while another requires 12 hours’notice for impromptu gatherings on private property or protests at designated venues andlimits such gatherings to 200 persons. By law provincial or municipal governments may issuedemonstration permits at their discretion. Lower-level government officials, particularly inPhnom Penh, generally denied requests unless the national government specificallyauthorized the gatherings. All levels of government routinely denied permits to groups criticalof the ruling party.There were credible reports the government prevented associations and NGOs fromorganizing human rights-related events and meetings, because those NGOs failed to receivepermission from local authorities; however, the law does not require preapproval any suchevents. Authorities cited the need for stability and public security–terms left undefined in thelaw and therefore subject to wide interpretation–as reasons for denying permits. Governmentauthorities occasionally cited the LANGO simply to break up meetings and trainings deemedhostile to the government.Despite these restrictions the press reported numerous public protests, most related to landor labor disputes. In some cases police forcibly dispersed peaceful groups assembled withouta permit, sometimes causing minor injuries to demonstrators. In other cases police usedforce against demonstrators after they interfered with traffic, made threats or carried out actsof violence, or refused orders to disperse.
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According to a joint report released in August by the CCHR, ADHOC, the American Center forInternational Labor Solidarity, and the International Center for Not-for-Profit Law, from April2017 to March, there were 48 incidents of NGOs prevented by authorities from holdingmeetings, training, or gatherings due to LANGO provisions. The report also recorded 539restrictions of fundamental freedoms by the government and third-party entities linked to thegovernment between April 2017 and March, a 52 percent increase from the previous year.Although the vast majority of restrictions occurred in Phnom Penh, restrictions weredocumented in every province except Prey Veng and Kep. The government sometimes tooklegal action against peaceful protesters. On February 14, authorities arrested four unionleaders and charged them with organizing an illegal strike at the Cosmo Textile Factory inKandal Province. In October 2017 authorities arrested five persons who planned to distributeleaflets during the Water Festival to call for demonstrations to demand the governmentrelease political prisoners. On the same day, the Phnom Penh municipal court summonedLeng Seng Hong, president of the Cambodian Democratic Student Intellectual Federation, toappear in court on charges of incitement to commit felony for appealing to the public toprotest if the CNRP was dissolved.Senior government and military officials, including Prime Minister Hun Sen, Phnom PenhGovernor Khoung Sreng, CPP spokesperson Sok Eysan, Council of Ministers spokespersonPhay Siphan, and armed forces Commander in Chief Pol Sarouen, warned the public not togather or demonstrate in the capital during the trial of opposition leader Kem Sokha followinghis arrest in September 2017.In April the NEC threatened to prosecute anyone who urged voters to boycott the elections. InJune it sent a message to mobile phone subscribers forbidding “criticizing, attacking, orcomparing their party policies to other parties.” Government officials threatened that personswho boycotted the election but inked their fingers to indicate they had voted would receivepunishment.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for freedom of association, but the government did not alwaysrespect this right, particularly with regard to workers’ rights (see section 7.a.). The law requiresall associations and NGOs to be politically neutral, which not only restricts the right toassociation but also restricts those organizations’ rights to free expression.
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In June 2017 Prime Minister Hun Sen ordered the Ministry of Interior to dissolve the SituationRoom, a consortium of 40 of the country’s prominent human rights NGOs, after it issuedfindings on the conduct of the June 4 communal elections. The Situation Room was chargedwith violating the LANGO for failing to register as an NGO (although each of the 40 constituentNGOS were registered individually) and for violating the LANGO provisions on politicalneutrality. After COMFREL, the lead NGO in the Situation Room, announced it wouldunofficially observe election-day atmospherics without entering polling stations, it received awarning from the Ministry of Interior that any COMFREL volunteers found observing theelection would be subject to legal penalties.In September 2017 the government dissolved environmental NGO Mother Nature withoutexplanation, simply issuing a letter stating the Interior Ministry’s power to do so: “The DeputyPrime Minister and Minister of Interior (Sar Kheng) decides to cancel the Mother Natureorganization…from the list of the nongovernmental organizations of the Ministry of Interior.”In August 2017 authorities forced the National Democratic Institute to cease operations in thecountry, after authorities found it did not properly register with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs(despite a valid memorandum of understanding with the NEC).In September 2017 the Ministry of Interior also suspended the operations of land rights NGOEquitable Cambodia due to what the ministry alleged were violations of the organization’sown bylaws and failures to update the ministry with the most recent staff roster. The ministryfinally permitted the NGO to reopen in February.Vaguely worded provisions in several laws prohibit any activity that may “jeopardize peace,stability, and public order” or harm “national security, national unity, traditions, and theculture of Cambodian society.” Civil society organizations expressed concern these provisionscreated a substantial risk of arbitrary restriction of the right of association. According to critics,the laws on associations and trade unions (see section 7.a.) establish heavily bureaucratic,multistep registration processes that lack both transparency and administrative safeguards,rendering registration processes vulnerable to politicization. These laws also imposeburdensome reporting obligations on activities and finances, including the disclosure of allsuccessful funding proposals, financial or grant agreements, and bank accounts.The local NGO consortium Cooperation Committee for Cambodia reported in July that NGOsgenerally lacked guidance from the government on how to comply with the requirements.
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CameroonSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe government limited and restricted freedoms of peaceful assembly and association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYAlthough the law provides for freedom of peaceful assembly, the government often restrictedthis right. The law requires organizers of public meetings,demonstrations, and processions to notify officials in advance but does not require priorgovernment approval of public assemblies, nor does it authorize the government to suppresspublic assemblies that it has not approved in advance. Nevertheless, officials routinelyasserted the law implicitly authorizes the government to grant or deny permission for publicassemblies. The government often refused to grant permits for gatherings and used force tosuppress assemblies for which it had not issued permits. Authorities typically cited “securityconcerns” as the basis for deciding to block assemblies. The government also prevented civilsociety organizations and political parties from holding press conferences. Police andgendarmes forcibly disrupted meetings and demonstrations of citizens, trade unions, andpolitical activists throughout the year, arrested participants in unapproved protests, andblocked political leaders from attending protests.On March 9, in Yaounde, police arrested approximately 20 women who participated in a rally,holding up a banner that read, “Stand Up for Cameroon.” According to the organizers of therally, including Edith Kabang Walla, the president of the Cameroon People’s Party (CPP), theevent was aimed to call attention to the deteriorating sociopolitical situation in the country. Police released the women after keeping them for a few hours at the judicial police’s regionalheadquarters.Authorities also banned some political rallies. In April the divisional officer of Fokoue inMenoua Division, West Region, banned a meeting meant to encourage voter registration bythe CRM opposition party. The CRM claimed they notified the divisional officer that they wereorganizing an event on April 11. This event would have been 10th in a series organized in
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conjunction with Elections Cameroon, the organization that oversees and administerselections, to encourage more persons to register to vote. The divisional officer initially toldCRM leaders the meeting might not be authorized because April 11 was a market day. OnApril 9, he reportedly changed his mind and instead referred CRM’s leaders to the mayor,whom he said had control over the market place. Organizers said they had contacted themayor, who said she had planned to conduct a tax collection exercise in the market that dayand turned down the request. Further, in June the mayor of Bagangte banned a rally by theCRM at the local ceremonial ground and reportedly justified his decision by saying that theceremonial ground was meant only for exceptional events and official ceremonies. CRMofficials said the ruling CPDM held a meeting at the venue a few days earlier. Authorities alsobanned rallies by the CRM in Baham and Bandjoun in the West Region.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for freedom of association, but the law also limits this right. On the recommendation of the senior divisional officer, the Ministry of TerritorialAdministration may suspend the activities of an association for three months on the groundsthat the association is disrupting public order. The minister may also dissolve an association ifit is deemed a threat to state security. National associations may acquire legal status bydeclaring themselves in writing to the ministry, but the ministry must explicitly register foreignassociations and religious groups. The law imposes heavy fines for individuals who form andoperate any such association without ministry approval. The law prohibits organizations thatadvocate a goal contrary to the constitution, laws, and morality, as well as those that aim tochallenge the security, territorial integrity, national unity, national integration, or republicanform of the state.Conditions for recognition of political parties, NGOs, or associations were complicated,involved long delays, and were unevenly enforced. This resulted in associations operating inlegal uncertainty, their activities tolerated but not formally approved.Unlike in 2017 the government did not ban any organizations during the year. On July 18,however, Minister of Territorial Administration Paul Atanga Nji unilaterally designated threepolitical figures as spokespersons for three opposition political parties, disregarding theseparties’ own hierarchies and internal elections. The minister stated the three parties, theCameroon People’s Party (CPP), the
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Union of the Peoples of Cameroon (UPC), and the African Movement for a New Independenceand Democracy (Manidem), were suffering from persistent internal crises. He urgedadministrative command officers nationwide to authorize only events organized by theappointees. On July 20, all three appointed leaders joined 17 other nominally “opposition”leaders to rally with their parties behind President Biya for the October 7 presidential election.CanadaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected these rights.Central African Re&ublicSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, includingthe right to participate in political protests. The government, however, denied most requeststo protest that were submitted by civil society groups, citing insecurity in Bangui.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONA law prohibiting nonpolitical organizations from uniting for political purposes remained inplace. In May the government briefly detained opposition leader Joseph Bendounga followinga march in Bangui. The attorney general reiterated that the detention was justified becausethe march was not authorized.
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ChadSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe government limited freedoms of peaceful assembly and association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYAlthough the constitution provides for freedom of peaceful assembly in limitedcircumstances, the government did not respect this right. The government regularlyinterfered with opposition protests and civil society gatherings. The law requires organizers tonotify the Ministry of Public Security and Immigration five days in advance of demonstrations,although groups that provided advance notice did not always receive permission to assemble.The law also requires opposition political parties to meet complicated registrationrequirements for party gatherings. Following the 2015 Boko Haram attacks, the ministry oftendenied permission for large gatherings, including social events such as weddings andfunerals.The Ministry of Administration, Public Security, and Local Governance banned the peacefulmarch planned by lawyers and notaries for June 16, and it did not happen. The march wasintended to demand the government turn former governor of Logone Oriental and hisaccomplices over to the justice system. Former governor Adam Nouky Charfaddine and somemilitary personnel were accused of the assassination attempt on a lawyer, as well askidnapping and illegally detaining three individuals released by courts.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for freedom of association, and the government generallyrespected this right. While an ordinance requires the Ministry of Public Security andImmigration to provide prior authorization before an association, including a labor union, maybe formed, there were no reports the ordinance was enforced. The ordinance also allows for
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the immediate administrative dissolution of an association and permits authorities to monitorassociation funds.ChileSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected those rights.China (include) Tibet, Hong Kong, andMacau) – ChinaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe government restricted freedoms of peaceful assembly and association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYWhile the constitution provides for freedom of peaceful assembly, the government severelyrestricted this right. The law stipulates such activities may not challenge “party leadership” orinfringe upon the “interests of the state.” Protests against the political system or nationalleaders were prohibited. Authorities denied permits and quickly suppressed demonstrationsinvolving expression of dissenting political views.Citizens throughout the country continued to gather publicly to protest evictions, forcedrelocations, and inadequate compensation, often resulting in conflict with authorities orformal charges. Media reported thousands of protests took place during the year across thecountry. Although peaceful protests are legal, public security officials rarely granted permits
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to demonstrate. Despite restrictions, many demonstrations occurred, but authorities quicklybroke up those motivated by broad political or social grievances, sometimes with excessiveforce.On March 20-30, more than one thousand residents from Longyan’s Changting County inFujian province protested outside the local government office against the government’s planto construct a garbage incinerator one kilometer (0.6 mile) from the town’s residential areas.On March 30, local authorities called in riot police to restore order. Later that day governmentofficials announced they were canceling the planned incinerator project.Concerts, sports events, exercise classes, or other meetings of more than 200 persons requireapproval from public security authorities. Large numbers of public gatherings in Beijing andelsewhere were canceled at the last minute or denied government permits, ostensibly toensure public safety.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for freedom of association, but the government restricted this right.CCP policy and government regulations require all professional, social, and economicorganizations officially register with and receive approval from the government. Theseregulations prevented the formation of autonomous political, human rights, religious,spiritual, labor, and other organizations that the government believed might challenge itsauthority in any area. The government maintained tight controls over civil societyorganizations and in some cases detained or harassed NGO workers.The regulatory system for NGOs was highly restrictive, but specific requirements varieddepending on whether an organization was foreign or domestic. Domestic NGOs weregoverned by the Charity Law and a host of related regulations. Domestic NGOs could registerin one of three categories: a social group, a social organization, or a foundation. All domesticNGOs are required to register under the Ministry of Civil Affairs and find an officiallysanctioned sponsor to serve as their “professional supervisory unit.” Finding a sponsor wasoften challenging, since the sponsor could be held civilly or criminally responsible for theNGO’s activities. All organizations are also required to report their sources of funding,including foreign funding. Domestic NGOs continued to adjust to this new regulatoryframework.
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In 2016 the CCP Central Committee issued a directive mandating the establishment of CCPcells within all domestic NGOs by 2020. According to authorities, these CCP organizationsoperating inside domestic NGOs would “strengthen guidance” of NGOs in areas such as“decision making for important projects, important professional activities, major expendituresand funds, acceptance of large donations, and activities involving foreigners.” The directivealso mandates authorities conduct annual “spot checks” to ensure compliance on “ideologicalpolitical work, party building, financial and personnel management, study sessions, foreignexchange, acceptance of foreign donations and assistance, and conducting activitiesaccording to their charter.”In January 2017 the Law on the Management of Foreign NGOs’ Activities in Mainland China(Foreign NGO Management Law) came into effect. The law requires foreign NGOs to registerwith the Ministry of Public Security and to find a state-sanctioned sponsor for theiroperations. NGOs that fail to comply face possible civil or criminal penalties. The law providesno appeal process for NGOs denied registration, and it stipulates NGOs found to haveviolated certain provisions could be banned from operating in the country. The law also statesdomestic groups cooperating with unregistered foreign NGOs will be punished and possiblybanned.Some international NGOs reported it was more difficult to work with local partners, includinguniversities, government agencies, and other domestic NGOs, as the law codified the CCP’sperception that foreign NGOs were a “national security” threat. Finding an official sponsor wasdifficult for most foreign NGOs, as sponsors could be held responsible for the NGOs’ conductand had to undertake burdensome reporting requirements. After the Ministry of PublicSecurity published a list of sponsors, NGOs reported most government agencies still had nounit responsible for sponsoring foreign NGOs. Professional Supervisory Units reported theyhad little understanding of how to implement the law and what authorities would expect ofthem. The vague definition of an NGO, as well as of what activities constituted “political” andtherefore illegal activities, left many business organizations and alumni associations uncertainwhether they fell within the purview of the law. The lack of clear communication from thegovernment, coupled with harassment by security authorities, caused some foreign NGOs tosuspend or cease operations in the country. As of December 31, approximately 439 of theofficially estimated 7,000 previously operational foreign NGOs had registered under theForeign NGO Management Law, with most focusing on trade and commerce activities.According to the Ministry of Civil Affairs, by the end of 2017, there were more than 800,000registered social organizations, public institutions, and foundations. Many experts believed
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the actual number of domestic NGOs to be much higher. Domestic NGOs reported foreignfunding continued to drop, as many domestic NGOs sought to avoid such funding due to fearof being labeled as “subversive” in the face of growing restrictions imposed by new laws.NGOs existed under a variety of formal and informal guises, including national massorganizations created and funded by the CCP that are organizationally prohibited fromexercising any independence, known as government-operated NGOs or GONGOs.For donations to a domestic organization from a foreign NGO, the Foreign NGO ManagementLaw requires foreign NGOs to maintain a representative office in the country to send funds orto use the bank account of a domestic NGO when conducting temporary activities. By lawforeign NGOs are prohibited from using any other method to send and receive funds, andsuch funding must be reported to the Ministry of Public Security. Foreign NGOs are prohibitedfrom fundraising and “for-profit activities” under the law.Although all registered organizations came under some degree of government control, someNGOs, primarily service-oriented GONGOs, were able to operate with less day-to-day scrutiny.Authorities supported the growth of some NGOs that focused on social problems, such aspoverty alleviation and disaster relief. Law and regulations explicitly prohibit organizationsfrom conducting political or religious activities, and organizations that refused to complyfaced criminal penalties.Authorities continued to restrict and evict local NGOs that received foreign funding andinternational NGOs that provided assistance to Tibetan communities in the TAR and otherTibetan areas. Almost all were forced to curtail their activities altogether due to travelrestrictions, official intimidation of staff members, and the failure of local partners to renewproject agreements.China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, andMacau) – Hong KongSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION
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The law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, but governmentactions, including prosecutions of activists, increased the perceived risks associated withparticipating in political protest.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe law provides for freedom of peaceful assembly, and the government generally respectedthis right. Police routinely issued the required “letter of no objection” for public meetings anddemonstrations–including those critical of the SAR and central governments–and mostprotests occurred without serious incident.On June 4, tens of thousands of persons peacefully gathered without incident in Victoria Parkto commemorate the 28th anniversary of the Tiananmen Square crackdown. The annual vigiland a smaller annual event in Macau were reportedly the only sanctioned events in China tocommemorate the Tiananmen Square anniversary. Figures varied for participation in theannual July 1 prodemocracy demonstration, held on the anniversary of the 1997 transfer ofsovereignty over Hong Kong to China. Police estimated 14,500 protesters; an independentpolling organization estimated 27,000, and organizers claimed 60,000. Police did not interferewith the legally permitted rally.Several government prosecutions of protesters and attempts to seek harsher penaltiesagainst protesters raised the perceived cost of protesting government policies, which couldhave a chilling effect on political protest in the SAR. For example, in 2016 authorities foundprodemocracy activists Joshua Wong and Alex Chow guilty of participating in an illegalassembly. The charge arose after they led a group of persons over a fence into a closed SARgovernment complex where protests had traditionally been held at the start of the 2014Occupy protests. In connection with the same event, prodemocracy activist Nathan Law wasfound guilty of inciting others to participate in an illegal assembly. Wong and Law wereoriginally sentenced to perform 80 and 120 hours of community service, respectively, whileChow was given a suspended sentence of three weeks’ imprisonment. The government filed atimely appeal of the sentences, and Wong and Law completed their community servicesentences while the appeal was pending.On August 17, the Court of Appeal overturned the lower court’s sentences and ordered Wong,Law, and Chow to serve six, eight, and seven months in prison, respectively. The Court ofAppeal argued the lower court’s sentences were inadequate and stiffer sentences wererequired to deter such acts in the future, which the court characterized as violent. Wong and
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Law were imprisoned from August through October, when they were released on bail,pending the outcome of their appeal. Chow was imprisoned in August and released on bail inNovember, also pending the outcome of his appeal. On August 20, tens of thousands ofpersons protested the prison sentences, which would bar the three from running in localelections for five years, according to SAR law. Some commentators claimed the SARgovernment sought stiffer penalties against the trio in order to stifle dissent and prevent thethree defendants from running for office. Two UN special rapporteurs and prominentinternational lawyers expressed public concern the prison sentences were inconsistent withfreedoms of expression and assembly. The SAR government denied any political motivationfor seeking stiffer penalties against the trio and argued the cases were handled in accordancewith the law. Wong, Law, and Chow appealed their sentences.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONSAR law provides for freedom of association, and the government generally respected it.Nonetheless, officials did not approve prodemocracy political party Demosisto’s application toregister as a legal entity, even though the application had been pending for more than oneyear. The mainland Foreign NGO Management Law, which came into effect on January 1 andalso applies to NGOs based in the SAR, imposes onerous restrictions on NGOs’ ability tooperate in the mainland.China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, andMacau) – MacauSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for freedom of peaceful assembly and association, and the governmentoften respected these rights, despite some efforts to discourage participation in peacefuldemonstrations.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY
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The law requires prior notification, but not approval, of demonstrations involving publicroads, public places, or places open to the public. Police may redirect demonstrationmarching routes, but organizers have the right to challenge such decisions in court.Activists alleged authorities were making a concerted effort to use both intimidation andcriminal proceedings against participants in peaceful demonstrations to discourage theirinvolvement. For example, the Legislative Assembly, in a secret ballot, voted to suspend SuluSou from the Legislative Assembly after prosecutors charged him with “aggravateddisobedience” to police authorities during a peaceful protest against the Chief Executive.Activists reported police routinely attempted to intimidate demonstrators by ostentatiouslytaking videos of them and advising bystanders not to participate in protests.In June approximately 200 persons participated in a vigil at Senado Square to mark the 28thanniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for freedom of association, and the government generally respected thisright. No authorization is required to form an association, and the only restrictions on formingan organization are that it not promote racial discrimination, violence, crime, or disruption ofpublic order, or be military or paramilitary in nature.China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, andMacau) – TibetSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONEven in areas officially designated as “autonomous,” Tibetans generally lacked the right toorganize and play a meaningful role in the protection of their cultural heritage and uniquenatural environment. Tibetans often faced government intimidation and arrest if theyprotested official policies or practices.
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In February the TAR Public Security Office announced it would consider as criminals thosewho promote “economic, people’s livelihood, environmental, traditional, and culturaldevelopment in Tibetan areas” on behalf of the “Dalai clique” and “foreign hostile forces,” andwould label these “spokespersons” as criminals.In July local contacts reported that many monasteries and rural villages in the TAR and Tibetanareas in Sichuan and Qinghai provinces received official warnings not to organize certaingatherings, including the celebration of the Dalai Lama’s birthday. In one instance, Radio FreeAsia reported authorities from Malho (Chinese: Huangnan) TAP of Qinghai province deployedlarge numbers of armed police to Tibetan villages and towns to discourage such celebrations.According to these contacts, many Tibetan students at various nationality universities wereinstructed not to organize gatherings and parties in March (Tibet Uprising Day) or July (theDalai Lama’s birthday).ColombiaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected these rights.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe law provides for the freedom of peaceful assembly, and the government generallyrespected this right. Some NGOs alleged that riot police (Esmad) used excessive force to breakup demonstrations. For example, on December 14, media reported eight students wereinjured as a result of confrontations between student protesters and the Esmad in Popayan.An unknown number of police officers were also injured.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the freedom of association, and the government generally respected thisright. Freedom of association was limited by threats and acts of violence committed by illegal
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armed groups against NGOs, indigenous groups, and labor unions.Although the government does not prohibit membership in most political organizations,membership in organizations that engaged in rebellion against the government, espousedviolence, or carried out acts of violence, such as FARC dissidents, the ELN, and other illegalarmed groups, was against the law.ComorosSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, butthe government did not always respect these rights.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYOn June 21, a peaceful march by the Mouvement du 17 Fevrier in Fomboni, Moheli, wasdispersed by the police due to lack of Interior Ministry authorization, despite the claim byorganizers that they had authorization from the mayor of Fomboni. The next day, oppositionleaders Moustoifa Said Cheikh, Ahmed Wadaane, and Ibrahim Razida, were arrested for theirrole in the march and charged with mobbing, disturbing public order, and holding anunauthorized protest. On July 2, they were found guilty and sentenced to 12 months’imprisonment and a fine of 150,000 Comorian francs ($358), but they were released after 20days.Costa RicaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION
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The constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these rights.Cote d’IvoireSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, but the governmentsometimes restricted the freedom of peaceful assembly.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe law provides for freedom of peaceful assembly, but the government did not alwaysrespect this right. The law requires groups that wish to hold demonstrations or rallies instadiums or other enclosed spaces to submit a written notice to the Ministry of Interior threedays before the proposed event. Numerous opposition political groups reported denials oftheir requests to hold political meetings and alleged inconsistent standards for granting publicassembly permissions. In some instances public officials stated they could not provide for thesafety of opposition groups attempting to organize both public and private meetings.In May, 21 students protesting poor living conditions were arrested following a clash withpolice in Abidjan and released after several days. In September stone-throwing studentsaffiliated with a student union clashed with police on the campus of Houphouet-BoignyUniversity in Abidjan as they protested education fees. The students disrupted trafficthroughout the city, and police forces fought back using tear gas and sound grenades.CroatiaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION
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The constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, andthe government generally respected these rights.CubaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe government restricted freedoms of peaceful assembly and association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYAlthough the constitution grants a limited right of assembly, the right is subject to therequirement that it may not be “exercised against the existence and objectives of the socialiststate.” The law requires citizens to request authorization for organized meetings of three ormore persons, and failure to do so could carry a penalty of up to three months in prison and afine. The government tolerated some gatherings, and many religious groups reported theability to gather without registering or facing sanctions.Independent activists faced greater obstacles, and state security forces often suppressedattempts to assemble, even for gatherings in private dwellings and in small numbers. Thegovernment did not grant permission to independent demonstrators or approve publicmeetings by human rights groups or others critical of any government activity.The government also continued to organize “acts of repudiation” in the form of mobsorganized to assault and disperse those who assembled peacefully. Participants arrived ingovernment-owned buses or were recruited by government officials from nearby workplacesor schools. Participants arrived and departed in shifts, chanted progovernment slogans, sangprogovernment songs, and verbally taunted those assembled peacefully. The targets of thisharassment at times suffered physical assault or property damage. Government securityofficials at the scene, often present in overwhelming numbers, did not arrest those whophysically attacked the victims or respond to victims’ complaints and instead frequentlyorchestrated the activities or took direct part in physical assaults.
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FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe government routinely denied citizens freedom of association and did not recognizeindependent associations. The constitution proscribes any political organization not officiallyrecognized. A number of independent organizations, including opposition political parties andprofessional associations, operated as NGOs without legal recognition.Recognized churches (including the Roman Catholic humanitarian organization Caritas), theFreemason movement, and a number of fraternal and professional organizations were theonly organizations legally permitted to function outside the formal structure of the state orthe CP. Religious groups are under the supervision of the CP’s Office of Religious Affairs, whichhas the authority to deny permits for religious activities and exerted pressure on churchleaders to refrain from including political topics in their sermons.Groups must register through the Ministry of Justice to receive official recognition. Authoritiescontinued to ignore applications for legal recognition from new groups, including several newreligious groups as well as women’s rights and gay rights organizations, thereby subjectingmembers to potential charges of illegal association.The government continued to afford preferential treatment to those who took an active partin CP activities and mass demonstrations in support of the government, especially whenawarding valued public benefits, such as admissions to higher education, fellowships, and jobopportunities.CyprusSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law and constitution provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, andthe government generally respected these rights.
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Cyprus – the Are Administered byTurkish CypriotsSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe “law” provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, but the“government” sometimes limited both.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYA teachers union reported police obstructed unions and civil society organizations fromdemonstrating and opening banners in front of the Turkish “embassy” during demonstrationsand protests.A labor union reported police interfered in demonstrations and used force against peacefuldemonstrators. The labor union also reported police used force and pepper gas to dispersedemonstrators during the Animal Producer Association’s demonstration in September.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONWhile the “law” provides for the freedom of association, and while the “government” usuallyrespected this right, some organizations faced lengthy registration processes.Czech RepublicSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedom of peaceful assembly and association andthe government generally respected these rights.
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FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe government may legally restrict or prohibit gatherings, including marches,demonstrations, and concerts, if they promote hatred or intolerance, advocate suppressingindividual rights, or jeopardize the safety of the participants.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe law requires organizations, associations, foundations, and political parties to register withthe Ministry of Interior. The courts may dissolve or ban, and the Ministry of Interior mayrefuse to register, groups that incite hatred based on race, religion, class, nationality, or otheraffiliation or that use prohibited symbols.Democratic People9s Republic of KoreaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYWhile the constitution provides for freedom of peaceful assembly, the government did notrespect this provision and continued to prohibit public meetings not previously authorizedand not under government control.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for freedom of association, but the government failed to respectthis provision. There were no known organizations other than those created by thegovernment. Professional associations existed primarily to facilitate government monitoringand control over organization members.Democratic Republic of the Congo
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Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution provides for freedom of peaceful assembly, but the government frequentlyrestricted this right and prevented those critical of the government from exercising their rightto peaceful assembly. The law requires organizers of public events to notify local authorities inadvance of the event. The government maintained that public events required advancepermission and regularly declined to authorize public meetings or protests organized byopposition parties or civil society groups critical of the government. The government did,however, authorize protests and assemblies organized by progovernment groups andpolitical parties. During the year the SSF beat, detained, or arrested persons participating inprotests, marches, and meetings. The SSF also used tear gas, rubber bullets, and at times liveammunition, resulting in numerous civilian deaths and injuries.According to MONUSCO there were 633 violations of democratic space from January throughAugust. These included restrictions on freedom of assembly, the right to liberty and securityof person, and of the right to freedom of opinion and expression.On March 19, a joint report of the UNJHRO and the OHCHR for 2017 stated that the SSF usedillegal, systematic, and disproportionate force against protesters, resulting in 47 civiliandeaths and several hundred wounded during protests. The report stressed the illegality ofgovernment prohibitions on public demonstrations and accused the FARDC’s 11th RapidReaction Brigade and the Republican Guard of grave violations of human rights forindiscriminately using live rounds specifically against civilians in August 2017 after membersof the RMG Bundu dia Kongo separatist group attacked police and civilians in Kinshasa. Thereport also cited instances of threats and intimidation against protestors by governmentofficials and outlined specific attacks and restrictions against UNJHRO personnel. The reportconfirmed at least nine deaths during December 2017 demonstrations, at least 98 wounded,and 185 arbitrarily arrested. For the January 21 demonstrations, the report cited at leastseven persons killed, 67 wounded, and at least 121 persons arbitrarily arrested, including fourchildren. The report also stressed that security force members were rarely, if ever, heldaccountable for disproportionate use of force during protests. It stated the United Nationswas aware of only a few instances in which security force members were held accountable,
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including the case of one police officer who was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment inBukavu for conviction related to his actions during a protest in July 2017.In March government and civil society representatives released a report of investigations intoabuses related to protests during December 2017, on January 21, and on February 25,alleging 14 deaths, 65 injuries, and 40 persons arrested, detained, and in some casestortured.In Kinshasa opposition parties were regularly allowed to hold political rallies. On April 24, theopposition UDPS party held a rally in the capital. On September 29, opposition parties held arally in Kinshasa, but reports and photographs showed that the government sought to deterattendance by halting public transportation, raising fuel prices, and dumping garbage nearthe site of the rally.The government, which must simply be informed of nonviolent demonstrations and is notvested with authorizing their occurrence, consistently prohibited nonviolent demonstrationselsewhere in the country, notably in Lubumbashi, Kananga, and Goma. On October 13,government officials and the SSF blocked opposition leaders from organizing a political rally inLubumbashi to highlight concerns regarding the electoral process. The SSF preventedopposition leaders from accessing a residence of the rally leader and fired live ammunitioninto the air while opposition members attempted to reach the planned rally point. FromNovember 21 to election day on December 30, the JHRO recorded 16 election-related deaths.This included three deaths in Lubumbashi on December 11, one death in Tanganyika onDecember 12, one death in Mbuji-Mayi on December 13, one death in Kisangani onDecember 14, one death in Tshikapa on December 18, one death in Lubumbashi onDecember 19, six deaths in Tanganyika on December 27, one death in Beni on December 28,and one death in South Kivu province on election day on December 30.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for freedom of association, and the government generallyrespected this right. Civil society organizations and NGOs are required to register with thegovernment and may receive funds only through donations; they may not generate anyrevenue, even if it is not at a profit. The registration process is burdensome and very slow.Some groups, particularly within the LGBTI community, reported the government had deniedtheir registration requests.
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During an interactive dialogue with civil society in Kinshasa in March 2016, the minister ofjustice and human rights stated that only 63 of more than 21,000 NGOs in the country wereformally registered. Many NGOs reported that, even when carefully following the registrationprocess, it often took years to receive legal certification. Many interpreted registrationdifficulties as intentional government obstacles for impeding NGO activity.DenmarkSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment respected these rights.DjiboutiSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe government restricted freedoms of peaceful assembly and association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYAlthough the constitution provides for freedom of assembly, the government restricted thisright. The Ministry of Interior requires permits for peaceful assemblies. The ministry allowedopposition groups to host events and rallies. Security authorities occasionally restricted thisright.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION
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The constitution and law allow for freedom of association provided community groupsregister and obtain a permit from the Ministry of Interior. Nevertheless, the ministry ignoredthe petitions of some groups (see section 5). The government harassed and intimidatedopposition parties, human rights groups, and labor unions.DominicaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these rights.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYFollowing the February 2017 opposition political party’s public meeting and subsequent riot,the government denied the opposition a number of permits to hold public meetings, citingpublic safety. There were no reports that the government denied permits during the year.Dominican:RepublicSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected these rights.EcuadorSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
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B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected these rights.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe law provides for freedom of peaceful assembly, and the government generally respectedthis right. Public rallies require prior government permits, which authorities usually granted.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for freedom of association. In October 2017 President Moreno issuedDecree 193 to replace executive Decrees 16 and 739 that regulated freedom of association.NGOs claimed former president Correa used the latter two decrees–which required all socialorganizations, including NGOs, to reregister in a new online registration system within oneyear of the decree or face dissolution–to stymie opposition and limit foreign influence.Following implementation of the new decree, the government allowed the reincorporation oftwo organizations Correa had dissolved.Decree 193 simplifies the application process to obtain and maintain legal status for NGOsand social groups by relaxing and eliminating some bureaucratic hurdles. The decree closesloopholes exploited by the former government to infiltrate and fracture NGOs, including theelimination of a clause forcing groups to provide membership to any person, even against thewill of the other members. International NGOs faced fewer restrictions on working in thecountry under the new decree. It ends the policy requiring government entities to collectinformation through the country’s diplomatic missions abroad on the “legality, solvency, andseriousness” of foreign NGOs before they are allowed to work in the country. Civil societyrepresentatives said the new decree was a step in the right direction but lamented that itleaves in place some Correa-era policies, including the right of the government to dissolveorganizations for poorly defined reasons.EgyptSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
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B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe government restricted freedoms of peaceful assembly and association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution provides for freedom of assembly “according to notification regulated bylaw.” Authorities implemented an amended 2013 demonstrations law that includes anexpansive list of prohibited activities, giving a judge the authority to prohibit or curtail planneddemonstrations after submitting an official memorandum. Domestic and international humanrights organizations asserted the law did not meet international standards regarding freedomof assembly. In 2017 the government imposed an exclusion zone of 2,600 feet (790 meters)around vital governmental institutions in which protests are prohibited.There were protests throughout the year, mostly small, and some occurred withoutgovernment interference. In most cases the government rigorously enforced the lawrestricting demonstrations, in some cases using force, including in cases of small groups ofprotesters demonstrating peacefully.The number of persons arrested under the protest law was not publicly available, althoughresearch center Daftar Ahwal reported at least 37,000 cases of individuals stopped, arrested,or charged under the protest law between November 2013 and September 2016. Authoritiescharged 15,491 individuals under the protest law, resulting in 6,382 convictions and 5,083acquittals.On May 12, police arrested 22 persons protesting increased metro fares but released 12 ofthem the same day. The remaining 10 faced charges of disrupting public transport.Authorities released them on May 16. On May 14, State Security ordered 20 more personsdetained for playing a role in the protests. They faced charges of disturbing the peace andobstructing public facilities. Among those arrested was lawyer and labor activist HaythamMohamedeen, who was released on October 30, although charges remain pending.Thousands of persons whom authorities arrested during 2013 and 2014 due to theirparticipation in demonstrations (some of which were peaceful) remained imprisoned;however, authorities released others who had completed their sentences. Authorities heldsuch individuals under charges of attending an unauthorized protest, incitement to violence,or “blocking roads.” This included prominent activist Alaa Abdel Fattah, who was convicted in2015 of breaking the demonstrations law related to his participation in a protest in front of
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the Shura Council in 2013. In 2017 the Court of Cassation reduced the prison sentence ofprominent activist Abdel Fattah from five years’ “rigorous” imprisonment to five years’imprisonment followed by five years of probation. No further appeals are possible. In 2015the Cairo Criminal Court sentenced Abdel Fattah to five years in prison on charges of breakingthe demonstrations law related to his participation in a protest in front of the Shura Council in2013.Human rights groups claimed authorities inflated or used these charges solely to targetindividuals suspected of being members of groups in opposition to the government or thosewho sought to exercise the rights to free assembly or association.Since their release from prison in January 2017 after completing three-year sentences forviolating the protest law, activists Ahmed Maher and Mohamed Adel remained on probationwith terms requiring them to reside in the local police station from 6 p.m. to 6 a.m. each day.On June 19, when Adel reported for his nightly stay, he was detained after a local storeownerfiled a legal complaint accusing Adel of inciting antistate sentiments in 14 posts on Facebook.In July he was sentenced to a 15-day detention order.According to press reports, student groups focused on entertainment while political activitiesvirtually disappeared in light of pressure from authorities and the threat of arrest. Authoritiesallowed students to protest the move of the U.S. Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, butauthorities tightly controlled and managed such protests. Universities held student unionelections in December 2017 for the first time in two years.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for freedom of association. The law governing associations,however, significantly restricts this right.In 2017 the government enacted a new NGO law, which remained unimplemented by year’send. Local and international NGOs stated the law if implemented could make it impossible forthem to operate independently. In November, President Sisi stated he recognized the law’sshortcomings and directed the Ministry of Social Solidarity to chair a committee to draftamendments in consultation with civil society and submit the amendments to parliament. The2017 law includes the creation of a new administrative body that includes members ofsecurity services and can regulate all NGOs that receive foreign funding and reject registrationapplications by not responding for 60 days; rules targeting all aspects of NGO work; and
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prison sentences among the penalties for violations. Throughout the year the Ministry ofSocial Solidarity continued to apply the previous NGO law on international and domesticorganizations receiving international funding, denying government approval of programs thatdomestic and international organizations sought to implement, or granting governmentalapproval after lengthy delays (which in some cases amounted to effective denials). Rightsgroups reported several incidents of security services ordering cancellation of plannedtraining programs or other events. On June 2, the Supreme Constitutional Court ruled anarticle of the previous NGO law, which gives the Minister of Social Solidarity the right todissolve NGOs, was unconstitutional.The penal code criminalizes the request for or acceptance of foreign funds, materiel,weapons, ammunition, or “other things” from states or NGOs “with the intent to harm thenational interest.” Those convicted may be sentenced to life in prison (or the death penalty inthe case of public officials) for crimes committed during times of war or with “terroristpurpose.”In a series of raids on November 1, security forces arrested Hoda Abdel Moneim, a formermember of the NCHR and at least 30 others, including staff members of the human rightsNGO ECRF and unaffiliated lawyers and activists. ECRF subsequently announced it wassuspending its operations citing the arrest of Abdel Moneim as well the March arrest of ECRFleader Ezzat Ghoneim (see section 2.b.).Ibrahim Metwally Hegazy, founder of the Association of the Families of the Disappeared,remained in detention. Authorities arrested him in September 2017, at the Cairo InternationalAirport and initially held him incommunicado. Hegazy was traveling to Geneva to participatein the UN Working Group on Enforced and Involuntary Disappearances. The charges againsthim included “communicating with a foreign body to harm the Egyptian national interest.” InSeptember 2017 Hegazy told his lawyers authorities tortured him during the first three daysthey held him.On April 5, the Court of Cassation overturned the conviction of 16 mostly foreign NGOworkers sentenced in 2013 for operating unlicensed organizations and receiving foreignfunding without government permission. They were to be retried along with 27 other NGOworkers convicted in their absence in the same case. On December 20, a court acquitted 41defendants; the status of the remaining two was unclear as of the end of the year.The MB, the MB-affiliated Freedom and Justice Party, and its NGO remained illegal, and theMB was a legally designated terrorist organization.
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Authorities continued investigations of local NGOs that received foreign funding under a caseoriginally brought in 2011. On June 20, authorities released Nazra for Feminist Studiesfounder Mozn Hassan on bail; her charges included receiving foreign funding to harmnational security in connection with her NGO. On May 27, authorities questioned Magda Adlyand Suzanne Fayyad, founders of the el-Nadeem Center for the Rehabilitation of Victims ofViolence, on charges of establishing an entity in violation of the civil society law and publishinginformation that was harmful to the state.On May 21, authorities released Hossam Eddin Ali, executive director of the EgyptianDemocratic Institute, on bail. He faced charges of harming national security and receivingforeign funds.In February 2017 authorities closed the offices of el-Nadeem Center for the Rehabilitation ofVictims of Violence (also registered under the name el-Nadeem for PsychologicalRehabilitation), which documents torture and other forms of abuse and provides counselingfor torture and rape victims. In early 2016 the center received administrative closure ordersfrom three governmental bodies, and in late 2016 authorities froze its assets. Theorganization asserted the closure was politically motivated, targeting el-Nadeem because ofits work on torture, deaths in detention, and impunity for these crimes. A court case broughtby Nadeem challenging the closure order continued; the most recent hearing was December5, wherein the court postponed a decision until December 26. The organization continued tooperate in a limited capacity.El SalvadorSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these rights.Equatorial Guinea
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Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe government restricted freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, although theconstitution and law provide for these freedoms.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution and law provide for the right of peaceful assembly, but regulatory provisionseffectively undermined this right, and the government routinely restricted freedom ofassembly. The government formally abolished permit requirements for political partymeetings within party buildings but requires prior permission for public events, such asmeetings in other venues or marches, and frequently denied these permit requests. Thegovernment frequently dispersed peaceful, preapproved public gatherings if a participantasked a question that could be construed as criticism of the government or the PDGE.In contrast, authorities pressured citizens to attend progovernment demonstrations andrallies. For example, various citizen groups, government employees, and others were requiredto participate in the annual Independence Day parade.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for freedom of association, but the government severelyrestricted this right. All political parties, labor unions, and other associations must registerwith the government, but the registration process was costly, burdensome, opaque, and slow.During the year the government continued to reduce funding for civil society organizationsand distributed remaining funds among a few mostly progovernment organizations close tothe president’s inner circle. Grant funding decisions were arbitrary and nontransparent.Politically motivated crackdowns on civil society organizations remained a problem, includingthe temporary detention of civil society activists without charge.The law prohibits the formation of political parties along ethnic lines. Only one labororganization was believed to be registered by the end of the year, but the registry wasinaccessible due to a change in leadership at the Ministry of Labor and Social Security (seesection 7.a.).
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Despite laws that authorities stated were designed to facilitate the registration of politicalparties, the government prevented the registration of opposition parties. Although electedofficials from the CI opposition party were released from prison on October 22 after apresidential pardon, they were not immediately allowed to return to their positions in localand national offices because the party had been deregistered early in the year.During the 2017 legislative and municipal electoral campaign season, public gatherings wereclosely monitored and tightly controlled. Political parties required government authorizationto hold rallies. Authorities prohibited political parties from campaigning in the same locationat the same time as the official PDGE party. The PDGE received preferential treatment. Onelection day security forces prevented voters from forming large groups (see section 3).A 1999 law on NGOs limits to approximately 53,000 CFA francs ($90) per year the amount offunding civil society organizations can receive from foreign sources. The government has alsopressured civil society organizations, especially those focused on human rights, through bothovert and covert means (see sections 1.d. and 5 for additional information).EritreaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe government restricted freedoms of peaceful assembly and association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe law and unimplemented constitution provide for freedom of assembly, but thegovernment restricted this right. For some public gatherings, the government intermittentlyrequired those assembling to obtain permits. Authorities subjected gatherings of large groupsof persons without prior approval to investigation and interference, with the exception ofevents that occurred in the context of meetings of government-affiliated organizations, weresocial in nature, or were events such as weddings, funerals, and religious observances of thefour officially registered religious groups. During the October 2017 and March protests, thegovernment did not provide any official data in connection with the arrests and detentions, or
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the number of persons injured or requiring treatment because of the excessive use of forceby the security apparatus.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe unimplemented constitution provides citizens the right to form organizations for political,social, economic, and cultural ends. It specifies that their conduct must be open andtransparent and that they must be guided by principles of national unity and democracy. Thegovernment did not respect freedom of association. It did not allow any political parties otherthan the PFDJ. It also prohibited the formation of civil society organizations except those withofficial sponsorship. The government generally did not allow local organizations to receivefunding and other resources from or to associate with foreign and internationalorganizations.EstoniaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for freedom of peaceful assembly, and the government generallyrespected these freedoms.The annual remembrance ceremony commemorating the Battle of Sinimae mentioned inprevious years’ reports again occurred.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONWhile the constitution provides for freedom of association, the law specifies that only citizensmay join political parties. There were no restrictions on the ability of noncitizens to join othercivil groups.Eswatini
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Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, andthe government generally respected these rights.In June, August, and September, REPS officials used nonlethal measures to control anddisperse crowds when protesters deviated from agreed routes or provoked the police bythrowing stones or trying to enter government facilities without authorization. Someprotesters experienced non-life-threatening injuries during these incidents.EthiopiaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe government limited freedoms of peaceful assembly and association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution and law provide for freedom of assembly; SOE regulations, however,prohibited demonstrations and town hall meetings that did not have approval from theCommand Posts, in some cases federal and in other cases more local bodies. After the liftingof the SOE, security forces’ response to protests showed signs of increasing restraint. In Julyand August Federal Police and Addis Ababa police provided security to at least three largepeaceful demonstrations staged without prior notification to the authorities in Addis Ababa.Prior to the SOE, organizers of public meetings of more than two persons or demonstrationshad to notify the government 48 hours in advance and obtain a permit. Authorities could notrefuse to grant a permit but could require changing the location or time for reasons of public
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safety or freedom of movement. If authorities require an event be moved to another place ortime, by law authorities must notify organizers in writing within 12 hours of their request.The EPRDF used its own conference centers in Addis Ababa, the regional capitals, andgovernment facilities for meetings and events. Following the imposition of the SOE, theprohibition on unauthorized demonstrations or town hall meetings severely limited theorganization of meetings, training sessions, and other gatherings, especially for civil societyand opposition political parties, who repeatedly reported being intimidated by authoritiesconcerning organizing under SOE regulations.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONAlthough the law provides for freedom of association and the right to engage in unrestrictedpeaceful political activity, the government severely limited this right (see sections 3 and 5).The SOE and the accompanying regulations restricted the ability of labor organizations tooperate (see section 5). Regulations prohibited exchanging information or having contact witha foreign government or NGOs in a manner that undermines national sovereignty andsecurity, and this reduced communication between local and international organizations.The Charities and Societies Proclamation (CSP), also called the Civil Society Organizations(CSO) law, bans anonymous donations to NGOs and political parties. All potential donors weretherefore aware their names would be on the public record. A 2013 report by the UN specialrapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and association stated, “Theenforcement of these provisions has a devastating impact on individuals’ ability to form andoperate associations effectively.” For example, international NGOs seeking to operate in thecountry had to submit an application via the country’s embassies abroad, which the Ministryof Foreign Affairs then submitted to the government’s Charities and Societies Agency forapproval. Prime Minister Abiy prioritized the reform of the CSP, along with the ATP and medialaw, as a mechanism to foster change in a process managed by the attorney general.Federated State) of Microne)iaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
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B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these rights.FijiSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association; however,the government may restrict these freedoms in some cases.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution provides for freedom of peaceful assembly but allows the government tolimit this right in the interests of national security, public safety, public order, public morality,public health, and the orderly conduct of elections. The constitution also allows thegovernment to limit freedom of assembly to protect the rights of others and imposesrestrictions on a public official’s right to freedom of assembly.The POA allows the government to refuse permit applications for any meeting ordemonstration deemed to prejudice peace, public safety, and good order or to sabotage orattempt to undermine the economy. It also allows authorities to use whatever force necessaryto prohibit or disperse public and private meetings after “due warning” to preserve publicorder.Although event organizers said authorities were sometimes very slow to issue permits, theygranted permits for public rallies in support of UN Human Rights Day and the 16 Days ofActivism against Domestic Violence Campaign but denied a permit for a public service unionto protest.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION
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The constitution provides for freedom of association but limits this right in the interests ofnational security, public order, and morality and also for the orderly conduct of elections. Itallows the government to regulate trade unions and collective bargaining processes, strikesand lockouts, and essential industries in the interests of the economy and population (seesection 7.a.). The government generally did not restrict membership in NGOs, professionalassociations, and other private organizations.FinlanSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, andthe government generally respected these rights.FraneSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association,subject to certain security conditions, and the government generally respected these rights.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYIn February Amnesty International released a report claiming “prefects (representatives of theFrench state at local level; the most senior central government officials) continued to resort toemergency measures to restrict the right to freedom of peaceful assembly. In particular theyadopted dozens of measures restricting the freedom of movement of individuals to preventthem from attending public assemblies. Authorities imposed these measures on vague
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grounds and against individuals with no apparent connection to any terrorism-relatedoffense.”FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedom of association, and the governmentgenerally respected this right.GabonSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe government limited freedom of peaceful assembly.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution and law provide for freedom of assembly; however, the government did notconsistently respect this right. In August 2017 parliament enacted a law that placedrestrictions on freedom of assembly. On August 28, authorities prohibited union leaders fromholding a march to protest austerity measures. Authorities detained several individuals whoattempted to march but released them after a few hours without charge. There were reportsthe government failed to approve permits for public meetings. Some civil society activistsstated they did not submit requests to hold public meetings because they expected thegovernment would deny them.GeorgiaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION
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The constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association;government respect for those rights was uneven.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution and law generally provide for freedom of assembly. Human rightsorganizations expressed concern, however, about provisions in the law, including therequirement that political parties and other organizations give five days’ notice to localauthorities to assemble in a public area, thereby precluding spontaneous demonstrations.NGOs reported that police sometimes restricted freedom of assembly. For example, onDecember 17, 14 NGOs accused the authorities of restricting opposition access to the site of aplanned Inauguration Day demonstration on December 16. The government responded thatit had provided an area for demonstrations, but that protestors had refused to use it. As ofmid-December, two supporters of Georgian Dream and one opposition activist were indetention after inauguration day incidents. Two Georgian Dream activists were arrested afterallegedly assaulting an opposition activist in Velistsikhe, and opposition leader Davit Kirkitadzewas arrested after he reportedly assaulted a police officer who was blocking the highway witha bus. Kirkitadze and his supporters claimed his arrest was politically motivated. NGOs alsostated police abused the administrative offences code to detain participants of peacefulassemblies based on articles 166 (petty hooliganism), 173 (non-compliance with a lawful orderof a law enforcement officer), and 150 (defacing the appearance of a self-governing unit).There were several protests in May, including those against raids on popular nightclubs and insupport of the International Day Against Homophobia, Transphobia, and Biphobia (IDAHOT).In May LGBTI organizations were unable to hold a sanctioned IDAHOT rally due to safetyconcerns following large rallies attended in part by far right groups that threatened violenceagainst LGBTI supporters. Several LGBTI activists still met in front of the State Chancelleryunder heavy police presence. The PDO reported violence against LGBTI individuals, whetherin the family or in public spaces, was a serious problem, and that the government has beenunable to respond to this challenge.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThere were reports that some government representatives and supporters of the ruling partypressured political opposition figures and supporters and state employees (see Section 3).
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GermanySection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONWhile the constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, thegovernment restricted these freedoms in some instances.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYWhile the constitution provides for the freedom of peaceful assembly, the governmentrestricted this freedom in some instances. Groups seeking to hold open-air public rallies andmarches must obtain permits, and state and local officials may deny permits when publicsafety concerns arise or when the applicant is from a prohibited organization, mainly right-wing extremist groups. In rare instances during the year, authorities denied such applicationsto assemble publicly. Authorities allowed several nonprohibited, right-wing extremist, or neo-Nazi groups to hold public rallies or marches when they did so in accordance with the law.It is illegal to block officially registered demonstrations. Many anti-Nazi activists refused toaccept such restrictions and attempted to block neo-Nazi demonstrations or to holdcounterdemonstrations, resulting in clashes between police and anti-Nazi demonstrators. InOctober the immunity of the Green party Bundestag member Canan Bayran was lifted, andthe Berlin police opened an investigation to determine whether she had blocked ademonstration. In February she reportedly blocked an antiabortion rally. The investigationcontinued at year’s end.Police detained known or suspected activists when they believed such individuals intended toparticipate in illegal or unauthorized demonstrations. The length of detention varied fromstate to state.Foreign politicians may not hold rallies in Germany if they are election candidates in theircountry within three months of the proposed rally. In the months preceding the Turkishpresidential election in June, local authorities canceled a number of rallies that featuredTurkish cabinet ministers or politicians.
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FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONWhile the constitution provides for the freedom of association, the government restricted thisfreedom in some instances. The law permits authorities to prohibit organizations whoseactivities the Constitutional Court or federal or state governments determine to be opposedto the constitutional democratic order or otherwise illegal. While only the FederalConstitutional Court may prohibit political parties on these grounds, both federal and stategovernments may prohibit or restrict other organizations, including groups that authoritiesclassify as extremist or criminal in nature. Organizations have the right to appeal suchprohibitions or restrictions.The federal and state OPCs monitored several hundred organizations. Monitoring consistedof collecting information from public sources, written materials, and firsthand accounts butalso included intrusive methods, such as the use of undercover agents who were subject tolegal oversight. The FOPC and state OPCs published lists of monitored organizations, includingleft- and right-wing political parties. Although the law stipulates that surveillance must notinterfere with an organization’s activities, representatives of some monitored groups, such asScientologists, complained that the publication of the organizations’ names contributed toprejudice against them.The FOPC monitored approximately 16,500 so called Reichsbuerger (“citizens of the empire”)and Selbstverwalter (self-administrators), a significant increase from the 10,000 monitored in2016. These individuals denied the existence of the Federal Republic of Germany and rejectedits legal system. The FOPC considered the groups to represent a potential threat due to theiraffinity for weapons and their contempt for national authorities. In 2017 membersof Reichsbuerger and Selbstverwalter groups committed 911 politically motivated crimes; ofthese, authorities categorized 783 crimes as extremist and 130 as violent.GhanaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, andthe government generally respected these rights.
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GreeceSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, andthe government generally respected these rights.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONAlthough the constitution and law provide for freedom of association, the governmentcontinued to place legal restrictions on the names of associations of nationals who self-identified as ethnic Macedonian or associations that included the term “Turkish” as indicativeof a collective ethnic identity (see section 6). Such associations, despite the lack of legalrecognition, continued to operate.On July 12, the Thrace appeals court rejected a request from the unofficial “Turkish Union ofXanthi” to reinstate its legal status. The association submitted this petition following aEuropean Court of Human Rights ruling that the Greek court’s decision violated the right ofassociation as protected by the European Convention of Human Rights and FundamentalFreedoms and a 2017 law allowing the reexamination of such previously rejected requests.Gre$adaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected these rights.
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GuatemalaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these rights, with a few exceptions.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe law provides for freedom of association, and the government generally respected thisright.On September 12, the congressional spokesperson reported that more than 2,100 policewere present at Congress during a commemoration of the country’s independence, led byPresident Morales. A protest scheduled to converge at Congress on the same day was notable to approach the perimeters of Congress. The heavy police presence ostensibly serving aspresidential security and crowd control received widespread criticism and media as a form ofintimidation against the protesters. Civil society groups expressed concern over the presenceof Kaibiles, military special forces who were implicated in war crimes during the country’sinternal armed conflict from 1960-96.On September 14, when President Morales and his cabinet attended a ceremony at thecathedral on the central plaza, NGOs and journalists accused the government of usingexcessive security measures to intimidate citizens and restrict their right to assemble.Observers stated security measures included the deployment of antiriot military police; theregistration of all pedestrians entering the plaza, including children; and excessive securitychecks. On September 14, a Public Ministry prosecutor stated publicly he would investigatefor possible violations of freedom of movement.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for freedom of association, and the government generally respected thisright. There were reports, however, of significant barriers to organizing in the labor sector (seesection 7.a.).
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GuineaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, but thegovernment did not always respect these rights.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution provides for freedom of peaceful assembly, but the government restrictedthis right. The law bans any meeting that has an ethnic or racial character or any gathering“whose nature threatens national unity.” The government requires a 72-working-houradvance notification for public gatherings. The law permits local authorities to prohibit ademonstration or meeting if they believe it poses a threat to public order. Authorities mayalso hold event organizers criminally liable if violence or destruction of property occurs.The government did not respect the right of freedom peaceful assembly. In August thegovernment announced a blanket ban on political protests.In February security forces arrested 15 peacefully demonstrating civil society activists whowere demanding dialogue between the government and the union of teachers. Thedemonstrators were subsequently released. Police use of excessive force to dispersedemonstrators–often protesting poor public services–resulted in deaths and injuries (seesection 1.a.).Part of the 2013 and 2015 political accords promised an investigation into the politicalviolence that resulted in the deaths of more than 50 persons in 2012 and 2013, punishmentof perpetrators, and indemnification of victims. The government had taken no action on thesepromises by year’s end.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION
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The constitution provides for freedom of association, and authorities generally respected thisprovision. Requirements to obtain official recognition for public, social, cultural, religious, orpolitical associations were not cumbersome, although bureaucratic delays sometimesimpeded registration.Guinea-BissauSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, andthe government failed to respect these rights.In January the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cabo Verde’s (PAIGC)congress was suspended by a judicial order, allegedly for not respecting the internalprocedures of the party. Police prohibited PAIGC members from entering their headquarters,injuring 11 persons. The congress eventually took place a few days later, but observersbelieved that political interference in the justice sector was behind the suspension.During the year several protests by a civil society group, the Movement of NonconformingCitizens (MCCI), were prohibited by authorities, who claimed the movement did not have alegal structure or because the protest would occur near public places. In May the MCCI filed acomplaint against the government for violation of freedom of peaceful protest to theEconomic Community of West African States Community Court of Justice. The case continuedat year’s end.GuyanaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION
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The law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected these rights.HaitiSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these rights.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution provides for freedom of assembly, and the government generally respectedthis right. There were several instances when police used force to impose order duringdemonstrations. Citizens must apply for a permit to hold legal demonstrations. Althoughimpromptu political demonstrations in some instances provoked aggressive law enforcementresponses, police generally responded to these protests in a professional and effectivemanner.Following the July 6-7 protests against the government’s decision to increase fuel prices, Port-au-Prince prosecutor Dameus ordered the arrest of 64 individuals accused of looting. Theseindividuals included three who were living on property owned by opposition senator AntonioCheramy. Some members of the opposition called the arrests politically motivated and illegalbecause a prosecutor can arrest only individuals caught in the process committing a crime.Dameus denied the allegations of “political persecution” and stated the persons arrested werecaught carrying numerous items that had been looted from various stores. The detaineeswere subsequently released.H%$urasSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
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B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe law provides for freedom of peaceful assembly, and the government generally respectedthis right. The law requires a judge to issue an eviction order for individuals occupying publicand private property if security forces had not evicted the individuals within a specified periodof the occupation. Some local and international civil society organizations, including students,agricultural workers groups, political parties, and indigenous rights groups, alleged thatmembers of the security forces used excessive force to break up demonstrations. The IACHRreported that the government at times used a policy of arbitrary detentions or arrests toinhibit protest.Law enforcement evictions of protesters, land rights activists, and others were generallyconducted peacefully, although injuries to both protesters and law enforcement officers wereoccasionally reported. The NGO Peace Brigades International reported several instances ofthreats and intimidation by security forces, including a heavy military presence in disputedareas. Conversely, media sources reported in October that two soldiers were ambushed andkilled near Tocoa, Colon, as they sought peacefully to remove protesters from blocking a road.No suspects were arrested, and it is unclear if the shooters were related to the protesters orlinked with illicit groups.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for freedom of association, and the government generally respected thisright. The law prohibits illicit association, defined as gatherings by persons bearing arms,explosive devices, or dangerous objects with the purpose of committing a crime, andprescribes prison terms of two to four years and a fine of 30,000 to 60,000 lempiras ($1,250 to$2,500) for anyone who convokes or directs an illicit meeting or demonstration. There wereno reports of such cases during the year, although authorities charged some protesters withsedition. Public-sector unions expressed concern over some officials refusing to honorbargaining agreements and firing union leaders. The law prohibits police from unionizing (seesection 7.a.).Hungary
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Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedom of peaceful assembly, and the governmentgenerally respected this right. By law demonstrations do not require a police permit, butevent organizers must inform police of a planned assembly in a public place at least threedays in advance. The law authorizes police to prohibit any gathering if it seriously endangersthe peaceful operation of representative bodies or courts or if it is not possible to provide foralternate routes for traffic. Police may not disband a spontaneous, unauthorized assemblythat remains peaceful and is aimed at expressing opinion on an event that wasunforeseeable, but organizers must inform police immediately after organizing has begun.Police are required to disband an assembly if it commits a crime or incites the commission ofa crime, results in the violation of the rights of others, involves armed participants, or is helddespite a preliminary official ban. A police decision to prohibit or disband a publicdemonstration is open for judicial review. The police may disband public events in thegeographic area affected by a terrorist act that has occurred or one that is threatened.On June 20, parliament adopted a constitutional amendment that includes a provision tostrengthen the protection of privacy by stipulating that freedom of expression and theexercise of the right of assembly shall not harm others’ private and family life and theirhomes. Critics asserted this would be used to ban unwanted protests in public spaces nearpoliticians’ homes and could be used to ban protests in many other public spaces that haveapartments nearby.On July 20, parliament also amended the law on assembly to give more power to thegovernment to regulate public demonstrations, including the ability to hold organizers liablefor damages caused by their events and to ban protests in advance. According to theamended law, authorities may ban or dissolve gatherings that unnecessarily anddisproportionately harm others’ human dignity, the dignity of the Hungarian nation, or othernational, ethnic, or religious communities. The new rules also permit police to preventdemonstrations that hinder diplomats from performing their duties, threaten public order, ordisturb others’ rights to free movement. Although the police’s decision is not subject toappeal, the organizers may contest it in court within three days. The police can finedemonstration organizers if they fail to restore a demonstration site to its original state orclean it up. The new legislation also criminalizes the nonviolent disturbance or impediment ofa demonstration.
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On July 20, parliament amended the criminal code to make harassment of “official persons”(including members of parliament, judges, and prosecutors) when they are not performingpublic duties a crime punishable by up to three years’ imprisonment.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for freedom of association, and the government generallyrespected it, with some exceptions.During the year the government passed legislation that introduced new criminal and financialpenalties for migration-related work of NGOs and their staff (see section 5).On July 23, the Budapest local municipality ordered the Aurora Civil and Cultural Center–which provides office space for several NGOs–to close, claiming Aurora’s lease was invalidbecause it predates the center’s registration; Aurora claimed that it had not violated any rulesand that the issue with the date was an administrative mistake. This was the second attemptto shut down the center within one year.The Fidesz-dominated city assembly of Pecs passed a resolution in December 2017 calling onlocal residents, businesses, and organizations not to rent or provide any space within the cityto the NGO With the Strength of Humanity because it received an approximately $490,000grant from the Open Society Foundations (OSF) to support community building in the region.The NGO sued the city mayor for libel but lost the case in a July ruling. The NGO said it wouldappeal the decision. In March a local municipality-owned company rejected an attempt by thesame NGO to rent premises for an event. The Equal Treatment Authority fined the companyin June.A 2011 law on religion deregistered more than 300 religious groups and organizations thathad previously held incorporated church status; most were required to reapply forregistration. The government had not approved any applications for incorporated churchstatus since it amended the same law in 2012, but many applications were approved allowingfor status as a lesser religious organization. On December 20, parliament passed anamendment to the law that creates four different statuses for religious organizations.Observers noted that while the amendment provides a simpler procedure for religiousentities to gain an intermediate level religious status, it only restores some of the rights theyhad before 2011.
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IcelandSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, andthe government generally respected these rights.IndaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected these rights.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe law provides for freedom of assembly. Authorities often required permits and notificationbefore parades or demonstrations, and local governments generally respected the right toprotest peacefully. The state of Jammu and Kashmir was an exception, where the stategovernment sometimes denied permits to separatist political parties for public gatherings,and security forces reportedly occasionally detained and assaulted members of politicalgroups engaged in peaceful protest (see section 1.g.). During periods of civil unrest in thestate of Jammu and Kashmir, authorities used the law to ban public assemblies and imposecurfews.Security forces, including local police, often disrupted demonstrations and reportedly usedexcessive force when attempting to disperse protesters. On May 22, Tamil Nadu policeopened fire on protesters who were demanding the closure of the Sterlite copper smeltingplant at Thoothukudi, Tamil Nadu, killing 15 individuals. The Tamil Nadu government claimed
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the police only fired on individuals who used logs and petrol bombs to set fire to vehiclesduring the protests.There were sometimes restrictions on the organization of international conferences.Authorities required NGOs to secure approval from the central government before organizinginternational conferences. Authorities routinely granted permission, although in some casesthe approval process was lengthy. Some human rights groups claimed this practice providedthe government tacit control over the work of NGOs and constituted a restriction onfreedoms of assembly and association.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for freedom of association. While the government generally respected thisright, the government’s increased monitoring and regulation of NGOs that received foreignfunding caused concern. In certain cases the government required “prior approval” for someNGOs to receive foreign funds, suspended foreign banking licenses, or froze accounts ofNGOs that allegedly received foreign funding without the proper clearances or that mixedforeign and domestic funding, and in other instances canceled or declined to renew ForeignContributions (Regulation) Act (FCRA) registrations. On April 3, Minister of State for HomeAffairs Kiran Rijiju informed the lower house of parliament that the government had canceledthe registration of more than 14,000 NGOs in the last four years, although some of thecancellations reportedly pertained to defunct organizations. Some human rightsorganizations claimed these actions were sometimes used to target specific NGOs.Some NGOs reported an increase in random FCRA compliance inspections by Ministry ofHome Affairs officials who they said were purportedly under pressure to demonstrate strictenforcement of the law. FCRA licenses were also reportedly canceled periodically based onnonpublic investigations by the Intelligence Bureau. On June 1, the Ministry of Home Affairslaunched an online tool to facilitate real-time monitoring of foreign funds deposited into NGObank accounts. On June 5, it announced NGOs found in violation of FCRA provisions would beassessed a civil fine instead of having their licenses canceled or suspended. The rules,however, were not applicable retroactively. Some NGOs reported the new rules wouldseverely affect smaller organizations that would be unable to pay the steep penalties–amounting to 10 percent of their total funds–and that did not have the compliance expertise,leaving only large entities able to maintain their FCRA licenses.
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Some NGOs alleged they were targeted as a reprisal for their work on “politically sensitive”issues like human rights or environmental activism. The Center for Promotion of SocialConcerns (CPSC) and its partner program unit People’s Watch continued court proceedingsagainst the nonrenewal of their FCRA license. A September 12 report by the UN secretarygeneral cited the use of FCRA regulations to “restrict the work of NGOs cooperating with theUnited Nations, for example by a refusal to renew or grant licenses, including for the CPSC.”On October 25, the Enforcement Directorate (ED), a government agency that investigatesfinancial crimes, raided the premises of Amnesty International India’s Bengaluru office andfroze its bank accounts on suspicion that it had violated foreign funding guidelines. AakarPatel, Amnesty International India’s executive director stated, “The Enforcement Directorate’sraid on our office today shows how the authorities are now treating human rightsorganizations like criminal enterprises, using heavy-handed methods that are commonlyfound in repressive states. Our staff have been harassed and intimidated.” The searches camedays after the ED searched the premises of environmental nonprofit Greenpeace India inBengaluru on October 12, also for allegedly violating foreign funding rules. Greenpeace Indiarefuted the allegations stating, “This seems to be part of a larger design to muzzle democraticdissent in the country.”In February the Public Health Foundation of India (PHFI), a public-health advocacy group, wasplaced in the “prior permission” category, requiring the organization to seek permission fromthe Ministry of Home Affairs each time it wanted to receive and use funds from foreignsources. The Ministry of Home Affairs indicated the center and state governments wouldreview PHFI’s use of foreign funds quarterly and that the investigation into PHFI’s alleged FCRAviolations would continue.Indon)iaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for freedom of assembly, and the government generally respected this right.The law requires demonstrators to provide police with a written notification three days beforeany planned demonstration and for police to issue a receipt for the written notification. Thisreceipt acts as a de facto license for the demonstration. Police in Papua routinely refused to
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issue receipts of notification to would-be demonstrators because the demonstrations wouldlikely include calls for independence, an act that is prohibited under the same law. Papuaprovincial police issued a decree in 2016 prohibiting rallies by seven organizations labeled asproindependence groups, including the National Committee of West Papua, the UnitedLiberation Movement for West Papua, and the Free Papua Movement. There were fewerlarge-scale Papua-related demonstrations during the year than in previous years.On April 5, police from Papua’s provincial capital Jayapura raided a University of Cenderawasihdormitory that police alleged was a venue for a separatist declaration, rounding up at least 44students for their involvement in the event. Police later released all of them except for threewho they held on unrelated charges.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution and laws provide for freedom of association, which the governmentgenerally respected.By law to receive official registration status, foreign NGOs must have an MOU with agovernment ministry. Some organizations reported difficulties obtaining these MOUs andclaimed the government was withholding them to block their registration status, althoughcumbersome bureaucracy within the Ministry of Law and Human Rights was also to blame.Some LGBTI advocacy groups reported encountering difficulties when attempting to registertheir organizations.IranSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe government severely restricted freedoms of peaceful assembly and association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY
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The constitution permits assemblies and marches of unarmed persons “provided they do notviolate the principles of Islam.” In order to prevent activities it considered antiregime, thegovernment restricted this right and closely monitored gatherings such as publicentertainment and lectures, student and women’s meetings and protests, meetings andworship services of minority religious groups, labor protests, online gatherings andnetworking, funeral processions, and Friday prayer gatherings.According to activists, the government arbitrarily applied rules governing permits toassemble, with proregime groups rarely experiencing difficulty, while groups viewed as criticalof the regime experienced harassment regardless of whether authorities issued a permit.The government cracked down on small protests that began in the city of Mashhad inDecember 2017 and continued into 2018. These protests subsequently spread across thecountry and included broader economic and political grievances with the nation’s leadership.International media and human rights organizations widely covered the government’scrackdown on protests. According to media reports, at least 20 protesters were killed as ofJanuary, and thousands more were arrested throughout the year. Official governmentsources cited 4,970 arrested, 90 percent of whom were younger than 25 years old. Over theyear, as protests arose across the country among various groups and by individualsexpressing diverse grievances and demands, actions by security forces resulted in hundredsof additional arrests and further alleged deaths.CHRI reported that authorities denied detainees access to attorneys and threatened themwith charges that carried the death penalty if they sought counsel. There were multiplereports of detainees beaten while in custody. Several human rights organizations, includingCHRI, reported that detainees were given pills of unknown substance, including methadone,to portray them as drug addicts. According to CHRI, at least two detainees died undersuspicious circumstances while in detention, while the death of a third detainee was labeled a“suicide” (see section 1.a.).In February security forces violently cracked down on a group of Gonabadi Sufi dervishes inTehran who were protesting to demand the release of a 70-year-old fellow Sufi, NematollahRiahi, who protesters believed was unjustly detained because of his religious affiliation.According to CHRI and reports from Sufi news sites, at least 300 hundred Gonabadi Sufis werearrested and imprisoned in the Great Tehran Penitentiary and Qarchak Prison, withnumerous deaths reported at the hands of security forces. Reports indicated that thegovernment’s crackdown continued in various cities throughout the country and that Sufis
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were subjected to torture and forced confessions in detention centers prior to their transferto prisons.According to an August HRW report, revolutionary courts sentenced at least 208 GonabadiSufi dervishes, from the hundreds detained, in unfair trials to prison terms ranging from fourmonths to 26 years, flogging, internal exile, travel bans, and a ban on membership in socialand political groups. Authorities did not allow the defendants to choose their legalrepresentation and repeatedly insulted and questioned their faith during trials that lasted aslittle as 15 minutes. More than 40 dervishes received sentences in absentia.In August Great Tehran Penitentiary authorities conducted a “brutal” attack, according toCHRI, on Gonabadi Sufis prisoners who were peacefully protesting the harsh treatment offemale Gonabadi Sufi prisoners at Qarchak Prison. According to the report, several detaineeswere badly injured and suffered broken bones, while female prisoners in Qarchak Prisonwere reportedly subjected to torture and beatings by prison officials.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the establishment of political parties, professional and politicalassociations, and Islamic and recognized religious minority organizations, as long as suchgroups do not violate the principles of freedom, sovereignty, national unity, or Islamic criteria,or question Islam as the basis of the country’s system of government. The government limitedthe freedom of association through threats, intimidation, the imposition of arbitraryrequirements on organizations, and the arrests of group leaders and members.The government barred teachers from commemorating International Labor Day andTeachers’ Day. Several prominent teachers and union activists either remained in prison orwere awaiting new sentences, including Mahmoud Beheshti Langroudi and Esmail Abdi (seesection 7.a.).IraqSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION
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The government sometimes limited freedoms of peaceful assembly and association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution provides for freedom of assembly and peaceful demonstration “regulated bylaw.” Regulations require protest organizers to request permission seven days in advance of ademonstration and submit detailed information regarding the applicants, the reason for theprotest, and participants. The regulations prohibit all “slogans, signs, printed materials, ordrawings” involving “sectarianism, racism, or segregation” of citizens. The regulations alsoprohibit anything that would violate the constitution or law; encourage violence, hatred, orkilling; or prove insulting to Islam, “honor, morals, religion, holy groups, or Iraqi entities ingeneral.” Provincial councils traditionally maintained authority to issue permits. Authoritiesgenerally issued permits in accordance with the regulations.The government largely respected the right of its citizens to freedom of peaceful assembly. InJuly and August in Baghdad, demonstrators staged peaceful protests to demand betterservices, jobs, and an end to government corruption.In some cases the government used force against protesters. During protests in BasrahGovernorate and other areas of southern Iraq over corruption and poor public servicesrelated to water and electricity between July and September, at least 15 persons died inclashes with government forces, according to media reports. Local human rightsorganizations reported that government forces in some cases prevented the injured fromreceiving treatment at hospitals and detained members of civil society investigating thegovernment’s response to the protests.On March 28, KRG forces arrested more than 80 protesters demonstrating against poorpublic services and government salaries in the IKR.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the right to form and join associations and political parties, withsome exceptions. The government generally respected this right, except for the legalprohibitions against groups expressing support for the Baath Party or Zionist principles. Thepenal code stipulates that any person convicted of promoting Zionist principles, associationwith Zionist organizations, assisting such organizations through material or moral support, or
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working in any way to realize Zionist objectives, be subject to punishment by death. Therewere no known cases of individuals charged with violating this law during the year.The government reported it took approximately one month to process NGO registrationapplications. NGOs must register and periodically reregister in Baghdad. The NGO Directoratein the Council of Ministers Secretariat reported approximately 3,500 registered NGOs as ofSeptember. International organizations such as the ICRC and the International Commissionon Missing Persons continued to operate in a legal gray area, given a gap in governmentregistration regulations.The IKR requires separate registration in Erbil. The first half of the year witnessed continuingfallout from the September 2017 KRG independence referendum in that the KRG and centralgovernment did not mutually recognize NGO registration. As a result, many NGOs that wereregistered only in Baghdad could not operate in the IKR for the first half of the year, whileNGOs registered only in Erbil could not operate outside the IKR and KRG-controlled disputedterritories until the issue was resolved.IrelandSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these rights.Israel, Golan Heights, West Bank, andGazaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION
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The law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected these rights.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe law provides for this right, and the government generally respected it.There were reports that police used excessive force in response to protests by certain groups,including ultra-Orthodox men and boys, Arab citizens and residents, and persons withdisabilities. For example, on April 4 in Jerusalem, two police officers reportedly hit on the headan ultra-Orthodox man with a mental disability after he briefly stopped in the road and wavedhis hands while walking with a group of ultra-Orthodox protesters toward a demonstration,according to PCATI. Multiple NGOs reported that on some occasions, police used excessiveforce to break up permitted demonstrations after protesters waved a Palestinian flag.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for this right, and the government generally respected it.The law prohibits registration of an association or a party if its goals include denial of theexistence of the State of Israel or the democratic character of the state. A political party willnot be registered if its goals include incitement to racism or support of an armed struggle,enemy state, or terror organization against Israel.The 2016 NGO law, which came into effect after NGOs filed their 2017 annual statements inthe first half of the year, requires NGOs receiving more than one-half of their funding fromforeign governments to state this fact in all of their official publications, applications to attendKnesset meetings, websites, public campaigns, and any communication with the public. Thelaw allows a fine of 29,200 shekels ($8,000) for NGOs that violated these rules. As ofDecember 15, the government had not taken legal action against any NGO for failing tocomply with the law.In March 2017 the Knesset passed a law mandating additional scrutiny on requests forNational Service volunteers from NGOs that received more than one-half of their fundingfrom foreign governments.
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Israeli and Palestinian NGOs, particularly those focused on human rights problems and criticalof the government, asserted the government sought to intimidate them and prevent themfrom receiving foreign government funding (see section 5).Israel, Golan Heights, West Bank, andGaza – West Bank and GazaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONAuthorities in the West Bank and Gaza limited and restricted Palestinian residents’ freedomsof peaceful assembly and association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYPA law permits public meetings, processions, and assemblies within legal limits. It requirespermits for rallies, demonstrations, and large cultural events. Both the PA and Hamas securityforces selectively restricted or dispersed peaceful protests and demonstrations in the WestBank and Gaza during the year.According to a Hamas decree, any public assembly or celebration in Gaza requires priorpermission. Hamas used arbitrary arrest to prevent some events from taking place,particularly political events affiliated with Fatah. Hamas also attempted to impede criticism ofHamas policies by imposing arbitrary demands for the approval of meetings on political orsocial topics.A 1967 Israeli military order stipulates that a “political” gathering of 10 or more personsrequires a permit from the regional commander of military forces–which Israeli commandersrarely granted. The penalty for a breach of the order is up to 10 years’ imprisonment or aheavy fine. Israeli military law prohibits insulting a soldier, participating in an unpermittedrally, and “incitement” (encouraging others to engage in civil disobedience). In 2016 an Israelimilitary court indicted Palestinian human rights activist Issa Amro on 18 charges dating to2010. Human rights organizations such as Amnesty International stated Amro’s actions duringthese incidents were consistent with nonviolent civil disobedience. Amro’s trial, which began
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in 2016, continued through the end of the year. In November the seventh hearing on the casewas held in Israeli Military Court. Ha’aretz reported the IDF detained him at least 20 times atvarious checkpoints from May-July.The IDF Central Command declared areas of the West Bank to be “closed military zones,” inwhich it prohibited Palestinian public assembly. It maintained the same designation onFridays for areas adjacent to the security barrier in the Palestinian villages of Bil’in and Ni’linduring hours when Palestinian, Israeli, and international activists regularly demonstratedthere. There were frequent skirmishes between protesters and ISF personnel. The ISFstationed on the West Bank side of the barrier during weekly protests in those villagesresponded to rock throwing with nonlethal force.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONPA law allows freedom of association. PA authorities sometimes imposed limitations in theWest Bank, including on labor organizations (see section 7.a.). NGOs said a regulationsubjecting “nonprofit companies” to PA approval prior to receiving grants impeded theirindependence and threatened the ability of both local and international nonprofits to operatefreely in the West Bank.In Gaza, Hamas attempted to prevent various organizations from operating. These includedsome it accused of being Fatah-affiliated, as well as private businesses and NGOs that Hamasdeemed to be in violation of its interpretation of Islamic social norms. The Hamas de factoMinistry of Interior claimed supervisory authority over all NGOs, and its representativesregularly harassed NGO employees and requested information on staff, salaries, andactivities.ItalySection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected these rights.
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JamaicaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these rights.JapanSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for freedom of assembly and association, and the government generallyrespected these rights.JordanSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe government limited freedoms of peaceful assembly and association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution provides for freedom of assembly, but the government limited this right.Security forces provided security at demonstrations granted permits by government or localauthorities.
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The law requires a 48-hour notification to the governor for any meeting or event hosted byany local or international group. While not required by law, several local and internationalNGOs reported that hotels, allegedly at the request of security officials, required them topresent letters of approval from the governor prior to holding training, private meetings, orpublic conferences. There were 42 reported cases of governor denials without explanationthis year. Without letters of approval from the government, hotels cancelled the events. Insome cases, NGOs relocated the events to private offices. In one case the Amman governor’soffice informed a human rights organization it would not be allowed to proceed with hostingantitorture training at a hotel. The organization claimed that it was eventually permitted tohost the training after threatening legal action against the governor.Protests regarding economic policies, corruption, and government ineffectiveness occurredacross several governorates throughout the spring and summer. A few hundred local tribalactivists organized daily sit-ins lasting up to 70 days in the main town squares of Salt andKarak from February to May. Protestors generally spoke favorably about the governmentresponse.In late May, labor unions joined the protest movement, leading to larger demonstrationsacross the country. According to government officials, protests were generally peaceful with42 injuries to security personnel and 60 arrests for vandalism or assault. The Justice Center forLegal Aid, a civil society organization, operated a detention hotline during the protests wherecitizens could report violations of the government’s pledge not to detain protestors for morethan six hours. They reported one incident when a governor allegedly detained a group of 10protestors for a prolonged period.The government tabled the proposed tax reform law in response to the protests, leading tothe resignation of then Prime Minister Hani Al-Mulki and his government. Police subsequentlyallegedly dispersed peaceful anticorruption protests under the new government headed byPrime Minister Razzaz.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the right of association, but the government limited thisfreedom. The law authorizes the Ministry of Social Development and Ministry of Trade,Industry, and Supply to approve or reject applications to register organizations and to prohibitorganizations from receiving foreign funding for any reason. It prohibits the use ofassociations for the benefit of any political organization. The law also gives the ministry
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significant control over the internal management of associations, including the ability todissolve associations, approve boards of directors, send government representatives to anyboard meeting, prevent associations from merging their operations, and appoint an auditorto examine an association’s finances for any reason. The law requires associations to informthe Ministry of Social Development of board meetings, submit all board decisions forapproval, disclose members’ names, and obtain security clearances for board members fromthe Interior Ministry. The law includes penalties, including fines up to 10,000 JD ($14,000), forviolations of the regulations.In 2015, the Ministry of Social Development introduced an application form for the approvalprocess for associations that receive foreign funding. Associations criticized the procedure,which incorporated additional ministries into the decision process and removed the deadlinefor review of funding requests. NGOs stated the registration process and foreign fundingprocedures were neither clear, transparent, nor consistently applied. Groups attempting toregister experienced months of delays, and those for whom authorities denied theirapplications complained that they received inadequate explanations.During the year, the Ministry of Social Development introduced an automated system forassociations to apply for foreign funding and track their applications. As of August 30, theministry received 5,735 applications for foreign funding and approved 190 of them. NGO’sreported that unexplained, months-long delays in the decision process continued.The law authorizes the Ministry of Social Development to intervene in NGO activities. WarnedNGOs are given a two-month probationary period to address violations.In June Amman’s first instance court sentenced the chief executive officer of the Center forDefending Freedom of Journalists (CDFJ) to one year in prison for inaccuracies in the CDFJ’sbudget and operating under an incorrect legal status. The court also fined CDFJ 200 JD ($282)for irregularities in its budget and organizational documents. In October, a Court of Appealacquitted the CDFJ’s chief executive officer of these charges. The Ministry of Industry, Trade,and Supply alleged in 2017 that CDFJ violated foreign funding restrictions and ordered it tohalt receipt of any foreign funding.Citizens widely suspected that the government infiltrated civil society organizations, politicalparties, and human rights organizations and their internal meetings.
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KazakhstanSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe law provides for limited freedom of assembly, but there were significant restrictions onthis right. The law defines unsanctioned gatherings, public meetings, demonstrations,marches, picketing, and strikes that upset social and political stability as national securitythreats.The law includes penalties for organizing or participating in illegal gatherings and for providingorganizational support in the form of property, means of communication, equipment, andtransportation, if the enumerated actions cause significant damage to the rights and legalinterests of citizens, entities, or legally protected interests of the society or the government.By law organizations must apply to local authorities at least 10 days in advance for a permit tohold a demonstration or public meeting. Opposition figures and human rights monitorscomplained that complicated and vague procedures and the 10-day notification period madeit difficult for groups to organize public meetings and demonstrations and noted localauthorities turned down many applications for demonstrations or only allowed them to takeplace outside the city center.Activists in Almaty applied to hold a public gathering on August 4 to demand police reformfollowing the death of Olympic medalist Denis Ten. The mayor’s office refused the request,stating that the only place designated for public events in Almaty had already been reservedfor another event. The Astana mayor’s office similarly declined a demonstration request. TheAlmaty activists subsequently submitted 31 petitions requesting a gathering to be held anyday in the next month; the mayor’s office denied them all.On May 10, several dozen individuals staged a protest initiated by fugitive banker and leaderof the banned opposition group Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan (DCK) Mukhtar Ablyazov todemand the release of political prisoners and an end to torture. The protest had not receivedgovernment approval. Police dispersed the protestors and detained several, among them
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random passers-by and minors, according to activists. Some of those detained were punishedby court fines or short administrative detentions. The government did not release any officialdata on the number of detained or punished protestors.On June 23, the DCK called another unapproved rally. Police preemptively arrested a numberof individuals thought to be involved in the protests. Human rights advocacy organizationsreported that those detained included passersby, senior citizens, pregnant women, andchildren. In several cities reporters who came to cover the event were briefly detained. Alldetainees were taken to police stations and held there for several hours without food orwater. Human rights observers criticized police for unjustified detention and numerousprocedural violations in holding the detainees in custody. There were no official reports onthe number of those detained. Human rights advocates stated that more than a hundredindividuals were detained in Almaty, 30 in Astana, and at least a dozen in Shymkent. In somecities protestors dispersed without police involvement.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for limited freedom of association, but there were significant restrictions onthis right. Any public organization set up by citizens, including religious groups, must beregistered with the Ministry of Justice, as well as with the local departments of justice in everyregion in which the organization conducts activities. The law requires public or religiousassociations to define their specific activities, and any association that acts outside the scopeof its charter may be warned, fined, suspended, or ultimately banned. Participation inunregistered public organizations may result in administrative or criminal penalties, such asfines, imprisonment, the closure of an organization, or suspension of its activities.NGOs reported some difficulty in registering public associations. According to governmentinformation, these difficulties were due to discrepancies in the submitted documents.Membership organizations other than religious groups, which are covered under separatelegislation, must have at least 10 members to register at the local level and must havebranches in more than one-half the country’s regions for national registration. Thegovernment considered political parties and labor unions to be membership organizationsbut required political parties to have 40,000 signatures for registration. If authorities challengethe application by alleging irregular signatures, the registration process may continue only ifthe total number of eligible signatures exceeds the minimum number required. The lawprohibits parties established on an ethnic, gender, or religious basis. The law also prohibits
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members of the armed forces, employees of law enforcement and other national securityorganizations, and judges from participating in trade unions or political parties.According to Maina Kiai, the UN special rapporteur who visited Kazakhstan in 2015, the lawregulating the establishment of political parties is problematic as it imposes onerousobligations prior to registration, including high initial membership requirements that preventsmall parties from forming and extensive documentation that requires time and significantexpense to collect. He also expressed concern regarding the broad discretion granted toofficials in charge of registering proposed parties, noting that the process lacked transparencyand the law allows for perpetual extensions of time for the government to review a party’sapplication.Under the 2015 NGO financing law, all “nongovernment organizations, subsidiaries, andrepresentative offices of foreign and international noncommercial organizations” are requiredto provide information on “their activities, including information regarding the founders,assets, sources of their funds and what they are spent on….” An “authorized body” mayinitiate a “verification” of the information submitted based on information received in massmedia reports, complaints from individuals and entities, or other subjective sources. Untimelyor inaccurate information contained in the report, discovered during verification, is anadministrative offense and may carry fines up to 53,025 tenge ($159) or suspension for threemonths if the violation is not rectified or is repeated within one year. In extreme casescriminal penalties are possible, which may lead to a large fine, suspension, or closure of theorganization.The law prohibits illegal interference by members of public associations in the activities of thegovernment, with a fine of up to 636,300 tenge ($1,910) or imprisonment for up to 75 days. Ifcommitted by the leader of the organization, the fine may be up to 1.06 million tenge ($3,180)or imprisonment for no more than 90 days. The law does not clearly define “illegalinterference.”By law a public association, along with its leaders and members, may face fines forperforming activities outside its charter. The law is not clear regarding the delineationbetween actions an NGO member may take in his or her private capacity versus as part of anorganization.The law establishes broad reporting requirements concerning the receipt and expenditure offoreign funds or assets; it also requires labeling all publications produced with support fromforeign funds. The law also sets out administrative and criminal penalties for noncompliance
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with these requirements and potential restrictions on the conduct of meetings, protests, andsimilar activities organized with foreign funds.KenyaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYAlthough the constitution and law provide for freedom of assembly, the governmentsometimes restricted this right. Police routinely denied requests for meetings filed by humanrights activists, and authorities dispersed persons attending meetings that had not beenprohibited beforehand. Organizers must notify local police in advance of public meetings,which may proceed unless police notify organizers otherwise. By law authorities may prohibitgatherings only if there is another previously scheduled meeting at the same time and venueor if there is a perceived specific security threat.Police used excessive force at times to disperse demonstrators. The local press reported onmultiple occasions that police used tear gas to disperse demonstrators or crowds of varioustypes, including looters at the demolition of a shopping mall in September. On August 6,police tear-gassed Kenyatta National Hospital staff staging a peaceful protest overnonpayment of their health service allowances. IPOA’s investigation of resulting complaintscontinued as of year’s end.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for freedom of association, and the government generallyrespected this right, but there were reports that authorities arbitrarily denied this right insome cases. A statement by the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights datedJuly 11 noted reprisals faced by numerous human rights defenders and communities thatraised human rights concerns. Reprisals reportedly took the form of intimidation, terminationof employment, beatings, and arrests and threats of malicious prosecution. There werereports of restrictions on workers’ freedom of association, including in the agribusiness and
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public sectors. Trade unionists reported workers dismissed for joining trade unions or fordemanding respect for their labor rights.The Societies Act requires that every public association be either registered or exempted fromregistration by the Registrar of Societies. The NGO Coordination Act requires that NGOsdedicated to advocacy, public benefit, or the promotion of charity or research register withthe NGO Coordination Board. In February the High Court ordered the NGO CoordinationBoard to pay the Kenya Human Rights Commission KSH two million ($20,000) compensationfor illegally freezing its accounts and attempting to deregister it in 2017. The NGOCoordination Board had also attempted to deregister the Africa Centre for Open Governance,but a court overturned that decision in December 2017.The NGO Coordination Act of 1990 requires organizations employing foreign staff to seekauthorization from the NGO Coordination Board before applying for a work permit.In 2016 the Ministry of Devolution and Planning announced its intention to implementimmediately the 2013 Public Benefits Organization (PBO) Act, an important step in providing atransparent legal framework for NGO activities. Despite two court rulings ordering thegovernment to operationalize the PBO Act. In September the interior cabinet secretarypledged to operationalize the PBO Act by the end of the year but the government failed to doso.KiribatiSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected these rights.KosovoSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
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B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, andthe government, EULEX, and KFOR generally respected these rights.KuwaitSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution provides for freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, but thegovernment restricted the right of noncitizens to demonstrate.Officials sometimes also restricted the location of planned protests to designated publicspaces, citing public safety and traffic concerns. In September a group of activists peacefullyassembled and protested the censorship of books in front of the Ministry of Information.Activists reported that they had applied in advance, notifying the authorities of their plannedprotest, but had not received a response. The initial rally dispersed peacefully when membersof police requested activists to move to a different venue. A second protest was organizedand the authorities gave permission for the rally away from the Ministry of Information. In thepast courts have tried and sentenced participants in unlicensed demonstrations to prisonterms and deported noncitizens for participating in rallies.The Bidoon are stateless Arabs who are recognized by the authorities but not grantedcitizenship. Bidoon activists have reported that if they try to assemble peacefully or organizecampaigns to gain equal rights, authorities regularly harass them. Some Bidoon activistsindicated they were detained for questioning by authorities each time they plannedcampaigns or protests.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION
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The constitution provides for freedom of association, but the government placed restrictionson this right. The law prohibits officially registered groups from engaging in political activities.The government used its power to register associations as a means of political influence. TheMinistry of Social Affairs and Labor can reject an NGO’s application if it deems the NGO doesnot provide a public service. Most charity closings resulted from improper reporting offundraising activities, which included not getting permission from the ministry or failing tosubmit annual financial reports. Dozens of unlicensed civic groups, clubs, and unofficial NGOshad no legal status, and many of those chose not to register due to bureaucraticinconvenience or inability to meet the minimum 50-member threshold. The Ministry of SocialAffairs and Labor continued to reject some new license requests, contending establishedNGOs already provided services similar to those the petitioners proposed. Members oflicensed NGOs must obtain permission from the ministry to attend international conferencesas official representatives of their organization.Kyrgyz RepublicSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected these rights.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution provides for this right, and the government generally respected it. Organizersand participants are responsible for notifying authorities of planned assemblies, but theconstitution prohibits authorities from banning or restricting peaceful assemblies, even in theabsence of prior notification. Local authorities, however, have the right to demand an end to apublic action and, in the event of noncompliance, are empowered to take measures to endassemblies.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION
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The law provides for freedom of association, and the government generally respected it.NGOs, labor unions, political parties, and cultural associations must register with the Ministryof Justice. NGOs are required to have at least three members and all other organizations atleast 10 members. The Ministry of Justice did not refuse to register any domestic NGOs. Thelaw prohibits foreign-funded political parties and NGOs, including their representative officesand branches, from pursuing political goals.The government continued to maintain bans on 21 “religiously oriented” groups it consideredto be extremist, including al-Qaida, the Taliban, the Islamic Movement of Eastern Turkistan,the Kurdish People’s Congress, the Organization for the Liberation of Eastern Turkistan, Hizbut-Tahrir, the Union of Islamic Jihad, the Islamic Party of Turkistan, the Unification (Mun SanMen) Church, Takfir Jihadist, Jaysh al-Mahdi, Jund al-Khilafah, Ansarullah At-Takfir Val Hidjra,Akromiya, ISIS, Djabhat An Nusra, Katibat al-Imam al-Buhari, Jannat Oshiqlari, Jamaat al-Tawhid wal-Jihad, and Yakyn Incar. Authorities also continued the ban on all materials oractivities connected to A. A. Tihomirov, also known as Said Buryatsky.As in recent years, numerous human rights activists reported continued arrests andprosecution of persons accused of possessing and distributing Hizb ut-Tahrir literature (seesection 1.d.). Most arrests of alleged Hizb ut-Tahrir members occurred in the southern part ofthe country and involved ethnic Uzbeks. The government charged the majority of thosearrested with possession of illegal religious material. In some cases NGOs alleged policeplanted Hizb ut-Tahrir literature as evidence against those arrested.LaosSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law places restrictions on the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment continued to restrict these rights.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY
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The law prohibits participation in demonstrations, protest marches, or other acts that causeturmoil or social instability. Participation in such activities is punishable by a maximum fiveyears’ imprisonment; however, this was not strictly enforced. For example, in October 2017 acrowd of almost 2,000 persons gathered to protest outside the office of a financial companythat had allegedly defrauded investors; police intervened by detaining the company’sexecutives but did not detain any protesters.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe government used laws that restrict citizens’ right to organize and join associations. Forexample, political groups other than mass organizations approved by the LPRP areprohibited. Moreover, the government occasionally influenced board membership of civilsociety organizations and forced some organizations to change their names to remove wordsit deemed sensitive, such as “rights.”The registration process was generally burdensome, and authorities restricted NGOs’ abilityto disseminate information and conduct activities without interference. By law thegovernment regulates the registration of nonprofit civil society organizations, includingeconomic, social welfare, professional, technical, and creative associations at the district,provincial, or national level, depending on their scope of work and membership. Thegovernment did not approve registration of any new nonprofit at the national level during theyear, and there was no change in the number of registered associations since 2015: 147national-level associations were fully registered, 22 had temporary registration, and 32 othershad pending applications. Taxation of civil society organizations varied from organization toorganization. Taxation requirements for international and local nonprofit organizations thatreceive foreign funding could be cumbersome and lacked uniformity, relying heavily onprenegotiated memorandums of understanding.Some NGOs said the August 2017 decree covering NGOs further lengthened the registrationprocess and government officials were either uncertain or unaware of the decree, leading tofurther delays. The decree also states that NGOs must seek approval from the Ministry ofForeign Affairs to receive funding greater than $60,000. It also mandates the government toprovide “advice and assistance” to NGOs to ensure their operations are in line with partypolicy, the law, and government regulations.Some ministries appeared more open to engagement with civil society organizations,illustrated by an increase in invitations to attend meetings at ministries. The government also
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invited NGOs to the National Assembly’s intersession and plenary. Despite some positivesteps, civil society organizations still faced many challenges for effective civil engagement andparticipation.LatviaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution and the law provide for freedom of peaceful assembly. The governmentgenerally respected this right, but there are some restrictions. Organizers of demonstrationstypically must notify authorities 10 days in advance, although this requirement can bereduced to 24 hours if the longer advance notice is “reasonably impossible” to meet. Officialsmay deny or modify permits to prevent public disorder.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and the law provide for freedom of association, and the governmentgenerally respected this right. The law prohibits the registration of communist, Nazi, or otherorganizations that contravene the constitution or advocate the violent overthrow of thegovernment.LebanonSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these freedoms.
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FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution provides for the freedom of peaceful assembly with some conditionsestablished by law. Organizers are required to obtain a permit from the Interior Ministry threedays prior to any demonstration.Security forces occasionally intervened to disperse demonstrations, usually when clashesbroke out between opposing protesters.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for freedom of association with some conditions established by law,and the government generally respected the law.No prior authorization is required to form an association, but organizers must notify theMinistry of Interior for it to obtain legal recognition, and the ministry must verify that theorganization respects public order, public morals, and state security. The ministry sometimesimposed additional, inconsistent restrictions and requirements and withheld approval. Insome cases the ministry sent notification of formation papers to the security forces to initiateinquiries about an organization’s founding members. Organizations must invite ministryrepresentatives to any general assembly where members vote on bylaws, amendments, orpositions on the board of directors. The ministry must then validate the vote or election.Failure to do so may result in the dissolution of the organization by a decree issued by theCouncil of Ministers.The cabinet must license all political parties (see section 3).In areas under Hizballah’s sway, independent NGOs faced harassment and intimidation,including social, political, and financial pressures. Hizballah reportedly paid youth who workedin “unacceptable” NGOs to leave the groups.LesothoSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION
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The constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, butthe law requires organizers to obtain permits seven days in advance for public meetings andprocessions. The government generally respected these rights when timely applications forpermits were submitted.LiberiaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected these rights. The Ministry of Justice required permits for public gatheringsand obtaining a permit was relatively easy.LibyaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe Constitutional Declaration provides for a general right to peaceful assembly, and the GNAgenerally respected this right. The law on guidelines for peaceful demonstrations, however,fails to include relevant assurances and severely restricts the exercise of the right of assembly.The law mandates protesters must inform the government of any planned protest at least 48hours in advance and provides that the government may notify the organizers that a protestis banned as little as 12 hours before the event.Throughout the year the Libyan Movement for the Voice of the People, led by Mohammed al-Boa, held several protests in Tripoli opposing the role militia groups played in the capital (see
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section 1.g.). Police authorities generally cooperated with the group’s requests, coordinatingwith the group to issue permits and provide security at protest sites.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe Constitutional Declaration includes freedom of association for political and civil societygroups. The government lacked capacity, however, to protect freedom of association, andtargeted attacks on journalists, activists, and religious figures severely undermined freedomof association. Civil society organizations also complained about a lack of a legal frameworkfor organizing and implementing their activities. The FMD (see FMDs section 2.a.) and theMinistry of Culture Civil Society Commission took steps to regulate the activity of civil societyorganizations. Other organizations, including the NCHRL and the AOHRL, were able to registerand to interact freely with GNA officials.Liechten)teinSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, andthe government generally respected these rights.LithuaniaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe government generally respected the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, withthe exception of some organizations associated with the Soviet period.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY
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The constitution and law provide for freedom of assembly and the government generallyrespected this right.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONAlthough the law provides for this freedom and the government generally respected it, thegovernment continued to ban the Communist Party and other organizations associated withthe Soviet period.LuxembourgSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, andthe government generally respected these rights.MadagascarSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution and law provide for freedom of peaceful assembly, but authorities oftenrestricted this right. The government required all public demonstrations to have officialauthorization from the municipalities and police prefectures, but these rarely gaveauthorization to opposition parties. Security forces regularly impeded opposition gatheringsthroughout the country and used excessive force to disperse demonstrators.
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Several times during the year, security forces used tear gas to disperse demonstrations byuniversity students, supporters of political opponents, and other groups. Students generallyretaliated by throwing stones at security forces or set up roadblocks, which often resulted ininjuries and arrests.During the year, the government systematically hindered political opponents’ ability to meetwith their supporters in public places. On January 6 and 22, for example, the joint security unitEmmo-Reg prevented former president Marc Ravalomanana from meeting with supportersby blocking supporters’ entry and destroying audio equipment in private venues.Government political restrictions on public political demonstrations peaked in April when agroup of parliamentarians demonstrated against the proposed electoral code. On April 21, inAntananarivo, elements from the Emmo-Reg blocked the entry to City Hall where oppositionparliamentarians had planned to meet voters and report on the adoption of the electoral lawsthat they judged controversial and in violation of democratic principles. Security forces threwtear gas and fired blanks to prevent access to the compound. Later the same day, securityforces that reportedly left the area because they were out of supplies allegedly shot atdemonstrators who tried to pursue them. Casualty reports after the confrontations differed,with estimates of between two and five dead and 17 injured.After April 21, security forces issued a statement that they would no longer intervene indemonstrations unless lives or property were endangered. Opposition members wereallowed to demonstrate unhindered, which eventually led to the establishment of aconsensus government, and the freedom of all parties to hold political rallies and eventswithout interference for the remainder of the year.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the right of association, but the government did notalways respect this right.MalawiSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
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B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, butthe government did not always respect these rights.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution and law provide for freedom of assembly, but the government did not alwaysrespect this right.Government officials used their positions to thwart protests or gatherings by oppositionfigures through the selective use of permits. In September, after a coalition of NGOs critical ofthe government announced its intent to hold a protest, the ruling party sought and quicklyobtained a permit for a competing event, forcing the activists to reschedule.In September 2017, during a march against gender-based violence, male police officersarrested protester Beatrice Mateyo and charged her with “insulting the modesty of a woman”for carrying a placard deemed offensive. Released on bail, she had yet to be tried by year’send.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedom of association, and the governmentgenerally respected this right. The government required registration of all NGOs and politicalparties. NGOs must register with three different government entities and pay significantyearly registration fees.During the year the government tried to increase its control over civil society. Two draft lawsinclude provisions that would give government-controlled bodies the ability to deregisterNGOs. The government, however, had yet to introduce these drafts into parliament.MalaysiaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
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B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association but allowsrestrictions deemed necessary or expedient in the interest of security, public order, or (in thecase of association) morality. Abiding by the government’s restrictions did not protect someprotesters from harassment or arrest.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution provides all citizens “the right to assemble peaceably and without arms;”however, several laws restricted this right. Although the law does not require groups to obtaina permit for assemblies, police frequently placed time, location, and other restrictions on theright to assemble. Authorities banned street protests, and police sometimes confronted civilsociety and opposition demonstrations with mass arrests.Protests deemed acceptable by the government usually proceeded without interference.In December police approved a demonstration opposing the ratification of the InternationalConvention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination but rescinded a previouslyapproved application to hold a Human Rights Day event on the same day citing security risks.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the right of association; however, the government placedsignificant restrictions on this right, and certain statutes limit it. By law only registeredorganizations of seven or more persons may legally function. The government often resistedregistering organizations deemed particularly unfriendly to the government or imposed strictpreconditions. The government may revoke registrations for violations of the law governingsocieties.The government bans membership in unregistered political parties and organizations.The law prohibits students who hold political positions from conducting political partyactivities on campus. Students are also prohibited from “expressing support or sympathy” foran unlawful society or organization. In December the lower house of parliament passedamendments to legislation on university students’ participation in political-party activities oncampus. The Senate, however, did not approve the legislation during the year. Earlier in the
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year the government lifted the ban on opposition politicians visiting schools in theirconstituencies, but required them to first obtain approval from state authorities.Many human rights and civil society organizations had difficulty obtaining governmentrecognition as NGOs. As a result, many NGOs registered as companies, which created legaland bureaucratic obstacles to raising money to support their activities. Authorities frequentlycited a lack of registration as grounds for action against organizations. Some NGOs alsoreported the government monitored their activities in order to intimidate them.MaldivesSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe government restricted freedoms of peaceful assembly and association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution provides for “freedom of peaceful assembly without prior permission of theState,” but the government did not respect this right. A 2013 law on peaceful assemblyrestricts protests outside designated areas, and a 2016 amendment to the law furtherrestricts the designated areas for lawful protests in the capital city. Protesters must obtainprior written permission from the MPS to hold protests outside of designated areas and fromthe Ministry of Home Affairs to hold protests within the designated area, which local civilsociety organizations condemned as unconstitutional. Opposition political parties expressedconcern the amendment effectively banned protests in the city. Police reported they haddispersed 72 gatherings for violation of the Freedom of Peaceful Assembly Act as of July 31. Ina March 12 statement, the HRCM said MPS had used disproportionate force in dispersingmultiple opposition protests since February 1, causing injuries to protesters and journalists,and violating regulations on use of less-than-lethal weapons in their use of pepper spray.Opposition parties also reported that the police and Ministry of Housing routinely ignoredrequests to grant permission to hold opposition protests, while allowing and facilitatingprogovernment gatherings to proceed.
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FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for freedom of association, but the government imposed limits onthis freedom. The government allowed only clubs and other private associations that did notcontravene Islamic or civil law to register.NGOs reported that a 2015 associations regulation threatened their freedom of operation.The regulation requires human rights and other NGOs to seek government approval beforeapplying for domestic assistance above MVR 25,000 ($1,630) or for any foreign assistance. Theregulation also requires organizations to submit a membership registry to the governmentand grants the registrar of associations sweeping powers to dissolve organizations and enterorganizations to obtain documents without a search warrant. The registrar dissolved theMaldives NGO Federation, a registered network of 62 NGOs, after it released a statementcalling for the enforcement of the February 1 Supreme Court order to release nine detainedopposition figures.The Political Parties Act restricts registration of political parties and eligibility of state funds tothose parties with 10,000 or more members. A 2016 amendment to the act requires allpolitical parties to submit fingerprints with each membership application, legalizing a 2011Elections Commission requirement. Forms without fingerprints would be considered invalid,and those persons would not be counted as members of a political party. The TM and theMDN raised concerns the law and subsequent amendments restricted the constitutional rightto form and participate in political parties.MaliSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution and law provide for freedom of assembly, but the government did not alwaysrespect this. Security forces used tear gas to break up a June 2 march led by leadingopposition politicians and activists. The governor of Bamako used State of Emergency powers,
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in effect since 2015, to deny the organizers’ formal request to hold the march. Marchorganizers held the march despite this denial. More than 30 protesters, including presidentialcandidates, were injured during the violence. A reported 16 protesters were admitted toHospital Gabriel Toure, with unconfirmed reports of two critically injured, of whom one diedfrom his wounds on June 3. The government claimed three security force members alsosuffered injuries. The government denied that live ammunition was used and defended theactions of the security forces. The political opposition condemned the violence and called foranother march on June 8, which the government permitted without restrictions. The June 8march occurred peacefully.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for freedom of association, although the law prohibits associationsdeemed immoral. The government generally respected freedom of association except formembers of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) community.MaltaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, andthe government generally respected these rights.Marshall IslandsSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of assembly and association, and the governmentrespected these rights.
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MauritaniaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution provides for freedom of peaceful assembly. Registered political parties arenot required to seek permission to hold meetings or demonstrations. The law requires NGOorganizers to apply to the local administrative chief for permission to hold large meetings orassemblies. Authorities usually granted permission but on some occasions denied it incircumstances that suggested the application of political criteria.On several occasions officials with the IRA and other organizations reported security forcemembers arrested their activists for failing to obtain the local prefect’s permission beforeholding a rally.On August 29, the news website Sahara Media reported that police dispersed an oppositionrally in Nouakchott in advance of the September elections. Police objected to the rally on thegrounds of a complaint filed by Al-Najah Company, which owned the old airport (site of therally). According to opposition leaders, they had previously received approval from thegovernment to hold the rally.After parliament opened on October 8, the IRA organized several largely peaceful protestsagainst the continued detention of their leader and newly elected parliamentarian Biram DahAbeid. Police response to some protests was violent.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for freedom of association, and the government generally, but not in everyinstance, respected this right.All local NGOs must register with the Ministry of Interior and Decentralization. Generally, if theministry fails to respond within 45 days to a request to establish an NGO, the NGO mayproceed with its work, although it was not considered officially registered.
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Since 2014 Amnesty International documented 43 cases in which NGOs working in the humanrights domain had not received a response from the government on their registrationrequests, meaning the NGOs were not authorized to operate in the country.The government encouraged locally registered NGOs to join the government-sponsored CivilSociety Platform. Approximately 6,000 local NGOs did so.MauritiusSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, andthe government generally respected these rights.MexicoSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected these rights. There were some reports of security forces using excessiveforce against demonstrators. Twelve states have laws that restrict public demonstrations.MoldovaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION
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The government placed some limits on freedoms of peaceful expression and associationFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe law provides for freedom of assembly, and the government generally respected this right,with several exceptions during the year.On August 26, opposition extra-parliamentary parties and their supporters held a large-scalerally to protest the courts’ invalidation of the local elections in Chisinau, the government’sfailure to investigate the bank fraud, and mounting pressure levied against opposition parties.The protest organizers asserted that authorities “took illegal and disproportionate measuresto hinder the arrival of protesters in Chisinau, particularly from the rural areas.” Oppositionleaders also alleged that law enforcement agencies intimidated local activists before theprotest and that regional representatives from the ruling party threatened to withdraw thelicenses of local transportation companies if they transported people to Chisinau on the dayof the protest. Media outlets reported several incidents of police or transportation regulatorsstopping drivers to fine them for “unusual illegalities.” In an appeal sent to diplomaticmissions and international human rights watchdogs, a number of NGOs claimed thatauthorities infringed upon the right to free movement and the right to peaceful assembly.Authorities in Transnistria continued to restrict freedom of assembly and were reluctant toissue permits for public protests organized by the opposition. Transnistrian authoritiesrefused to authorize a protest planned for June 5 by the region’s only allowed oppositiongroup, the Communist Party. Oleg Horjan, the leader of the Communist Party and organizerof the planned protest, instead decided to hold an informal public gathering of his party’sconstituents. Transnistrian law enforcement bodies reportedly arrested approximately 40participants present at the gathering, including Horjan’s son. On June 11, Oleg Horjan wasarrested after the plenary of the region’s legislature lifted his legislative immunity. The casewas ongoing in court.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for freedom of association and states that citizens are free to formparties and other social and political organizations, and the government generally respectedthis right. The law prohibits organizations “engaged in fighting against political pluralism, theprinciples of the rule of law, or the sovereignty and independence or territorial integrity” ofthe country.
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During the year government officials and members of the parliamentary majority continuedto denigrate the role of civil society in the country, characterizing NGOs critical of governmentactions as “political actors” who require increased regulation.In June the UN’s special rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, Michel Forst,expressed concern that human rights defenders and journalists were victims of stigmatizationcampaigns. According to Forst there were allegations of intimidation and threats towardshuman rights defenders by public authorities, particularly after defenders expressed criticismof government decisions.In Transnistria, authorities severely restricted freedom of association. Separatist authoritiesgranted the legal right of association only to persons they recognized as citizens ofTransnistria. All nongovernmental activities had to be coordinated with local authorities;groups that did not comply faced harassment, including visits from security officials.Authorities strictly prohibited organizations favoring reintegration with the rest of Moldova.The human rights NGO Promo-Lex, which suspended its activities in the Transnistrian regionin 2015 following notification of a criminal case opened against it, did not renew attempts toenter the region.MonacoSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, andthe government generally respected these rights.MonoliaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION
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The law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected these rights.MontenegroSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution and law provide for the freedom of peaceful assembly. The governmentusually respected this right, but on several occasions, the Ministry of Interior denied permitsto workers and LGBTI groups wishing to assemble to express their grievances. Publicgatherings within 164 feet of government buildings are prohibited.Police asserted that they prohibited gatherings that would disturb public peace and order andinterfere with traffic. In some cases, authorities offered protesters alternate locations fordemonstrations. In a few cases, when protesters assembled without authorization or failed toobey police orders to disperse, police detained them for questioning and charged them withmisdemeanors.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedom of association, and the governmentgenerally respected this right.c. Freedom of ReligionMoroccoSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION
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The government limited freedoms of peaceful assembly and association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe law provides for the right of peaceful assembly. The government generally allowedauthorized and unauthorized peaceful demonstrations to occur. Under the law groups ofmore than three persons require authorization from the Ministry of Interior to protestpublicly. Security forces intervened on occasion to disband both authorized and unauthorizedprotests when officials deemed the demonstration a threat to public security.Some NGOs complained that authorities did not apply the approval process consistently andused administrative delays and other methods to suppress or discourage unwanted peacefulassembly. According to Human Rights Watch’s World Report 2018, police allowed manyprotests demanding political reform and protesting government actions, but often forciblydispersed peaceful protests or prevented demonstrations from occurring. According to thegovernment, there was an average of 20,000 demonstrations per year. While the majority ofprotests proceeded peacefully, on several occasions violence erupted between protestors andpolice. According to the CNDH, during some unauthorized demonstrations in Tan-Tan, thesecurity forces intervened in a “disproportionate manner.”Security forces were generally present both in and out of uniform at protests, particularly ifthe protest was expected to address a sensitive issue. In general, officers were under ordersto observe and not intervene, unless the demonstration becomes unruly, threatening tobystanders, or overflows into public highways. In those cases, under standard operatingprocedures, officers are required to give the crowd three warnings that force will be used ifthey do not disperse. Security forces then attempt to force protestors to leave the area, usingriot shields to push standing protestors into a designated area or carrying seated protestorsto the designated area. If such lower-level tactics fail, security forces may escalate to the useof batons, water cannons, or tear gas to clear the area and restore order. Security force tacticsdid not differ significantly, whether the protest was authorized or unauthorized, although thedecision on whether to intervene sometimes depended on whether the protest wasauthorized. According to the government, if officers intervene in a protest, a police judiciaryofficer not involved in the intervention and under the supervision of the attorney generalmust produce a statement documenting the circumstances of the case, the number ofvictims, and the material damage due to the operation. The police judiciary officer mustaddress the statement to the Attorney General’s Office with a copy to the governor of the
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territorial jurisdiction where the incident transpired. The government organized ongoingtraining on human rights-based methods to manage crowds throughout the year.In December 2017, two brothers were found dead inside a coal pit in the northeast provinceof Jerada where they mined illegally. According to media reports, their deaths sparkedprotests over social disparities, economic grievances, and unemployment. According to thegovernment, from December 2017 to August, approximately 300 protests involving nearly55,000 persons total took place, injuring 29 civilians and 247 members of the security forcesin violence that erupted during interventions.On March 14, online media sources released a video showing four police vehicles driving closeto protesters and severely injuring a minor during an unauthorized protest in Jerada. Thegovernment reported that security forces accidentally hit the minor while attempting todisperse the crowds. As of December authorities arrested 94 people in connection with theJerada protests. According to press reports, several protest leaders and three minors wereamong the detained. According to the government, 51 were sentenced to prison, 31 of whomwere sentenced to prison terms of one to five years. Some detainees were sentenced fordestruction of public goods, incitement to commit crimes, and or involvement inunauthorized protests. More than 40 cases continued at year’s end.On June 26, the Casablanca Court of Appeal convicted and issued sentences to protest leaderNasser Zefzafi and 52 other members of the Hirak protest movement. Four detainees,including Zefzafi, were sentenced to 20 years’ imprisonment on charges including threateningnational security. Other sentences varied from 15 years’ imprisonment to suspendedsentences and fines. The detainees appealed the convictions; no updates were available atyear’s end. According to the Ministry of Justice, authorities implicated 578 persons in crimesrelated to the Hirak protests, of whom 306 were sentenced, 204 pardoned, 39 acquitted of allcharges, and 29 were awaiting trial as of November.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and the law provide for freedom of association, although the governmentsometimes restricted this freedom. The government prohibited or failed to recognize somepolitical opposition groups by deeming them unqualified for NGO status. While thegovernment does not restrict the source of funding for NGOs operating in the country, NGOsthat receive funding from foreign sources are required to report the amount and its origins tothe government within 30 days from the date of receipt. The government denied official
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recognition to NGOs that it considered advocates against Islam as the state religion orquestions the legitimacy of the monarchy or the country’s territorial integrity. Authoritiesobstructed the registration of a number of associations perceived to be critical of theauthorities by refusing to accept their registration applications or to deliver receiptsconfirming the filing of applications (see section 5).The Ministry of Interior required NGOs to register before being recognized as legal entities,but there was no comprehensive national registry publicly available. A prospectiveorganization must submit its objectives, bylaws, address, and photocopies of members’identification cards to the ministry. The ministry issues a receipt to the organization thatsignifies formal approval. Organizations without receipts are not formally registered, althoughthe government tolerated activities of several organizations without these receipts.Unregistered organizations could not access government funds or legally acceptcontributions.The National Federation of Amazigh Associations, an organization supporting the inclusion ofthe Amazigh (Berber) population in public life, reported that, as of October, the nine Amazighorganizations denied registration in 2017 continued to be denied registration during the year,including the federation itself (see section 6, National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities).According to the CNDH, the Tan-Tan branch of the CNDH received one complaint from anorganization denied registration during the year. The branch contacted governmentauthorities, and following mediation the government registered the organization.Authorities continued to monitor Justice and Charity Organization activities.MozambiqueSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association;however, the government did not always respect these rights.
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FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYBy law protest organizers do not require government “authorization” to protest peacefully;however, they must notify local authorities of their intent in writing at least four business daysbeforehand. Unlike in prior years, there were no reports the government disapprovedorganizers’ requests to hold protest demonstrations by alleging errors in notificationdocuments.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe Ministry of Justice, Constitutional, and Religious Affairs did not act on the request forregistration of The Mozambican Association for the Defense of Sexual Minorities (LAMBDA)–the country’s only lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) advocacy NGO–byyear’s end. Although the registration process usually takes less than two months, LAMBDA’srequest has been pending since 2008 despite resubmissions of its application. Civil societyleaders and some diplomatic missions continued to urge the ministry to act on LAMBDA’sapplication and to treat all registration applications fairly. In October 2017 the ConstitutionalCourt ruled LAMBDA and other groups could not be precluded from registration based on“morality” but did not direct the government to grant official recognition to LAMBDA. LAMBDAcontinued to pursue a previously filed case with the Administrative Tribunal–the highestjurisdiction for administrative matters–specifically seeking to compel the government torespond to its registration request.NamibiaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, andthe government generally respected these rights.Nauru
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Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these rights.NepalSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the freedoms of assembly and association; however, the governmentsometimes restricted freedom of assembly.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYFreedom of assembly generally was respected for citizens and legal residents, but there weresome restrictions. The government continued its attempts to stop Tibetans from celebratingculturally important events, such as Tibetan New Year (Losar), World Peace Day (theanniversary of the Dalai Lama’s award of the Nobel Peace Prize), and the Dalai Lama’sbirthday. The law authorizes chief district officers to impose curfews when there is apossibility that demonstrations or riots could disturb the peace.In early July the government restricted demonstrations at the Maitighar Mandala, a historicalpublic space. Opposition leaders, media, and civil society members said the government’sdecision violated citizens’ right to peaceful assembly. The Supreme Court issued an interimorder to the government not to implement the decision.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for freedom of association, and the government generally respected thisright. NGOs, however, stated the existing legal framework does not adequately recognize theindependence of civil society and opens the door to the exercise of excessive discretion by the
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government. They added that the registration process for civil society organizations (CSOs) isrestrictive and cumbersome, the government has wide discretion to deny registration, andrequirements vary among various registration authorities, with some entities requiringdocuments not mentioned in existing laws on an ad hoc basis. Additionally, the AssociationRegistration Act empowers the government to give directions to associations and to terminateassociations if they refuse to follow directions. To receive foreign or government resources,CSOs must seek separate and additional approval from the Social Welfare Council (SWC), thegovernment entity responsible for overseeing CSOs. The SWC requires that CSOs allocate atleast 80 percent of their budgets for hardware or tangible development outputs, which placesundue restrictions on CSOs that focus on advocacy issues.NetherlandsSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the freedoms of assembly and association, and the governmentsgenerally respected these rights.New ZealandSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected these rights.NicaraguaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
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B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe government restricted freedoms of peaceful assembly and association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe government did not respect the legal right to public assembly, demonstration, andmobilization. Antigovernment marches and protests were allowed at times, but in severalinstances, the NNP and parapolice shot live ammunition at protesters. Police failed to protectpeaceful protesters from attacks; they also committed attacks and provided logistical supportto other attackers. Human rights organizations reported police stopped traffic for andotherwise protected progovernment demonstrations. On July 12-13, when student protesterssought refuge inside a Catholic church in Managua, NNP and parapolice shot live ammunitionat the church.Through various press releases and arrests, the NNP claimed protesters were responsible fordestruction of public and private buildings, setting of fires, homicides, and looting. While themajority of protesters were peaceful, some turned violent as they responded to NNP andparapolice provocations and use of force by throwing stones and employing homemademortars and weapons to defend their positions. Protesters sometimes tore down “Trees ofLife,” giant, illuminated, tree-like sculptures Vice President Murillo had ordered installed alongmajor thoroughfares. The OHCHR August 29 report noted “abuses committed by individualswho took part in the protests, including the killing and injuring of police officers and membersof the Sandinista party and the destruction of public infrastructure.”On September 28, the NNP issued a press release stating: “The NNP reiterates that the peopleand organizations that call for these illegal movements from which criminal and destructiveactivity has been promoted will be found responsible and face justice for any alterationand/or threat to the tranquility, work, life, and rights of people, families, and communities.”Civil society took the statement as effectively outlawing peaceful protests.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for freedom of association, including the right to organize or affiliate withpolitical parties; nevertheless, the Supreme Electoral Council and National Assembly usedtheir accreditation powers for political purposes. National Assembly accreditation ismandatory for NGOs to receive funding, have bank accounts, or employ workers licitly. In late
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November and early December, the FSLN wielded its supermajority in the National Assemblyto strip legal status from nine civil society organizations that work on transparency,democracy, environmental issues, and human rights.NigerSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe government at times restricted freedoms of peaceful assembly and association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYAlthough the constitution and law provide for freedom of assembly, police sometimes forciblydispersed demonstrators. The government retained authority to prohibit gatherings undertense social conditions or if organizers did not provide 48-hour advance notice.There were several instances of police restrictions and government bans on protests. On April18, students blocked the road to the main campus of Niamey’s Abdou Moumouni Universityto demand reinstatement of the five senior student leaders who had been expelled on March17. Police intervened with tear gas, and according to the union, 32 protesters were injuredand six hospitalized, including one in critical condition (numbers of injured were not reliablyreported in the press, and independent verification of the extent and seriousness of theinjuries was not available). An official government announcement noted damage to sixvehicles and university offices. On April 23, the government declared that university campusesnationwide would remain closed until CASO, accused of general and long-term violence andmisconduct, was disbanded. Negotiations led to reopening the university on May 15 withoutthe disbanding of CASO.The government regularly banned planned civil society-organized gatherings from April toAugust. Municipal authorities often denied official permission for opposition demonstrationsand rallies without responding to organizers’ requests within the 48-hour timeline required byregulations. There was an instance in Maradi where the government did not implement acourt order that supported the organizers’ right to protest.
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On March 23, the government banned a civil society protest of new tax laws planned forMarch 25. Organizers encouraged their supporters to demonstrate despite the ban, arguingthe constitution gave them a right to protest. On the morning of March 25, before the protesthad begun, police arrested two civil society leaders at their offices: Moussa Tchangari and AliIdrissa. Later in the day, activist Nouhou Arzika was arrested at his lawyer’s office, andtelevision commentator Lirwana Abdourahamane was arrested at Labari Television aftermaking a call for individuals to stand up for their rights. Authorities shuttered the televisionstation for five days. Police arrested another 19 demonstrators the same day, charging themwith organizing or participating in an illegal demonstration, damaging property, acts ofviolence and assault, and assault and battery.The group of 23 went to trial in July after four months of pretrial detention. On July 24, aNiamey judge convicted the four civil society leaders of inciting a banned protest and gavethem three-month suspended jail sentences. The judge acquitted 11 of the defendants andfound another eight guilty of participating in a banned protest, sentencing them to one year inprison, with six months suspended.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for freedom of association, and the government generallyrespected this freedom; however, government representatives accused human rights-relatedcivil society organizations of being “putschist” or intending to overthrow the government.Police on several occasions, without a legal warrant, blocked access to offices of the NGOAlternative Citizen Spaces in Niamey and Zinder. The law does not permit political partiesbased on ethnicity, religion, or region.NigeriaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY
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Although the constitution and law provide for freedom of assembly, the governmentoccasionally banned and targeted gatherings when it concluded their political, ethnic, orreligious nature might lead to unrest. Open-air religious services held away from places ofworship remained prohibited in many states, due to fear they might heighten interreligioustensions. From October 27-30, members of the IMN carried out a series of religiousprocessions across northern Nigeria, while also protesting the continued detention of theirleader, Sheikh Ibrahim El-Zakzaky. Police and military officials set up roadblocks and usedother means to confront protestors in and around the capital city of Abuja. In the ensuringaltercations, security forces shot and killed a number of IMN members. According to HRW, onOctober 28, soldiers shot into a procession in Zuba, a bus terminal northwest of Abuja, killingsix persons. The army acknowledged in a statement that three persons were killed at Zuba,but said the soldiers were responding to an attack. According to international press reportsand various human rights groups, on October 29, soldiers at a military checkpoint shot at anIMN procession at Karu, northeast of Abuja, as the group sought to continue their march intothe capital. The New York Times and multiple rights groups reported that video evidenceshowed, and witness statements confirmed, that soldiers shot indiscriminately into the crowdof protestors, including in some cases while protestors attempted to flee. In a statement, thearmy said protestors attacked the soldiers. In total, the government said six IMN memberswere killed; AI said 45 were killed; and the IMN said 49 of its members were killed. Accordingto a New York Times report, the soldiers involved were primarily from the Seventh Battalion ofthe Guards Brigade.In areas that experienced societal violence, police and other security services permitted publicmeetings and demonstrations on a case-by-case basis.Security services used excessive force to disperse demonstrators during the year (see section1.a.).FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the right to associate freely with other persons in politicalparties, trade unions, or other special interest organizations. While the government generallyrespected this right, on occasion authorities abrogated it for some groups. The government ofKaduna State continued its proscription of the IMN, alleging the group constituted a danger topublic order and peace.
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The Same Sex Marriage Prohibition Act (SSMPA), a law prohibiting marriages and civil unionsamong persons of the same sex, criminalizes the free association of any persons through so-called gay organizations. Citizens suspected of same-sex activities are frequently harassed,intimidated, and arrested. In August six men were arrested in Abia State on suspicion ofengaging in same-sex activity. Later in the month, 57 men attending a party in Lagos werealso arrested and detained by police on similar allegations. In both cases, the men weresubsequently charged for lesser offences rather than under the SSMPA, but rights groupsreported that the SSMPA had a significant chilling effect on free association.North MacedoniaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association and the governmentgenerally respected these rights.NorwaySection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, andthe government generally respected these rights.OmanSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION
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The government restricted freedoms of peaceful assembly and association. Human rightsorganizations expressed concern that overly broad provisions in the 2018 penal code couldfurther restrict the work of human rights activists and limit freedoms of peaceful assemblyand association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe law provides for limited freedom of assembly, but the government restricted this right.Under the 2018 penal code, gatherings of more than 10 persons in a public place are unlawfulif they “endangered the public security or order” or “influenced the function of authorities.” A2014 report from the UN special rapporteur on the right to freedom of peaceful assemblyexpressed concern with government attempts to limit assembly and association rights andstated individuals seeking reform were “afraid to speak their minds, afraid to speak on thetelephone, afraid to meet.”Private sector employees in the energy and industrial manufacturing sectors threatenedstrikes in isolated cases; however, company leadership used incentives like promises of jobsecurity and other material benefits to persuade organizers to call off strikes (see section 7.a.).FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for freedom of association for undefined “legitimate objectives and in aproper manner.” Examples of such associations include registered labor unions and socialgroups for foreign nationalities, such as the Indian Social Group.The government limited freedom of association in practice by prohibiting associations whoseactivities it deemed “inimical to the social order” or otherwise inappropriate. A 2014 royaldecree stipulates citizens joining groups deemed harmful to national interests could besubject to revocation of citizenship.Associations must register with their corresponding ministries, which approve all associations’bylaws and determine whether a group serves the interest of the country. The time requiredto register an association ranged from two months to two years. Approval time varied basedon the level of preparedness of the applying organization, the subject matter of theorganization, its leadership, and the organization’s mission. The law limits formal registrationof nationality-based associations to one association for each nationality and restricts activitiesof such associations. The government sometimes denied permission for associations to form.
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Under the 2018 penal code, associations are forbidden from conducting any kind offundraising without government approval, including for charitable causes. Individualsconvicted of accepting unlawful funding for an association may receive up to one year in jailand a fine of 2,000 rials ($5,200). Foreign diplomatic missions are required to requestmeetings with nongovernmental associations through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs bydiplomatic note. Associations may not meet with foreign diplomatic missions and foreignorganizations without prior approval from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The governmentenforced this law, and all foreign-funded educational and public diplomacy programsrequired prior government review.PakistanSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and laws provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, butthese freedoms were subject to restrictions.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYBy law district authorities may prevent gatherings of more than four persons without policeauthorization. The law permits the government to ban all rallies and processions, exceptfuneral processions, for security reasons.Authorities generally prohibited Ahmadis, a religious minority, from holding conferences orgatherings. Ahmadis cited the closure by Sialkot authorities of an Ahmadiyya mosque on May14 and mob attacks on two other mosques in Sialkot and Faisalabad as evidence of theongoing severe conditions for the community.During the year the Pashtun Tahafuz (Protection) Movement, or PTM, mobilized itspredominantly ethnic Pashtun supporters to participate in sit-ins and demonstrations todemand justice and to protest abuses by government security forces. Thousands ofindividuals participated in peaceful protests across the country’s main population centers,including Karachi, Lahore, Peshawar, and Islamabad. Observers noted that authorities
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attempted to discourage protestors through arrests, intimidation, and harassment, but didnot engage in any systematic acts of violence against PTM supporters.Protests, strikes, and demonstrations, both peaceful and violent, took place throughout thecountry. The government generally prevented political and civil society groups of anyaffiliation from holding demonstrations in Islamabad’s red zone–a restricted area thatincludes a diplomatic enclave and federal government buildings–citing security restrictionsthat limit all public rallies and gatherings in the area.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for freedom of association subject to certain restrictions imposedby law. The government maintained a series of policies that steadily eroded the freedom ofinternational nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) to carry out their work and access thecommunities they serve. INGOs, UN organizations, and international missions must requestgovernment permission in the form of no-objection certificates before they can conduct mostin-country travel, carry out certain project activities, or initiate new projects.The government adopted a new online registration regime for INGOs in 2015, and inSeptember introduced a more restrictive operating agreement that INGOs must follow. Theregistration process entails extensive document requirements, multiple levels of review, andconstant investigations by security and other government offices. The government deniedregistration applications of dozens of INGOs in 2017 and 2018. After a lengthy appealsprocess, in October the Ministry of Interior issued final rejection notices to 18 INGOs, denyingtheir registrations and ordering them to close operations within 60 days. The rejection noticesdid not specify the reasons for rejection.The years of uncertainty about registration status negatively impacted even those INGOs thathave not received final rejection notices. They faced additional barriers to fundraising,opening bank accounts, and obtaining tax-exempt status from the Federal Board of Revenue.No-objection certificates were hard to obtain in certain provinces without an approvedregistration, thus hindering implementation and monitoring of activities, even for INGOs thathad initiated the new registration process. INGOs also faced an uptick in visa denials forinternational staff. The government asked country directors and international staff, duringvisa applications and separate surveys, whether they were Indian or Israeli nationals. The lackof transparency and unpredictability of the registration process caused some INGOs towithdraw their registration applications and terminate operations in the country.
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The government at both the federal and provincial levels similarly restricted the access offoreign-funded local NGOs through a separate registration regime, no-objection certificates,and other requirements. Authorities required NGOs to obtain no-objection certificates beforeaccepting foreign funding, booking facilities or using university spaces for events, or workingon sensitive human rights issues. Even when local NGOs receiving foreign funding wereappropriately registered, the government often denied their requests for no-objectioncertificates. Furthermore, domestic NGOs with all required certificates faced governmentmonitoring and harassment.PalauSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these rights.PanamaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected these rights. The government provided permits for organized groups toconduct peaceful marches. Police at times used force to disperse demonstrators, especiallywhen highways or streets were blocked. The law provides for six to 24 months’ imprisonmentfor anyone who, through use of violence, impedes the transit of vehicles on public roads orcauses damage to public or private property.Papua New Guinea
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Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association and thegovernment generally respected these rights.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYPublic demonstrations require police approval and 14 days’ advance notice. If publicdemonstrations occurred without official approval, police normally requested crowds todisperse. If that failed, and if violence or public disturbances ensued, police used tear gas andfired shots in the air to disperse crowds.In April police shot and killed four demonstrators in Madang who were participating in aprotest march. As of November no officers had been charged in the killings and police said alack of cooperation from those at the scene hampered their investigation.ParaguaySection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the freedoms of assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected these rights.PeruSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION
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The constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these rights.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe law does not require a permit for public demonstrations, but organizers must report thetype of demonstration planned and coordinate its intended location to the appropriateregional representative. The government continued to suspend freedom of assembly in theVRAEM emergency zone, where armed elements of the Shining Path and drug traffickersoperated, as well as in regions suffering from crime and public health crises.The government may restrict or prohibit demonstrations in specific times and places toassure public safety or health. Police used tear gas and occasional force to disperse protestersin various demonstrations. Although most demonstrations were peaceful, protests in someareas turned violent, resulting in two deaths and multiple injuries in February (see section 6,Other Societal Violence and Discrimination).PhilippinesSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these rights.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution provides for the right to peaceful assembly, and police generally exhibitedprofessionalism and restraint in dealing with demonstrators. Presidential spokesman HarryRoque stated in January that authorities would “observe maximum tolerance” and “respectthe protesters’ right to peaceful assembly.” There was no reported progress in the PNP’sinvestigation of the forcible dispersal of farmers and protesters in Kidapawan City in 2016 thatleft two protesters dead and many others injured. A CHR investigation found that the PNP
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used unnecessary force to disperse the protest. No disciplinary action was taken, and nocharges were filed as of August.PolandSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these rights. The 2015 antiterrorism law permits restrictionson public assemblies in situations of elevated terrorist threats. During the year there were nocases of the prohibition of a public assembly due to an elevated terrorist threat.In September the human rights defender published a report recommending the repeal of the2017 amendments to the law on public assemblies that established special protections for“cyclical” or recurring assemblies. The defender asserted the amendments significantly limitthe right of assembly by creating a hierarchy of assemblies entitled to greater and lessprotection. He also noted that, during 2016-2018, public institutions frequently violated theright to freedom of assembly by penalizing assembly participants.On September 12, the Warsaw prosecutor’s office discontinued its investigation into an attackon counterdemonstrators during the November 2017 Independence March. Prosecutorsasserted the attackers’ intention was to show dissatisfaction and not to physically harm the 14counterdemonstrators they confronted. The prosecutors also explained that “the position ofinjuries indicate that violence was targeted at the less sensitive body parts,” concluding thatthe attackers’ intention was not to “endanger the victims.” On September 27, the Warsaw localcourt fined nine of the counterdemonstrators 200 zlotys ($50) each for blocking a legaldemonstration.On October 13, police used tear gas, water cannons, and clubs to disperse roughly 200counterdemonstrators trying to disrupt the Lublin Equality Parade. According to witnesses,the counterdemonstrators threw tomatoes, rocks, bottles, and firecrackers at marchers andpolice. No marchers were injured, but eight police were treated for injuries, and 21counterdemonstrators were detained.
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PortugalSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedoms of assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these rights.QatarSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution provides for freedom of assembly, but this right is restricted by law, includingthe General Assembly and Demonstration Law and the Associations and Private InstitutionsLaw. Noncitizens are exempt from the constitutional protections on freedom of assembly.Organizers of public meetings must meet a number of restrictions and conditions and obtainapproval from the Ministry of Interior to acquire a permit.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the right to form groups, defined by the law as professionalassociations and private institutions, but the government significantly limited this right.Noncitizens are exempt from the constitutional protections on freedom of association. Therewere no reports of attempts to organize politically. There were no organized political parties,and authorities prohibited politically oriented associations. The government prohibitsprofessional associations and private institutions from engaging in political matters oraffiliating internationally. Civil society organizations must obtain approval from the Ministry ofAdministrative Development, Labor, and Social Affairs, which may deny their establishment ifit deems them a threat to the public interest.
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Informal organizations, such as community support groups and activity clubs, operatedwithout registration, but they may not engage in activities deemed political.Republic of the CongoSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe government restricted freedoms of peaceful assembly and association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution and law provide for freedom of peaceful assembly; however, the governmentoften did not respect this right.The government required all groups that wished to hold public assemblies to seekauthorization from the Ministry of Interior and Decentralization and appropriate local officials.Both the ministry and local officials sometimes withheld authorization for meetings theyclaimed might threaten public order. They also created unnecessary obstacles to gainingauthorization and called police to disperse meetings they claimed had not received properauthorization.Local NGOs and political groups reported restrictions on freedom of assembly throughout theyear. For example, in May security forces arrested 23 activists from the political youth activistmovement Ras-le-Bol (“enough is enough”), including coordinator Frank Nzila, for “associationwith criminals and participation in an unauthorized demonstration” following theirdemonstration in Pointe-Noire on May 7 calling on the government to release politicalprisoners. In July the government released Ras-le-Bol’s members from custody. Ras-le-Bol’smembers also reported numerous direct threats from police to stop their activities, and policeharassment targeting their families and friends to ascertain their whereabouts.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION
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The constitution and law provide for freedom of association, and the government sometimesrespected this right. Political, social, or economic groups or associations were required toregister with the Ministry of Interior and Decentralization. Authorities sometimes subjectedregistration to political influence. According to a local NGO, groups that spoke openly againstthe government encountered overt or veiled threats and found the registration process moretime consuming.RomaniaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedom of association, but the governmentoccasionally restricted freedom of peaceful assembly.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution provides for freedom of peaceful assembly, and the government partiallyrespected it. The law provides that unarmed citizens may assemble peacefully but alsostipulates that meetings must not interfere with other economic or social activities and maynot take place near such locations as hospitals, airports, or military installations. In most casesorganizers of public assemblies must request permits in writing three days in advance fromthe mayor’s office of the locality where the gathering is to occur.On October 15, the Supreme Court ruled that public gatherings, including protests, must bedeclared in advance when they are to be held in markets, public spaces, or in the vicinity ofinstitutions “of public or private interest.” The decision was mandatory. Activists opposedthese restrictions, stating that by announcing the protests, those who take to the streets willbe forced to take responsibility not only for themselves, but also for larger groups or forinstigators to violence who may be brought there to compromise peaceful anticorruptionprotests. Civic organizations also warned that in Bucharest, authorities granted public spacesfor longer periods to NGOs with no activity only as a pretext to refuse permits to protest tolegitimate organizations.
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On August 10, a major protest at Victoria Square in Bucharest attracted approximately100,000 protesters. According to the Ministry of Interior, several hundred persons allegedlyattempted to get close to the cabinet office building and threw objects at gendarmes. Mediaand civic groups reported that the number of violent protesters was much lower, amountingto several dozens of persons. Gendarmes used tear gas and water cannon in anindiscriminate manner, harming peaceful protesters, some of whom were children or elderly.Many bystanders were also injured. NGOs, observers, and journalists noted that gendarmeslaunched tear gas canisters in adjacent areas of the square against persons who did not posea threat. Because of the large crowd, protesters did not have the opportunity to dispersewhen gendarmes began using tear gas grenades. Gendarmes also used violence againstprotesters who left the protest and were on adjacent streets. Numerous broadcast televisionreports showed members of the gendarmerie punching, kicking, and hitting peacefulprotesters with their batons. Several protesters suffered injuries caused by shrapnel fromexploding tear-gas canisters.According to the Interior Ministry, 452 individuals needed medical care during the protest, ofwhich 33 were gendarmes; 70 persons were taken to the hospital, including 14 gendarmes.Hundreds of protesters reported side effects from irritant agents after the protest. Four Israelitourists and a driver who happened to be in the area were dragged out of a taxi and beatenby gendarmes. Numerous reports showed that several gendarmes had the identificationnumbers on their helmets covered with duct tape. Dozens of civic and human rights NGOscondemned the intervention of the gendarmerie, which they viewed as a highlydisproportionate response to the actions of most protesters.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for freedom of association, and the government generallyrespected this right. The law prohibits fascist, racist, or xenophobic ideologies, organizations,and symbols.In August the government adopted an ordinance that authorizes the Ministry of PublicFinances to check whether NGOs use the funds redirected by citizens from their income taxaccording to the organizations’ primary goals. The ADHR-HC asserted that this measure wouldallow the government to harass NGOs.Russia
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Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe government restricted freedoms of peaceful assembly and association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe law provides for freedom of assembly, but local authorities restricted this right. The lawrequires organizers of public meetings, demonstrations, or marches by more than one personto notify the government, although authorities maintained that protest organizers mustreceive government permission, not just provide notification. Failure to obtain officialpermission to hold a protest resulted in the demonstration being viewed as unlawful by lawenforcement officials, who routinely dispersed such protests. While numerous publicdemonstrations took place, on many occasions local officials selectively denied groupspermission to assemble or offered alternate venues that were inconveniently or remotelylocated.Although they do not require official approval, authorities restricted single-person pickets,and required that there be at least 164 feet separating protesters from each other. In 2017the Constitutional Court decreed that police officers may stop a single-person picket toprotect the health and safety of the picketer.The law requires that “motor rallies” and “tent city” gatherings in public places receive officialpermission. It requires gatherings that would interfere with pedestrian or vehicle traffic toreceive official agreement 10 days prior to the event; those that do not affect traffic requirethree days’ notice. The law prohibits “mass rioting,” which includes teaching and learningabout the organization of and participation in “mass riots.” The law allows authorities toprohibit nighttime demonstrations and meetings and levy fines for violating protestregulations and rules on holding public events.The law provides heavy penalties for engaging in unsanctioned protests and other violationsof public assembly laws–up to 300,000 rubles ($4,500) for individuals, 600,000 rubles ($9,000)for organizers, and one million rubles ($17,140) for groups or companies. Protesters withmultiple violations within six months may be fined up to one million rubles ($15,000) orimprisoned for up to five years.
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On May 10, President Putin signed a decree limiting freedom of assembly in cities hosting the2018 International Federation of Football Associations (FIFA) World Cup in conjunction withenhanced security, although protests in cities that did not host the tournament were allowedto take place.Arrests for organizing or taking part in unsanctioned protests were common. For instance, onAugust 25, police arrested opposition leader Navalny for allegedly organizing an unsanctioned“voters’ strike” rally on January 28. His arrest came shortly before planned rallies in oppositionto pension reform scheduled nationwide on September 9. Immediately following his releaseon September 24, police from a different precinct rearrested Navalny for 20 more days forallegedly organizing the unsanctioned September 9 demonstration, which purportedly caused“bodily harm to a government official.”There was a reported increase in authorities charging individuals with “inciting mass riots”based upon their social media activities. For example, following the May 5 antigovernmentprotests, 28 organizers and activists with opposition leader Navalny’s AnticorruptionFoundation were detained and charged with inciting mass riots based on their tweets orretweets. While some were fined and released, others were sentenced to 30-day prisonterms.Activists were at times subject to threats and physical violence in connection with organizingor taking part in public events or protests. On May 5, police stood by as unknown persons inCossack uniforms beat participants in peaceful opposition rallies in Moscow and other cities.More than 1,300 persons were arrested during these protests, 572 in Moscow alone.Police often broke up demonstrations that were not officially sanctioned, at times usingdisproportionate force. For example, on September 9, police throughout the country detained1,195 persons who were demonstrating against pension reform. Media reports of theMoscow protest described unprovoked and disproportionate police beatings of protesterswith rubber batons.Authorities regularly arrested single-person picketers. For example, on June 14 authoritiesarrested UK-based activist Peter Tatchell in Moscow for staging a single-person picket againstrestrictions on LGBTI persons in the country, citing a breach of antiprotest rules put in placefor the World Cup. Tatchell was released the same day and departed the country beforeappearing in court.
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Authorities continued to deprive LGBTI persons and their supporters of free assembly rights.Despite a Supreme Court ruling that LGBTI persons should be allowed to engage in publicactivities, the law prohibiting “propaganda” of homosexuality to minors (see section 6, Acts ofViolence, Discrimination, and Other Abuses Based on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity)provides grounds to deny LGBTI activists and supporters the right of assembly and was oftenused to interrupt public demonstrations by LGBTI activists. On November 27, the ECHR ruledthat the country’s blanket refusal to grant permission to hold public assemblies related toLGBTI issues could not be justified by public safety concerns and constituted a violation of theright to freedom of assembly.On April 8, police detained approximately 30 gay rights activists who took part in anunsanctioned rally in St. Petersburg. City authorities had turned down their request to hold aparade, so each participant demonstrated alone, in a bid to avoid the protest being called agathering, which did not prevent their arrest.Moscow authorities refused to allow an LGBTI pride parade for the 13th consecutive year,notwithstanding a 2010 ECHR ruling that the denial violated the rights to freedom of assemblyand freedom from discrimination.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for freedom of association. During the year, however, thegovernment instituted new measures and expanded existing restrictive laws to stigmatize,harass, fine, close, and otherwise raise barriers to membership in organizations that werecritical of the government.Public organizations must register their bylaws and the names of their leaders with theMinistry of Justice. The finances of registered organizations are subject to investigation by taxauthorities, and foreign grants must be registered.The government continued to use a law, which requires NGOs that receive foreign fundingand engage in “political activity” to register as “foreign agents,” to harass, to stigmatize, and insome cases to halt their operation, although fewer organizations were registered than inprevious years. As of October the Ministry of Justice had added five NGOs to the “foreignagents” registry during the year, and its registry of organizations designated as “foreignagents” included 73 NGOs.
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For the purposes of implementing the foreign agents law, the government considered“political activities” to include organizing public events, rallies, demonstrations, marches, andpickets; organizing and conducting public debates, discussions or presentations; participatingin election activities aimed at influencing the result, including election observation andforming commissions; public calls to influence local and state government bodies, includingcalling for changes to legislation; disseminating opinions and decisions of state bodies bytechnology; and attempting to shape public political views, including public opinion polls orother sociological research.To be delisted, an NGO must submit an application to the Ministry of Justice proving that it didnot receive any foreign funding or engage in any political activity within the previous 12months. If the NGO received any foreign funding, it must have returned the money withinthree months. The ministry would then initiate an unscheduled inspection of the NGO todetermine whether it qualified for removal from the list.The law on “foreign agents” requires that NGOs identify themselves as “foreign agents” in alltheir public materials. Authorities fined NGOs for failing to disclose their “foreign agent” statuson websites or printed materials. For example, on August 13, a court in the Mari-El Republicfined the human rights group Man and Law 300,000 rubles ($4,500) for failing to mark itsFacebook page as belonging to a “foreign agent.” According to the NGO, the page hadpreviously been marked but the marking disappeared when Facebook had updated its userinterface.The government placed additional restrictions on NGOs designated as “foreign agents.” OnOctober 11, President Putin signed a law prohibiting “foreign agent” NGOs and foreign NGOsfrom receiving an accreditation from the Ministry of Justice that would allow them to submitanticorruption analysis of legislation. NGOs designated “foreign agents” were alreadyprohibited from participating in election observation.Organizations the government listed as “foreign agents” reported experiencing the socialeffects of stigmatization, such as being targeted by vandals and online criticism, in addition tolosing partners and funding sources and being subjected to smear campaigns in the state-controlled press.The law requires the Ministry of Justice to maintain a list of “undesirable foreignorganizations.” The list expanded during the year as the Ministry of Justice added theEuropean Platform for Democratic Elections, the International Elections Study Center, theGerman Marshall Fund, and Pacific Environment. As of October the total number of
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“undesirable foreign organizations” was 15. According to the law, a foreign organization maybe found “undesirable” if that group is deemed “dangerous to the foundations of theconstitutional order of the Russian Federation, its national security, and defense.” Authoritieshave not clarified what specific threats the “undesirable” NGOs posed to the country. Anyforeign organization deemed “undesirable” must cease its activities, any money or assetsfound by authorities may be seized, and any citizens found to be continuing to work with theorganization in contravention of the law may face up to seven years in prison.NGOs engaged in political activities or activities that purportedly “pose a threat to the country”or that receive support from U.S. citizens or organizations are subject to suspension underthe “Dima Yakovlev” law, which also prohibits NGOs from having members with dual Russian-U.S. citizenship.Authorities continued to misuse the country’s expansive definition of extremism as a tool tostifle freedom of association. In 2017 the Supreme Court criminalized the activity of membersof Jehovah’s Witnesses. The decision prohibited all activity of Jehovah’s Witnesses’ legalentities throughout the country, effectively banning their worship. The parent organization ofthe Jehovah’s Witnesses in the country and 395 regional branches were formally placed onthe Justice Ministry’s list of “extremist” groups, a procedural move following the SupremeCourt’s decision. As of October more than 50 Jehovah’s Witnesses were facing criminalcharges for taking part in the activities of a banned extremist organization (see theDepartment of State’s International Religious FreedomReport at www.state.gov/religiousfreedomreport/).There were reports civil society activists were beaten or attacked in retaliation for theirprofessional activities and that in most cases law enforcement officials did not adequatelyinvestigate the incidents. As of September the legal NGO Agora had identified more than 80such attacks during the year. For example, there were multiple reports of physical attacks onthe Memorial and its activists in the North Caucasus during the year, which human rightsorganizations believed to be a coordinated campaign of pressure aimed at silencing Memorialand halting its human rights work. On January 17, two masked men set fire to the Memorialoffice in Nazran, Ingushetia. On January 23, unknown perpetrators set fire to one ofMemorial’s cars in Makhachkala, Dagestan. On March 29, Sirazhutdin Datsiyev, the head ofMemorial’s office in the Republic of Dagestan, was hospitalized with a head injury after anattack by unknown assailants.
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In multiple cases authorities arbitrarily arrested and prosecuted civil society activists inpolitical retaliation for their work (see section 1.e.).There were reports authorities targeted NGOs and activists representing the LGBTIcommunity for retaliation (see section 6, Acts of Violence, Discrimination, and Other AbusesBased on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity).RwandaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution, law, or both provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association,but the government limited these rights.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution and law provide for freedom of peaceful assembly, but the government didnot always respect this right. The updated penal code states it is illegal to demonstrate in apublic place without prior authorization. Violation of this provision is punishable by a prisonsentence of eight days to six months or a fine of 500,000 to one million Rwandan francs ($575to $1,150) or both. For illegal demonstrations deemed to have threatened security, publicorder, or health, the penalties are increased. Even with prior written authorization, publicmeetings were subject to disruption or arbitrary closure.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONWhile the constitution provides for freedom of association, the government limited the right.The law requires private organizations to register. Although the government generally grantedlicenses, it impeded the formation of political parties, restricted political party activities, anddelayed or denied registration to local and international NGOs seeking to work on humanrights, media freedom, or political advocacy (see section 3). In addition the governmentimposed burdensome NGO registration and renewal requirements, especially oninternational NGOs, as well as time-consuming requirements for annual financial and activity
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reports (see section 5). On September 10, the government enacted legislation imposingadditional registration requirements on faith-based organizations (FBOs). The law requiresFBOs to obtain legal status from the government before beginning operations. It also calls forlegal representatives of FBOs and preachers with supervisory responsibilities to holdacademic degrees.Saint Kitts and NevisSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for freedom of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these rights. Opposition parties and media, however,reported incidents in which the exercise of these rights was restricted. For example, inFebruary the government banned the opposition St. Kitts and Nevis Labour Party from usingpublic facilities.Saint LuciaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these rights.Saint Vincent and the GrenadinesSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION
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The law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected these rights. Various civil society organizations, however, reportedcitizens were hesitant to participate in antigovernment protests due to fear of retaliation.SamoaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected these rights.San MarinoSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected these rights.Sao Tome an PrincipeSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, andthe government generally respected these rights.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY
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The law provides for this right, and the government generally respected it. On October 11,presumably to maintain order, police restricted freedom of peaceful assembly, forbiddingpublic gatherings until after the announcement of election results on October 19. Therestriction was prompted by a protest on October 8, when a crowd of several hundredoverturned an official’s car and burned it. Several groups objected to the restriction butrespected the ban.Saudi ArabiaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law does not provide for freedom of assembly and association, which the governmentseverely limited.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe law requires a government permit for an organized public assembly of any type. Thegovernment categorically forbids participation in political protests or unauthorized publicassemblies, and security forces reportedly arrested demonstrators and detained them forbrief periods. Security forces at times allowed a small number of unauthorizeddemonstrations throughout the country.On March 27, security forces arrested 32 citizens and referred them to the public prosecutorfor illegally gathering in front of Taif governorate headquarters to protest the removal ofunlicensed housing structures built on government land, according to the Ministry of Interior.CPVPV and other security officers also restricted mixed gender gatherings of unrelated menand women in public and private spaces (see section 1.f.).FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe law provided for limited freedom of association, however, the government strictly limitedthis right. In 2016 a law came into effect known as the Law on Associations and Foundations
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(Civil Society Organizations Law), which for the first time provided a comprehensive legalframework to govern the establishment, operation, and supervision of associations andfoundations. The government, however, prohibited the establishment of political parties orany group it considered as opposing or challenging the regime. All associations must belicensed by the Ministry of Labor and Social Development and comply with its regulations.Some groups that advocated changing elements of the social or political order reported theirlicensing requests went unanswered for years, despite repeated inquiries. The ministryreportedly used arbitrary means, such as requiring unreasonable types and quantities ofinformation, to delay and effectively deny licenses to associations.On January 25, the SCC sentenced Mohammad al-Otaiby and Abdullah al-Attawi, foundingmembers of the Union for Human Rights (known in Arabic as “al-Ittihad”) to 14 and sevenyears in prison, respectively, for “participating in setting up an organization and announcing itbefore getting an authorization,” “spreading chaos, inciting public opinion and publishingstatements harmful to the kingdom and its institutions,” and “publishing information abouttheir interrogations despite signing pledges to refrain from doing so,” according to media andNGO reporting.In 2013 and 2014, the few local NGOs that had operated without a license ceased operatingafter authorities ordered them disbanded. While ACPRA maintained a presence on socialmedia networks such as Twitter, the government severely curtailed its operations and closeddown its website. On February 28, the SCC sentenced lawyer and ACPRA member Issa al-Nukheifi to six years in prison (three years under the anti-cybercrimes law and three yearsunder ta’zir, or “discretionary” sentencing), followed by a six-year ban on social media andtravel outside of the country, based on charges of “infringing on the public order and religiousvalues,” “communicating with members of ACPRA,” “opposing Saudi Arabia’s intervention inYemen,” and related charges. Al-Nukheifi was detained in 2016 and charged in August 2017under provisions of both the 2014 Counterterrorism Law and the 2008 Anti-Cybercrimes Law.Government-chartered associations limited membership only to citizens.SenegalSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION
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The government sometimes restricted freedom of peaceful assembly but generally respectedfreedom of association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution and law provide for the freedom of assembly, but the governmentsometimes restricted this right. Some groups complained of undue delays in response toauthorization requests for public demonstrations. Other groups were denied suchauthorization.In April the government denied a permit to opposition activists to protest the NationalAssembly’s vote on a law changing the eligibility requirements for presidential candidates andused force to disperse opposition supporters trying to hold the protest despite the ban. Thegovernment also detained several opposition leaders for several hours before releasing themwithout pressing charges.SerbiaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, but the governmentlimited these rights in some cases.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution provides for the freedom of assembly, and the government generallyrespected the right. The law obliges protesters to apply to the police for a permit, providingthe exact date, time, and estimated number of demonstrators. Police generally issued apermit if a protest was not likely to disturb the public or public transportation; otherwise,police consulted with city authorities before issuing a permit. Higher-level governmentauthorities decided whether to issue permits for gatherings assessed as posing high securityrisks.
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EC staff noted in the Serbia 2018 Report working document that the country lacked secondarylegislation to implement fully the law on freedom of assembly. Commission staff also notednumerous reports of excessive use of force by law enforcement and a lack of prosecution ofviolent counterprotestors.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedom of association, and the government generallyrespected this right.All companies continued to pay mandatory annual membership to the Serbian Chamber ofCommerce. In March 2017 the Association for Protection of Constitutionality and Legality fileda complaint with the Constitutional Court, asserting that mandatory membership was againstthe constitution. The Constitutional Court has not issued a ruling on this case.Seychelle)Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution and law provide for freedom of assembly, and the government generallyrespected this right. There were several public demonstrations and marches during the year.The Public Assembly Act published in 2015 requires organizers of gatherings of 10 or morepersons to inform the police commissioner five working days prior to the date proposed forthe planned gathering. For example, a public protest against the building of a military facilityon Assomption Island to coincide with National Day celebrations on June 29 was called off dueto lack of the required notification time. Several other protests against the proposed facility,however, were allowed to continue. The police commissioner may impose conditions or denythe right to assemble on security, morality, and public safety grounds. Authorities did notrestrict the holding of lawful public opposition gatherings.
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Sierra LeoneSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedoms of assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected the right of freedom of association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYUpon assuming office on April 4, President Maada Bio introduced an Executive Order liftingthe ban on public assembly, including Sunday trading, imposed by his predecessor.As of August, nine persons who were arrested and detained in 2015 for demonstrating infront of a foreign embassy still awaited a trial date. They remained on bail and were directedto report monthly to the SLP Criminal and Investigations Division.SinaporeSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYAlthough the constitution provides citizens the right to peaceful assembly, parliamentimposed restrictions in the interest of security, public order, or morality. Public assemblies,including political meetings and rallies, require police permission. By law a public assemblymay include events staged by a single person. Citizens do not need permits for indoorspeaking events, unless they touch on “sensitive topics” such as race or religion, or forqualifying events held at Speakers’ Corner. Per 2017 amendments to the Public Order Act, theCommissioner of Police may decline to authorize any public assembly or procession thatcould be directed towards a political end and be organized by, or involve the participation of,
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a foreign entity or citizen. The amendment followed a 2016 LGBTI “Freedom to Love” rally,after which the Ministry of Home Affairs issued a press statement stating “foreign entitiesshould not interfere in our domestic issues, especially political issues or controversial socialissues with political overtones.”Police may also order a person to “move on” from a certain area and not return to thedesignated spot for 24 hours.In April police denied a request by activist Terry Xu to stage a one-person, silent sit-in protestwithout signage for one hour. Police stated the late-night protest, which would have beenheld in the central business district during the weekend, carried “a risk of causing publicdisorder, as well as damage to property.”In October artist Seelan Palay was convicted of breaching the Public Order Act for taking partin a public procession without a permit in October 2017. He was fined 2,500 SGD ($1,820) butserved two weeks in jail in lieu of the fine. Seelan had obtained a permit to stage aperformance art piece as a protest in Hong Lim Park, but he later continued his solo protestby walking from the park to parliament buildings, holding a mirror. Prosecutors alleged Seelandid not specify in his permit request that he intended to move from the park to outsideparliament.Some civil society groups and members of parliament expressed concern that the PublicOrder and Safety (Special Powers) Act (see section 2.a.) conflates peaceful protests andterrorist violence. The law’s illustrations of “large-scale public disorder” include a peaceful sit-down demonstration that attracts a large group of sympathizers and which after a week startsto impede the flow of traffic and interfere with local business activities.The government closely monitored political gatherings regardless of the number of personspresent.Spontaneous public gatherings or demonstrations were virtually unknown.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONMost associations, societies, clubs, religious groups, and other organizations with more than10 members are required to register with the government under the Societies Act. Thegovernment could deny registration to groups it believed were formed for unlawful purposesor for purposes prejudicial to public peace, welfare, or public order. The majority of
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applications in recent years were approved. The government has absolute discretion inapplying criteria to register or dissolve societies.The government prohibits organized political activities except by groups registered as politicalparties or political associations. These may not receive foreign donations but may receivefunds from citizens and locally controlled entities. The ruling PAP was able to use nonpoliticalorganizations, such as residential committees and neighborhood groups, for politicalpurposes far more extensively than could opposition parties. Due to laws regulating theformation of publicly active organizations, there were few nongovernmental organizations(NGOs) apart from nonpolitical organizations, such as religious or environmental groups.In April the Accounting and Corporate Regulatory Authority (ACRA) declined to register OSEAPte. Ltd., a local branch of a UK-based company that provides training and other support tojournalists, as well as editorial services to a website called New Naratif. New Naratif’s directorPJ Thum and editor-in-chief Kirsten Han organize “democracy workshops” and are consideredcritical of the government. New Naratif also has subscribers not based in the country. ACRAexplained that registration of OSEA would be contrary to national interests, as OSEA’spurposes were “clearly political in nature” and its parent company had received a 75,000 SGD($54,700) grant from a foreign charitable foundation. In September Minister of Finance HengSwee Keat rejected an appeal against ACRA’s decision.SlovakiaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these rights.SloveniaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
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B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, andthe government generally respected these rights.Solomon IslansSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these rights. Demonstrators must obtain permits, which thegovernment generally granted.SomaliaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe federal provisional constitution provides for freedom of peaceful assembly, but thegovernment limited this right. A general lack of security effectively limited this right as well.The federal Ministry of Internal Security continued to require its approval for all publicgatherings, citing security concerns, such as the risk of attack by al-Shabaab suicide bombers.In May Somaliland authorities in the Sool region arrested 57 demonstrators for staging aprotest in support of Somali unity, including some in support of Puntland. All thedemonstrators were later released.Al-Shabaab did not allow any gatherings without its prior consent.
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FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe provisional federal constitution provides for freedom of association, but governmentofficials harassed NGO workers. There were also reports that regional authorities restrictedfreedom of association. Al-Shabaab did not allow most international NGOs to operate.Persons in the southern and central regions outside of al-Shabaab-controlled areas couldfreely join civil society organizations focusing on a wide range of problems. Citizens generallyrespected civil society organizations for their ability to deliver social services in the absence offunctioning government ministries.Regional administrations took steps to control or gain benefit from humanitarianorganizations, including by imposing duplicative registration requirements at different levelsof government; attempting to control humanitarian organization contracting, procurement,and staffing; and using opaque and vague taxation.South AfricaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution and law provide for freedom of assembly, and the government generallyrespected this right. According to SAPS, from April 2017 through March there were 11,058peaceful protests and an additional 3,583 demonstrations that turned violent. Protest actionwas most common in Gauteng, North West, Western Cape, and KwaZulu-Natal Provinces.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the right of association, and the government generallyrespected this right.
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South SudanSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe government generally respected freedom of peaceful assembly but restricted freedom ofassociation.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe transitional constitution provides for freedom of peaceful assembly, and the governmentgenerally respected this right, but many citizens did not gather due to fear of targetedviolence. Security officials lacked nonviolent crowd control capabilities and at times fired liveammunition into the air to disperse crowds.In February security officials disrupted and dispersed a meeting of the South Sudan CivilSociety Forum, which had met to discuss the peace process.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe transitional constitution provides for freedom of association, but the government did notrespect this right for those suspected of associating with or having sympathies for oppositionfigures (see section 1.g.). Some civil society leaders interpreted the 2012 Political Parties Act asan attempt to suppress opposition to the SPLM (see section 3).A law passed in 2016 strictly regulating the activity and operations of civil society was widelyenforced throughout the year. The law focused particularly on NGOs working in thegovernance, anticorruption, and human rights fields, and it imposed a range of legal barriersincluding limitations on the types of activities in whichorganizations can engage, onerousregistration requirements, and heavy fines for noncompliance. Human rights groups and civilsociety representatives reported NSS officials continued surveillance and threats against civilsociety organizations.S&ain
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Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the freedom of peaceful assembly, and the government generallyrespected this right. The law provides for fines of up to 600 euros ($690) for failing to notifyauthorities about peaceful demonstrations in public areas, up to 30,000 euros ($34,500) forprotests resulting in “serious disturbances of public safety” near parliament and regionalgovernment buildings, and up to 600,000 euros ($690,000) for unauthorized protests near keyinfrastructure. By law any protestors who refuse to disperse upon police request may befined.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedom of association, and the governmentgenerally respected it.Sri LankaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, but the governmentrestricted these rights in a limited number of cases.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe law provides for freedom of peaceful assembly, and the government generally respectedthis right. The constitution stipulates that the freedom of assembly may be restricted in theinterest of religious harmony, national security, public order, or the protection of public healthor morality. It also may be restricted in the interest of securing due recognition and respectfor the rights and freedoms of others, or in the interest of meeting the just requirements ofthe general welfare of a democratic society. Under Police Ordinance Article 77(1), protestersmust seek permission from the local police before holding a protest.
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FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for freedom of association but limits the right, for example, by criminalizingassociation with or membership in banned organizations. Christian groups and churchesreported some authorities classified worship activities as “unauthorized gatherings” andpressured them to end these activities. According to the groups, authorities sometimesjustified their actions stating the groups were not registered with the government, althoughno law or regulation specifically requires such registration.SudanSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, but the governmentrestricted these rights.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYAlthough the Interim National Constitution and law provide for freedom of peaceful assembly,the government severely restricted this right. The criminal code makes gatherings of morethan five persons without a permit illegal. Organizers must notify the government 36 hoursprior to assemblies and rallies.On March 9, a Public Order Court convicted 12 youths of gross indecency, committing anindecent or immoral act, and alcohol and drug consumption. The individuals were arrested atBurri Beach in Khartoum and accused of belonging to a sunworshipping cult, after they hadbrought mattresses to sleep on the beach with the intention, reportedly, of waking early towatch the sunrise and then slaughter a sheep.The government continued to deny permission to Islamic orders associated with oppositionpolitical parties, particularly the Ansar (Umma Party) and the Khatmiya (Democratic UnionistParty), to hold large gatherings in public spaces, but parties regularly held opposition rallieson private property. Government security agents occasionally attended opposition meetings,
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disrupted opposition rallies, or summoned participants to security headquarters forquestioning after meetings. Opposition political parties claim they were almost never grantedofficial permits to hold meetings, rallys, or peaceful demonstrations. Security forces used teargas and other heavy-handed tactics against largely peaceful protests at universities orinvolving university students. NISS and police forces regularly arrested Darfuri students atvarious universities for publicly addressing civilians).FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe Interim National Constitution and law provide for freedom of association, but thegovernment severely restricted this right. The law prohibits political parties linked to armedopposition groups. The government closed civil society organizations or refused to registerthem on several occasions.Government and security forces continued arbitrarily to enforce legal provisionsthat strictlyregulate an organization’s ability to receive foreign financing and register public activities. Thegovernment maintained its policy of “Sudanization” of international NGOs. Manyorganizations reported they faced administrative difficulties if they refused to haveprogovernment groups implement their programs at the state level.SurinameSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected these rights.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYIn contrast with 2017, there were no violations of the freedom to peaceful assembly duringthe year.
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SwedenSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these rights.SwitzerlandSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these rights.S/riaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe government limited freedoms of peaceful assembly and association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution provides for the freedom of peaceful assembly, but the law grants thegovernment broad powers to restrict this freedom.The Ministry of Interior requires permission for demonstrations or any public gathering ofmore than three persons. As a rule, the ministry authorized only demonstrations by the
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government, affiliated groups, or the Baath Party, orchestrating them on numerousoccasions.According to allegations by Kurdish activists and press reporting, the PYD and the YPGsometimes suppressed freedom of assembly in areas under their control. During the year,however, hundreds of Christians and Assyrians peacefully protested against PYD policy toclose private religious schools that teach the Syrian regime’s curriculum. Kurdish securityforces fired weapons into the air but reportedly did not otherwise engage the protesters.Similar protests in Hasaka against forcible recruitment also appear to have occurred withoutserious incident.During the year multiple media outlets reported that HTS loosened restrictions on civil societyactivity, including protests, due to popular pressure for engagement to oppose an expectedassault by government and progovernment forces on the Idlib Governorate. This approachwas manifested in September, when substantial numbers protested against President Assadand the government in opposition- and HTS-held areas of Idlib and Hama.The COI reported that residents who previously resided in ISIS-controlled Raqqa noted severerestrictions on assembly while under ISIS rule, but ISIS territories contracted considerablyduring the year.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedom of association, but the law grants the governmentlatitude to restrict this freedom. The government required prior registration and approval forprivate associations and restricted the activities of associations and their members. Theexecutive boards of professional associations were not independent of the government.The government often denied requests for registration or failed to act on them, reportedly onpolitical grounds. None of the local human rights organizations operated with a license butmany functioned under organizations that had requisite government registration. Thegovernment continued to block the multiyear effort by journalists to register a countrywidemedia association. Despite government efforts, journalists in exile founded the SyrianJournalist Association as an independent democratic professional association in 2012 toempower the role of freedom of the press and expression in Syria.
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The government selectively enforced the 2011 decree allowing the establishment ofindependent political parties, permitting only progovernment groups to form official parties(see section 3). According to local human rights groups, opposition activists declined toorganize parties, fearing the government would use party lists to target opposition members.Under laws that criminalize membership and activity in illegal organizations as determined bythe government, security forces detained hundreds of persons linked to local human rightsgroups and prodemocracy student groups. The thousands of death notices released by thegovernment during the year shed light on this practice. For example, the Atlantic describedthe fates of many of the young protest organizers, civil society leaders, and local coordinationcommittee members forcibly disappeared by the government in 2011. These included Yahyaand Ma’an Shurbaji; both had been missing since 2011 and were now listed as having died ingovernment detention in 2013. The government also searched these individuals’ personal andsocial media contacts for further potential targets.HTS restricted the activities of organizations it deemed incompatible with its interpretation ofIslam. For example, in its March report, the COI describes how in 2015 the HTS predecessorJabhat al-Nusra group burned a women’s organization in Idlib, stole the organizer’s car, anddetained the organizer for a short period. In 2017 the March COI report noted that HTSprevented NGOs in Idlib from conducting meetings with mixed participants so a number ofNGOs began holding meetings via remote presence.According to previous media reports and reports from former residents of ISIS-controlledareas, ISIS did not permit the existence of associations that opposed the structures or policiesof the “caliphate.”TaiwanSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these rights.
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In March the High Court upheld the 2017 dismissal of charges against 22 protesters who ledthe occupation of the Legislative Yuan during the 2014 Sunflower Student Movement. Thelower court judge said the protesters’ actions met the criteria for civil disobedience.TajikistanSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe government limited freedoms of peaceful assembly and association throughrequirements to obtain permission from local governments and through frequent inspectionsby various government agencies.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution provides the right to freedom of peaceful assembly, but the governmentrequired that individuals obtain permission from the government to stage publicdemonstrations. Individuals considering the staging of peaceful protests reportedly chose notto do so for fear of government reprisal.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution protects freedom of association, but the government restricted this right. Asin the previous year, civil society organizations reported a noticeable increase in the numberand intensity of registration and tax inspections by authorities. The government continued toenforce the ban on activities held under the banner of the IRPT. As a result of a 2016constitutional referendum, nonsecular political parties became illegal.Tan0aniaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
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B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe government restricted freedom of peaceful assembly and association, including throughbans decreed by authorities but not supported by law. The government requires organizers ofrallies to obtain police permission. Police may deny permission on public safety or securitygrounds or if the permit seeker belongs to an unregistered organization or political party. Thegovernment and police continued to limit the issuance of permits for public demonstrationsand assemblies to political parties, NGOs, and religious organizations. The only politicalmeetings allowed in principle are by MPs in their constituencies; outside participants,including party leaders, are not permitted to participate. Restrictions are also applied tononpolitical gatherings deemed critical of the government.In August police arrested members of an opposition coalition for holding a public rally inTurwa Buyungi ward in advance of by-elections. During a June speech at the State House, thepresident declared the opposition should confine its political opinions to appropriateplatforms, such as parliament, until the next elections in 2020.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for freedom of association, and the government generallyrespected this right. Thousands of NGOs and societies operated in the country. Politicalparties were required to register and meet membership and other requirements. Freedom ofassociation for workers was limited (see section 7.a.).The registration process for associations outside Zanzibar was slow. The law makes adistinction between NGOs and societies and applies different registration procedures to thetwo. It defines a society as any club, company, partnership, or association of 10 or morepersons, regardless of its purpose, and notes specific categories of organizations notconsidered societies, such as political parties. The law defines NGOs to include organizationswhose purpose is to promote economic, environmental, social, or cultural development;protect the environment; or lobby or advocate on issues of public interest. Societies andorganizations may not operate until authorities approve their applications. In August thegovernment began a verification exercise that required all NGOs to reregister. Registration ofnew NGOs was suspended until December 1.Religious organizations are registered as societies and wait the longest–an average of fouryears–for registration. From July 2017 to March, the Registrar of Societies received 252
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registration applications, 74 of which came from religious institutions. The registrar registered136 organizations and rejected five applications; 111 applications remained unprocessed. Thegovernment rarely registered societies within the legally required 14-day period.NGOs in Zanzibar apply for registration with the Zanzibar Business and Property RegistrationAgency. While registration generally took several weeks, some NGOs waited months if theregistrar determined additional research was needed.ThailandSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe government restricted freedoms of peaceful assembly and association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe 2017 constitution grants the freedom to assemble peacefully, subject to restrictionsenacted to “protect public interest, peace and order, or good morals, or to protect the rightsand liberties of others.” Nonetheless, NCPO orders, invoked under authority of Article 44 ofthe interim constitution and extended under the constitution, continued to prohibit politicalgatherings of five or more persons and penalize persons supporting any political gatherings.According to a human rights advocacy group, the NCPO has moved away from disruptingpublic events, opting instead to charge event leaders and participants for violating NCPOorders and laws prohibiting gatherings and political activities. In September, the ForeignCorrespondents’ Club of Thailand announced police had ordered the club to cancel ascheduled panel discussion entitled “Will Myanmar’s Generals Ever Face Justice forInternational Crimes.” The club issued a statement noting this was the sixth event canceled bypolice order at the club since the 2014 coup.In May police arrested 15 leaders and activists from the “We Want Elections” group fororganizing a demonstration to commemorate the fourth anniversary of the 2014 coup. The
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group members were charged with sedition and violating the NCPO’s ban on politicalgatherings of five or more persons.Surat Thani, Phuket, and Phang Nga Provinces have regulations that prohibit migrantworkers–specifically persons from Cambodia, Burma, and Laos–from gathering in groups,while Samut Sakhon Province prohibits migrant gatherings of more than five persons.Authorities did not enforce these provisions strictly, particularly for gatherings on privateproperty. Employers and NGOs may request permission from authorities for migrant workersto hold cultural gatherings.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe 2017 constitution grants individuals the right to free association subject to restrictions bylaw enacted to “protect public interest, peace and order, or good morals.”The law prohibits the registration of a political party with the same name or logo as a legallydissolved party.The BahamasSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these rights.The GambiaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION
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The law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected these rights.Timor-LesteSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these rights.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution provides for “freedom to assemble peacefully and without weapons, withouta need for prior authorization.” The law establishes guidelines on obtaining permits to holddemonstrations, requires police be notified five days in advance of any demonstration orstrike, and establishes setback requirements at some buildings. The power to grant or denypermits is vested only in the PNTL.TogoSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, andthe government did not consistently respected these rights.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution and law provide for the freedom of peaceful assembly, and the governmentgenerally respected this right. Organizers of demonstrations must obtain permission from the
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Ministry of Territorial Affairs, which may prescribe the route marchers may take. InSeptember 2017 the government implemented a ban on public demonstrations in the citiesof Sokode, Bafilo, and Mango, citing a risk of violence. The ban continued during the year.For example, citing a law prohibiting the disruption of political campaigns, during the twoweeks prior to the December 20 parliamentary elections, the government banned allgatherings and demonstrations of political parties promoting a boycott of the elections.TongaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected these rights.Trinidad and TobagoSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected these rights.TunisiaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION
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The law provides for the rights of freedom of peaceful assembly and association, but thegovernment did not always respect the right of association. The state of emergency law grantsthe government the right to limit the right of assembly, although the government rarelyapplied this law during the year. On July 27, parliament adopted a law mandating theestablishment of a more comprehensive business registration system, with the aim to combatterrorism finance and money laundering that also included requirements for nonprofitassociations to submit financial data to a newly created registry. This National Center for theRegistry of Institutions would be responsible for collecting and maintaining the financial andadministrative data of all “economic actors,” including nonprofit associations. Severalprominent civil society organizations (CSOs) issued a public statement contending that thisregistry would duplicate existing requirements, place an undue burden on CSOs, andpotentially threaten freedom of association. The government contends that the law does notprevent either the registration or the operations of CSOs.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe law provides for the freedom of peaceful assembly, and the government generallyrespected these rights.In January the government authorized civil society groups throughout the country to organizepeaceful protests against the new budget law as well as price increases and subsidy cuts.Media reported that authorities detained some of the organizers of the social movement#Fech_Nestanew (What Are We Waiting For) on charges including graffiti, destruction ofproperty, and “inciting riots” through the distribution of flyers calling for more protests. Allwere subsequently released without charge, according to human rights groups. With thisnotable exception, human rights groups reported that the police respected the protesters’rights to peaceful assembly.In several cities, these peaceful social movements gave way to instances of opportunisticcrime, including episodes of vandalism and looting masquerading as protests that led tosmall-scale clashes with security forces. On January 13, the Ministry of Interior stated thatauthorities arrested more than 930 individuals for criminal charges that the ministry reportedwere unrelated to the legitimate and authorized protest movements; many of theseindividuals were subsequently released. The ministry also reported that more than 50 policeofficers were injured during the protests and one civilian died of asphyxiation as a result of anasthma attack prompted by the tear gas used by police to clear protesters.
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Subsequent social movements, including several large protests in downtown Tunis during thesummer, took place without major incidents or reports of interference by security forces. Inseveral smaller protests throughout southern Tunisia to demand greater economicdevelopment, security forces responded proportionately to violent incidents using riot controltechniques and tear gas to disperse crowds that had blocked access to border posts.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the right of freedom of association, but the government did not alwaysrespect it. A 2011 law on associations eliminated penalties in the previous law, as well as theprohibition on belonging to, or serving in, an unrecognized or dissolved association. The laweased the registration procedure, making it more difficult for government entities to hinder ordelay registration. According to the 2011 law, only the judiciary has the authority to suspendor dissolve an association. Several independent monitoring organizations asserted, however,that the government delayed registration of associations through unnecessary bureaucratichurdles, at times for political reasons, a practice counter to the law.TurkeySection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe government restricted the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYAlthough the constitution provides for freedom of assembly, the law provides several groundsfor the government to limit that right. The law stipulates penalties for protesters convicted ofcarrying items that might be construed as weapons, prohibits the use of symbols linked toillegal organizations (including chanting slogans), and criminalizes covering one’s face during aprotest. The law permits police to use tinted water in water cannons, potentially to tagprotesters for later identification and prosecution. The law also allows police to take personsinto “protective custody” without a prosecutor’s authorization if there is reasonable suspicionthat they are a threat to themselves or to public order. The state of emergency and
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subsequent antiterror law gave governorates enhanced authority to ban protests and publicgatherings, a ban widely enacted during the year.The government regarded many demonstrations as security threats to the state, deployinglarge numbers of riot police to control crowds, sometimes using excessive force. At times thegovernment used its authority to detain persons before protests were held on the premisethat they might cause civil disruption.Throughout the year at the hearings of detained former HDP co-chair Demirtas, the Ankaragovernorate or court security personnel banned gatherings, marches, and sit-in protestsoutside the court. Domestic and international observers were also banned from observing thetrial hearings.The government also selectively restricted meetings to designated sites or dates, particularlylimiting access to Istanbul’s Taksim Square and Ankara’s Kizilay Square, and set up roadblocksto prevent protesters from gathering there. Although police removed barriers around thehuman rights monument in Ankara’s Kizilay Square in July, a mobile police presenceremained. The government banned many demonstrations outright if they touched onsensitive subjects.On August 25, Istanbul police began preventing the vigil of the Saturday Mothers–a groupwho since the 1990s had gathered to commemorate the disappearances of relatives followingtheir detention by Turkish security forces in the 1980s and 1990s and call for accountability.Interior Minister Suleyman Soylu said the group was exploiting the concept of motherhood tomask support for terrorism.In January police prevented HDP lawmaker Ziya Pir, Democratic Regions Party (DBP) co-chairMehmet Arslan, Democratic Society Congress (DTK) co-chair Leyla Birlik, and other partymembers from holding a press conference opposing Operation Olive Branch in front of theHDP Diyarbakir provincial headquarters.Security forces at times responded with excessive force to protests, resulting in injuries,detentions, and arrests. The government generally supported security forces’ actions. TheHRA and HRFT jointly reported that, in the first 11 months of the year, police intervened in 785demonstrations, detaining 3,697 people and arresting 118 individuals. Year-end figures forthose injured in clashes with authorities during demonstrations were not available. Humanrights NGOs asserted that the government’s failure to delineate clearly in the law thecircumstances that justify the use of force contributed to disproportionate use of force during
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protests. On June 27, for example, police in Ankara broke a facial bone of a protester inAnkara while detaining her.On May 1 (Labor Day), authorities restricted rallies in parts of Istanbul and other cities if theywere not government sanctioned. In Istanbul, 50 persons participating in the celebrationswere detained while authorities closed Taksim Square, the traditional venue for thecelebrations. Police roughly arrested protesters who sought to defy the ban ondemonstrations by marching towards the square.On April 25, Istanbul police briefly detained three human rights activists for using the word“genocide” in their statements and on their banners in an April 24 Armenian RemembranceDay commemoration organized by the HRA in Istanbul’s Sultanahmet Square. Policereportedly told the organizers that the term “genocide” was not permitted, and they did notallow the ceremony to be held.Pro-Kurdish demonstrations of many kinds faced violent police responses throughout theyear. For example, police tear gassed and sprayed pressurized water at supporters of the pro-Kurdish HDP celebrating the party’s elections performance in June after the demonstratorsbegan throwing stones at police vehicles.Local authorities issued indefinite bans on LGBTI events in several parts of the country,including for film festivals and other public activities in Ankara and parts of Istanbul. Adana’sgovernor banned a planned LGBTI pride march in June, and Ankara’s governor extended aban on LGBTI events through the end of October 2019.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONWhile the law provides for freedom of association, the government continued to restrict thisright during the year. Under the state of emergency and using provisions of the antiterror law,the government shut down associations and foundations for alleged threats to nationalsecurity. The government did not release data on the number of NGOs it closed during theyear. According to the HRJP, the government closed nearly 1,500 nongovernmentalassociations or foundations for alleged threats to national security. Other NGOs reporteddifferent statistics, based on different data collection methods. Observers widely reportedthat the appeals process for institutions seeking redress was opaque and ineffective (seesection 1.e.).
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By law, persons organizing an association do not need to notify authorities beforehand, butan association must provide notification before interacting with international organizations orreceiving financial support from abroad and must provide detailed documents on suchactivities. Representatives of associations stated this requirement placed an undue burden ontheir operations. Human rights and civil society organizations, groups promoting LGBTI rights,and women’s groups in particular complained that the government used regular and detailedaudits to create administrative burdens and to intimidate them through the threat of largefines. Bar association representatives reported that police sometimes attended civil societyorganizational meetings and recorded them, interpreting it as a means of intimidation.In January authorities detained at least 25 members of the conservative Furkan Foundationand closed all of its branches in Adana in connection with the group’s criticism of OperationOlive Branch. In July 2017 authorities detained eight leading human rights activists, includingAmnesty International’s Turkey director, and two foreign trainers during a workshop on digitalsecurity and stress management that President Erdogan claimed was a “continuation” of the2016 failed coup attempt. Most were charged with supporting a terrorist organization. Allwere released from pretrial detention in October 2017, but those arrested still faced chargesand prison time at year’s end.TurkmenistanSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution and law provide for freedom of assembly, but the government restricted thisright. During the year authorities neither granted the required permits for public meetingsand demonstrations nor allowed unregistered organizations to hold demonstrations.According to Forum 18, in some instances police raided homes where members of religiousgroups were meeting and detained participants.Unregistered religious groups were not allowed to meet, according to the country’s religionlaw adopted in 2016.
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FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONAlthough the constitution and law provide for freedom of association, the governmentrestricted this right. The law requires all NGOs to register with the Ministry of Justice and allforeign assistance to be coordinated through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. UnregisteredNGO activity is punishable by a fine, short-term detention, and confiscation of property. Thelaw requires all religious groups to register with the Ministry of Justice and sets out a scheduleof fines for religious activity conducted by unregistered groups.Of the estimated 120 registered NGOs, international organizations recognized only a few asindependent. NGOs reported the government presented a number of administrativeobstacles to NGOs that attempted to register. Authorities reportedly rejected someapplications repeatedly on technical grounds. Some organizations awaiting registration foundalternate ways to carry out activities, such as registering as businesses or subsidiaries of otherregistered groups, but others temporarily suspended or limited their activities. Although thelaw states there is a process for registering foreign assistance, NGOs had difficulty registeringbilateral foreign assistance in practice due to the 2013 decree requiring such registration.Sources noted a number of barriers to the formation and functioning of civil society. Theseincluded regulations that permitted the Ministry of Justice to send representatives toassociation events and meetings and requirements that associations notify the governmentabout their planned activities.In February 2017 the official government newspaper Neytral’nyy Turkmenistan published thechanges and new amendments to the Law on Public Associations. Specifically, the law doesnot exempt religious organizations, nonprofit associations, and political parties; founders ofpublic associations have to be Turkmen citizens; the law denies public associations the right torepresent and protect the rights of other citizens, including the right to participate inelections; and public associations can be sponsored only by legal entities, including foreignnonprofit organizations.TuvaluSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION
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Although the law provides for freedom of peaceful assembly, the government allowed islandchiefs to place restrictions on it.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe law provides for freedom of peaceful assembly; however, the government allows islandchiefs to place restrictions on assembly for public worship (see section 2.c.).UgandaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe government restricted freedoms of peaceful assembly and association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYWhile the constitution provides for freedom of assembly, the government did not respect thisright. The government continued to use the Public Order Management Act to limit the right toassemble and disrupted opposition and civil society-led public meetings and rallies. The actalso placed a significant bureaucratic burden on those wishing to organize or host gatheringsand afforded the UPF wide discretion to prevent an event by refusing to approve it, or, morecommonly, by not responding to the permission request, which then created a legaljustification for disrupting almost any gathering.According to local media, the UPF on July 11 fired teargas and live bullets to disperse a crowdof youth who were marching in Kampala to protest the government’s imposition of a 1-percent tax on all mobile money transactions. The police arrested three protesters and thestate charged them in court on July 16 with holding an unlawful assembly. The court releasedthe three on bail on July 23 and the trial continued at year’s end. On July 18, the UPFquestioned MP Kyagulanyi, who had led the protest, and released him on police bond.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION
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While the constitution and law provide for freedom of association, the government did notrespect this right. The government restricted the operations of local nongovernmentalorganizations (NGOs), especially those that work on civil and political rights (see section 5).Government regulations enacted in 2017 require NGOs to disclose sources of funding andpersonal information about their employees and impose onerous registration and reportingrequirements. Government regulations enable the NGO Bureau and its local level structuresto deny registration to any organization focused on issues deemed to be “undesirable” or“prejudicial” to the “dignity of the people of Uganda.” The regulations also provide the NGOBureau broad powers to inspect NGO offices and records and to suspend their activitieswithout due process. The regulations increased registration fees for local NGOs from 20,000shillings ($5.33) to 100,000 ($26.67), and annual permit renewal fees from 20,000 shillings($5.33) to 60,000 shillings ($16), respectively. They also introduced new fees, including for theNGO Bureau to review permit applications (60,000 shillings, or $16) and for NGOs to fileannual reports (50,000 shillings, or $13.33). On July 24, local media reported that the ministerfor internal affairs had instructed the bureau “to tighten accountability oversight” over NGOsto ensure they used their funds for the approved purpose. The bureau in turn vowed “to crackthe whip” on NGOs deemed noncompliant. Local media reported that the minister had voicedsuspicion that NGOs used foreign funds to support dissent.The government also restricted the operations of opposition political parties (see section 3).UkraineSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and thegovernment generally respected these rights.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution provides for the freedom of peaceful assembly, and the governmentgenerally respected this right. There are no laws, however, regulating the process oforganizing and conducting events to provide for the right, and authorities have wide
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discretion under a Soviet-era directive to grant or refuse permission for assemblies ongrounds of protecting public order and safety. Organizers are required to inform authoritiesin advance of plans for protests or demonstrations.During the year citizens generally exercised the right to assemble peacefully withoutrestriction in areas of the country under government control. There were reports, however,that police at times used excessive force when dispersing protests. For example, on March 3,police destroyed a protest tent camp that had been set up near the parliament in October2017. Police allegedly beat protesters and used tear gas against journalists. Nineteen personssustained injuries (10 had head injuries and nine other types of physical injuries), includingjournalists from Radio Liberty, Hromadske TV, and the Insider news outlet. The journalistsreported deliberate attacks by police despite the fact that they had clearly identifiedthemselves as members of the press. According to the chief of the Kyiv police, investigatorsand police were lawfully investigating criminal acts in connection with protester attempts toseize the International Center for Culture and Arts in Kyiv in December 2017 and clashes atthe parliament on February 27. Police initiated two criminal investigations on possible use ofexcessive force by officers and interference by police in the work of journalists who wereattempting to record the event. The investigation continued as of December.While the main 2018 Pride March in Kyiv was protected by thousands of police, police at timesdid not adequately protect smaller demonstrations, especially those organized by personsbelonging to minority groups or opposition political movements. Events organized bywomen’s rights activists or the LGBTI community were regularly disrupted by members ofnationalist hate groups. On March 8, members of right-wing groups attacked participants inpublic events in Uzhhorod, Lviv, and Kyiv aimed at raising awareness of women’s rights andgender-based and domestic violence. Police launched investigations of the incidents. Policebriefly detained attackers but no charges were filed.In Russia-controlled territory, the HRMMU noted an absence of demonstrations because“people are concerned that they may be ‘arrested’ if they organize protests or assembliesagainst the policies” of Russia-led forces. The HRMMU also noted the only demonstrationspermitted in these areas were ones in support of local “authorities,” often apparentlyorganized by Russia-led forces, with forced public participation.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION
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The constitution and law provide for freedom of association, and the government generallyrespected this right.Human rights groups and international organizations continued to criticize sharply a lawsigned by the president in March 2017 that introduced vague and burdensome asset-reporting requirements for civil society organizations and journalists working onanticorruption matters. The law was widely seen as an intimidation and a revenge measureagainst the country’s anticorruption watchdogs, which had successfully pushed for increasedfinancial transparency for government officials. Heads and members of the boards ofanticorruption NGOs had to submit their asset declarations by April 1. Observers continued toexpress concern that these asset declarations have the potential to endanger the staff ofNGOs working on human rights and anticorruption, particularly if they work on issues relatedto Russian-occupied Crimea or areas of the Donbas controlled by Russia-led forces.Human rights organizations reported a growing number of unsolved attacks on members ofcivil society organizations, which they believed created a climate of impunity. A September 26joint statement by several dozen Ukrainian civic organizations stated that there had beenmore than 50 such attacks in the previous 12 months and accused the government of failingto investigate these crimes properly.There were reports of incidents in which observers alleged that the government targetedactivists for prosecution in retaliation for their professional activity. For example, severalmajor human rights groups expressed concern about the government’s prosecution of VitaliyShabunin, head of the anticorruption NGO AntAC, which they alleged was selective andpolitically motivated. On January 15, authorities charged Shabunin with allegedly inflictingbodily harm on a journalist, a charge that carries a heavier penalty than the crime of inflictingintentional moderate bodily harm with which he had previously been charged in 2017. Bothcharges stemmed from an incident in June 2017 in which Shabunin allegedly punchedVsevolod Filimonenko, a supposed journalist who had reportedly harassed one of Shabunin’scolleagues. Human rights groups noted that video footage of the events suggested thatFilimonenko may have been sent by the country’s security services to provoke a conflict withShabunin and that the resources and vigor the government applied to prosecuting Shabuninfar exceeded their usual approach to prosecuting attacks on journalists, including attackswhere the resultant injuries were much more grave.According to the HRMMU, in the territories controlled by Russia-led forces, domestic andinternational civil society organizations, including human rights defenders, could not operate
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freely. Residents informed the HRMMU they were being prosecuted (or feared beingprosecuted) by the “ministry of state security” for their pro-Ukrainian views or previousaffiliation with Ukrainian NGOs. If human rights groups attempted to work in those areas,they faced significant harassment and intimidation. The HRMMU also noted an increase incivil society organizations run by Russia-led forces, which appeared to require certainpersons, such as public-sector employees, to join.Ukraine (Crimea)Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYSee the Country Reports on Human Rights for Russia for a description of the relevant Russianlaws and procedures that the Russian government applied and enforced in occupied Crimea.Individuals opposing the occupation reported widespread harassment and intimidation byoccupation authorities to suppress their ability to assemble peacefully. For example, the pressreported on October 11 that authorities in Armyansk had issued a warning to a local resident,Yekaterina Pivovar, not to violate laws governing public protests. Pivovar had allegedly beenplanning to organize a group of local mothers to assemble outside city hall to demand ameeting with local officials. The mothers were concerned about the impact of toxic sulfurdioxide gas being released since late August from a nearby titanium plant on the health oftheir children.A 2017 regulation limits the places in Crimea where public events may be held to 366 listedlocations. The HRMMU noted that the “regulation” restricted freedom of assembly to ashrinking number of “specially designated spaces,” an unnecessary move that appeared“designed to dissuade the exercise of the right of freedom of assembly.”Authorities fined individuals for conducting single-person pickets, the only type of protest thatis supposed to be permitted without official permission under the legal system that Russiahas imposed on occupied Crimea. According to the HRMMU, between December 2017 and
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March, occupation “courts” fined 80 Muslim men, who had conducted single-person pickets inOctober 2017 to protest the arrests of other Muslim men, mostly Crimean Tatars, for allegedmembership in terrorist or extremist organizations.There were reports of occupation authorities using coercive methods to provide forparticipation at rallies in support of the “government.” Students, teachers and civil servantswere forced to attend a commemoration event on the day of deportation of the CrimeanTatars organized by Crimean-occupation authorities in Simferopol on May 18.There were reports that occupation authorities charged and fined individuals for allegedlyviolating public assembly rules in retaliation for gathering to witness security force raids onhomes.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONSee the Country Reports on Human Rights for Russia for a description of the relevant Russianlaws and procedures that the Russian government applied and enforced in occupied Crimea.Occupation authorities broadly restricted freedom of association for individuals that opposedthe occupation. For example, there were numerous reports of authorities taking steps toharass, intimidate, arrest, and imprison members of the human rights group CrimeanSolidarity, an unregistered movement of friends and family of victims of repression byoccupation authorities. Two of the group’s leaders, Emir-Usain Kuku and Server Mustafayev,remained in pretrial detention as of November on charges of allegedly belonging to theIslamic organization Hizb ut-Tahrir. Human rights monitors believed the cases against bothmen to be politically motivated and without basis. On January 27, law enforcement officers inSudak disrupted a Crimean Solidarity civic group meeting attended by 150 persons. Lawenforcement officers allegedly searched for drugs and weapons and questioned andphotographed participants at the gathering. On October 27, in Simferopol, officials from the“prosecutor general’s office” accompanied by a contingent of armed men in masks anduniformed police raided another Crimean Solidarity meeting. The officials issued formalwarnings to three members of the group, whom authorities claimed were poised to violate“counterterrorism and counterextremism” legislation by purportedly planning to hold a seriesof single-person pickets. On October 28, occupation authorities blocked the group’s website.The Mejlis of the Crimean Tatar people remained banned for purported “extremism” despitean order by the International ?ourt of Justice requiring that Russian authorities “refrain from
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maintaining or imposing limitations on the ability of the Crimean Tatar community toconserve its representative institutions, including the Mejlis.” On October 29, occupationauthorities announced plans to “nationalize” the Mejlis building in Simferopol, which they hadseized in 2014, by transferring it to a Muslim organization that supported the occupation.Following the 2016 ban on the Crimean Tatar Mejlis as an “extremist organization,” occupationauthorities banned gatherings by Mejlis members and prosecuted individuals for discussingthe Mejlis on social media (see section 6).United Arab Emirate)Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of assembly and association, but the governmentdid not always respect these rights.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe law provides limited freedom of assembly and the government imposed restrictions.The law requires a government-issued permit for organized public gatherings. Authoritiesdispersed impromptu protests such as labor strikes and at times arrested participants. Whilethere was no uniform standard for the number of persons who could gather without apermit, civil society representatives in the past have reported authorities could ask groups offour or more to disperse if they did not have a permit. The government did not interfereroutinely with informal, nonpolitical gatherings held without a government permit in publicplaces unless there were complaints. The government generally permitted political gatheringsthat supported its policies. Hotels, citing government regulations, sometimes deniedpermission for groups such as unregistered religious organizations to rent space for meetingsor religious services.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe law provides limited freedom of association. The government imposed some restrictions.
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Political organizations, political parties, and trade unions are illegal. All associations and NGOsare required to register with the Ministry of Community Development (formerly Social Affairs),and many that did received government subsidies. Domestic NGOs registered with theministry were mostly citizens’ associations for economic, religious, social, cultural, athletic, andother purposes. Registration rules require that all voting organizational members, as well asboards of directors, must be local citizens. This requirement excluded almost 90 percent ofthe population from fully participating in such organizations. In Dubai volunteer organizationswere required to register with the Community Development Authority (CDA) and wererequired to obtain approval from the CDA before conducting fundraising activities.Associations must follow the government’s censorship guidelines and receive priorgovernment approval before publishing any material. In Abu Dhabi exhibitions, conferences,and meetings require a permit from the Tourism and Culture Authority. To obtain a permit,the event organizer must submit identification documents for speakers along with speakertopics. The government denied permits if it did not approve of the topic or speaker. If theevent or speaker continued without an approved permit, the government imposed fines.United KindomSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:A. FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION, INCLUDING FOR THE PRESSThe law provides for freedom of expression, including for the press, and the governmentroutinely respected these rights. An independent press, an effective judiciary, and afunctioning democratic political system combined to promote freedom of expression,including for the press.Freedom of Expression: The law prohibits expressions of hatred toward persons because oftheir color, race, nationality (including citizenship), ethnic or national origin, religion, or sexualorientation as well as any communication that is threatening or abusive and is intended toharass, alarm, or distress a person. The penalties for such expressions include fines,imprisonment, or both.Press and Media Freedom: The law’s restrictions on expressions of hatred apply to the printand broadcast media. In Bermuda the law prohibits publishing written words that are
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threatening, abusive, or insulting, but only on racial grounds; on other grounds, includingsexual orientation, the law prohibits only discriminatory “notices, signs, symbols, emblems, orother representations.”UruguaySection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected these rights. SERPAJ reported some increased efforts by the governmentto delegitimize social movements. According to SERPAJ, the government’s “antipicketingdecree” had direct consequences on the forms of popular mobilization by limiting protesters’ability to block streets and highways. The government responded that the decree did notaffect the right to strike as defined in the constitution. SERPAJ also claimed that the “essentialservices” decree was being used to stifle protests and union activity. In August the umbrellaunion organization PIT-CNT organized a general strike against the government’s allegedoveruse of the essential services decree.UzbekistanSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONFREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution and law provide for freedom of assembly, but the government oftenrestricted this right. Authorities have the right to suspend or prohibit rallies, meetings, anddemonstrations for security reasons. The government often did not grant the permitsrequired for demonstrations. Authorities subjected citizens to large fines, threats, arbitrarydetention, and abuse for violating procedures for organizing meetings, rallies, and
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demonstrations or for facilitating unsanctioned events by providing space, other facilities, ormaterials. Organizers of “mass events” with the potential for more than 100 participants mustsign agreements with the Ministry of Interior for the provision of security prior to advertisingor holding such an event. This regulation was broadly applied, even to private corporatefunctions.On August 3, the City Court in Chust, near Namangan, sentenced Pastor Alisher and hisassistant Abror, to 10 days of administrative arrest. Judge Bokhodir Kazakov found them andsix other individuals guilty of “illegal religious activity” that was allegedly just a tea party at thepastor’s home. The six other individuals were penalized under the same charges for 999,445sums ($120) each, with payment due immediately. Their cell phones were also confiscated.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONWhile the law provides for freedom of association, the government continued to restrict thisright. While the government released new laws and guidance it stated were intended toencourage the growth of civil society, the government still sought to control NGO activity,internationally funded NGOs, and unregulated Islamic and minority religious groups. Theoperating environment for independent civil society, in particular human right defenders,remained restrictive. Activists reported continuing government control and harassment.On April 21 in Chimbay City, Karakalpakstan, local police raided a birthday party attended by agroup of Christians. The participants were escorted to the local police station and chargedwith holding an “illegal religious meeting,” and released the next morning. On July 13, groupmembers were summoned to the local court by telephone, not by written notification. Thejudge found all of them, except the minors, guilty of engaging in illegal religious activity. Thewomen were ordered to pay penalties of $150-$200 (1,230,000 sum to 1,640,000 sum) eachand the owner of the house to pay $1,000 (8,220,000 sum). The 11 men involved weresentenced to 5 to 7 days of administrative arrest. Eight of the convicted Christians were 18-19years of age, and their parents did not receive any formal notification after their children weresentenced. As a result of international pressure, on July 17, the Supreme Court ofKarakalpakstan vacated the verdicts of the Chimbay court and ordered restitution of personalbelongs to the defendants.The Ministry of Justice, which oversees the registration of NGOs, requires NGOs to obtain theministry’s approval to hold large meetings with nonmembers, including foreigners; to seek the
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ministry’s clearance on any event where materials are to be distributed; and to notify theministry in writing of the content and scope of the events in question.On April 12, the President signed the new Law on Public Control to establish a legalframework for public oversight of the activities of government bodies and governmentofficials. In accordance with the law, citizens, citizens’ self-government bodies, noncommercialorganizations, and mass media have the right to exercise oversight regarding activities ofgovernment bodies and officials.There are legal restrictions on the types of groups that may be formed, and the law requiresthat organizations with an operating budget and funds be registered formally with thegovernment. The law allows for a six-month grace period for new organizations to operatewhile awaiting registration from the Ministry of Justice, during which time the governmentofficially classifies them as “initiative groups.” Several NGOs continued to function as initiativegroups for periods longer than six months.The government issued a number of regulations that affected NGO activity. In May thepresident issued a decree entitled “Measures to Fundamentally Enhance the Role of CivilSociety Institutions in the Process of Democratic Renewal of the Country.” In a separateaction, in June the Ministry of Justice (MoJ) issued an order on the procedure for NGOs toinform the government of their planned activities. According to a summary posted onNorma.uz, starting from June 1, NGOs are no longer required to obtain approval from the MoJin order to conduct events, but they still need to notify the MoJ of plans to conduct publicprograms. The minimum period for informing the ministry of planned activities is 10 daysbefore the start of an event without the participation of foreign citizens, and 20 days beforethe start of event with the participation of foreign citizens. The MoJ only provides NGOs withwritten notice in cases of refusal to conduct the event. On June 27, another order establisheda new form of annual reporting on the NGO activities for submission to the government. InAugust the Ministry of Justice adopted the Regulation on Monitoring and Studying Activities ofNongovernmental Noncommercial Organizations, which establishes a separate procedure onmonitoring and studying NGOs’ activities.International NGOs praised the development of these procedures, stating that they offerednew procedural rules and limitations for the actions of MoJ inspectors; one NGO stated,however, a concern that the latter regulation still provided the authority for the MoJ to auditand harass NGOs. The administrative liability code imposes large fines for violations ofprocedures governing NGO activity as well as for “involving others” in “illegal NGOs”; the law
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does not specify whether the term refers to NGOs suspended or closed by the government ormerely NGOs not officially registered. The administrative code also imposes penalties againstinternational NGOs for engaging in political activities, activities inconsistent with theircharters, or activities the government did not approve in advance.In May the president signed a decree abolishing the so-called banking commission,established in 2004 to regulate or oversee NGO receipt of foreign grants. Beginning onSeptember 1, registered NGOs are allowed to receive grants from domestic and foreigndonors. Receiving organizations must notify the Ministry of Justice of their grants and presenta plan of activities to the ministry that details how the NGO would allocate the funds. If theministry approves, no other government approvals are required. The ministry requires yearlyfinancial reports from NGOs.Parliament’s Public Fund for the Support of Nongovernmental, Noncommercial Organizations,and Other Civil Society Institutions continued to conduct grant competitions to implementprimarily socioeconomic projects. Some civil society organizations criticized the fund forprimarily supporting government-organized NGOs. The law criminalizes membership inorganizations the government broadly deemed “extremist.”VanuatuSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of assembly and association, and the governmentgenerally respected these rights.Venezue"aSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION
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FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe constitution provides for this right, but the government generally repressed orsuspended it. The law regulates the right to assembly. Human rights groups continued tocriticize the law as enabling the government to charge protesters with serious crimes forparticipating in peaceful demonstrations. Ambiguous language in the law also allowed thegovernment to criminalize organizations that were critical of the government. Protests andmarches require government authorization in advance and are forbidden within designated“security zones.”Citizens organized sporadic and often spontaneous small-scale protests throughout the yearto demand basic services such as water and electricity. The government generally refrainedfrom using the widespread, violent, and in some cases fatal responses they used to quash the2017 protests, but NGOs reported cases of arbitrary detention and heavy-handed policetactics to quell protests.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for freedom of association and freedom from politicaldiscrimination, but the government did not respect these rights. Although professional andacademic associations generally operated without interference, a number of associationscomplained that the TSJ and the National Electoral Council (CNE), which is responsible forconvoking all elections and establishing electoral dates and procedures, repeatedly interferedwith their attempts to hold internal elections.A 2016 presidential decree called on the Foreign Ministry to suspend international funding toNGOs when “it is presumed” that the funding is used with “political purposes or fordestabilization.” There were no reports the government implemented the decree during theyear.VietnamSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION
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FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe government restricted freedom of peaceful assembly. Law and regulations requirepersons wishing to gather in a group to apply for a permit, which local authorities issued ordenied without explanation. Only those arranging publicized gatherings to discuss sensitivematters appeared to require permits, however, and persons routinely gathered in informalgroups without government interference. The government generally did not permit anydemonstrations perceived to be political. The law permits security forces to detain individualsgathering or protesting outside of courthouses during trials.The Ministry of Public Security and local police routinely prevented activists from peacefullyassembling. There were numerous reports of police dispersing gatherings of environmentalactivists, anti-China activists, land rights advocates, human rights defenders, bloggers andindependent journalists, women’s rights, and former political prisoners.Social media and multiple activists reported that on June 17, authorities took some 180people, including those who were involved in protesting the draft SAEZ and cybersecurity lawsand those observing the demonstrations, to Tao Dao stadium in Ho Chi Minh City. Someactivists including Phan Tieu May said they were not protesting but were taken by authoritiesfrom their homes or cafes to the stadium Authorities searched, and beat those detained.Many of those involved said they sustained injuries to the head, and some lost consciousness.One individual required long-term hospitalization for his injuries.On August 15, Ho Chi Minh City police and plainclothes individuals beat musician Nguyen Tinand other activists at Casanova Cafe in District 3 in Ho Chi Minh City after Nguyen Tin held anunregistered concert. They tied him to a chair and beat him over the head with his guitar,according to other activists.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution affords individuals the right of association, but the government restrictedfreedom of association severely. The country’s legal and regulatory framework establishesmechanisms for restricting freedom of NGOs to act and organize, including by restrictingfreedom of association. The government generally prohibited the establishment of private,independent organizations, insisting that persons work within established, party-controlledmass organizations, usually under the aegis of the VFF. The government used complex and
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politicized registration systems for NGOs and religious organizations to suppress unwelcomepolitical and religious participation.Laws and regulations governing NGOs restrict their ability to engage in policy advocacy orconduct research outside of state-sanctioned topics and prohibit organizations focused onsocial science and technology from operating in fields such as economic policy, public policy,political issues, and a range of other areas considered sensitive. Authorities also do not permitthem to engage in the public distribution of policy advocacy positions.The Law on Belief and Religions, which came into effect January 1, still requires religiousgroups to register with authorities and to inform officials of activities. Authorities had the rightto approve or refuse religious activities. Some unregistered religious groups reported anincrease in government interference.Some registered organizations, civil society organizations including governance andenvironment-focused NGOs, reported increased scrutiny of their activities.Western SaharaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONMoroccan law applies. As in internationally recognized Morocco, the Moroccan governmentlimited freedoms of peaceful assembly and association.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYMoroccan law provides for the right of peaceful assembly. The government generallypermitted authorized and unauthorized peaceful demonstrations to occur. According toMoroccan law, groups of more than three persons require authorization from the Ministry ofInterior to protest publicly. As in internationally recognized Morocco, some NGOs complainedthat the government used administrative delays and other methods to suppress ordiscourage unwanted peaceful assembly. Security forces intervened on occasion to disbandboth authorized and unauthorized protests when officials deemed the demonstration a
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threat to public security. The October 3 UN secretary-general’s report on Western Saharacited claims by some local NGOs that Moroccan security forces had forcibly disperseddemonstrations related to the right to self-determination, the disposal of natural wealth andresources, and the rights of detainees.Several proindependence organizations and some human rights NGOs stated that in recentyears the submission of applications for permits to hold demonstrations declined becausepolice rarely granted them. In most cases the organizers proceeded with planneddemonstrations in the absence of authorization, and there was no discernable difference insecurity forces’ reaction to authorized or unauthorized protests. Violent confrontationsbetween security forces and protesters were less common than in previous years, accordingto several local NGOs, although violent dispersals did occur on occasion. Security forcepractices were similar to those in internationally recognized Morocco; however, in WesternSahara there was often a higher ratio of members of security forces to protesters.The CNDH’s three regional commissions monitored 52 demonstrations from April 2017 toMarch and concluded that the security forces’ use of violence to disperse demonstrationsdecreased during the year.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONMoroccan law and practice apply. Generally, the government denied official recognition toNGOs that it considered advocates against Islam’s status as the state religion, the legitimacy ofthe monarchy, or Morocco’s territorial integrity. Authorities noted that 418 organizations wereregistered in Laayoune and 288 in Dakhla, the two largest cities in Western Sahara. TheLaayoune branch of the CNDH reported that it received complaints from three organizationsthat were denied registration during the year. The branches contacted governmentauthorities and following mediation, one of the organizations in Laayoune was in the processof being registered. According to the CNDH, of the 10 organizations denied registration in2017, five were registered, one was in the process of being registered, two were referred tojudiciary, and two did not receive a response as of September.The government tolerated activities of several unregistered organizations.Yeme$
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Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe law provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, but these rightswere not respected in the majority of the country, i.e., areas which the government did notcontrol.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe law provides for freedom of peaceful assembly. The Houthis and their affiliatesresponded to demonstrations and protests in various parts of the country with excessiveforce.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONWhile the law provides for freedom of association, there were reports Houthis harassed andshut down NGOs. The law regulates associations and foundations and outlines theestablishment and activities of NGOs. Authorities required annual registration. The lawexempts registered NGOs from taxes and tariffs and requires the government to provide areason for denying an NGO registration, such as deeming an NGO’s activities “detrimental” tothe state. It forbids NGO involvement in political or religious activities. It permits foreignfunding of NGOs. The law requires government observation of NGO internal elections. Therewere no known attempts by NGOs to register during the year.ZambiaSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for freedom of peaceful assembly; however, the governmentrestricted this right, and police and progovernment groups disrupted meetings, rallies, andother activities of opposition political parties and civil society organizations. In dealing withdemonstrators, police adopted heavy-handed practices such as surrounding the venue to
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prevent meetings from taking place, forcefully breaking up demonstrations, and arrestingdemonstrators.The Public Order Act requires political parties and other groups to notify police in advance ofany rallies but does not require formal approval or permit. In 1995 the Supreme Courtdeclared provisions in the act that previously gave police the power to regulate assemblies,public meetings, or processions unconstitutional. The police, however, have continued todisregard this landmark ruling and continued to stop opposition and civil society groups fromholding public gatherings. For example, on October 19, police in Ndola arrested a small groupof civil society and church officials during a meeting and charged them with unlawfulassembly. The meeting, which took place at the Ndola Central Baptist Church, was organizedby the Center for Trade Policy and Development as a public discussion about thegovernment’s 2019 national budget. Police justified the arrests on the premise the meetinghad become “political” and the group had not notified them of the gathering.Opposition political parties complained of selective application of the Public Order Act, notingpolice allowed ruling party gatherings without notification. Police also prevented oppositionand civil society groups planning to protest government actions from gathering on thegrounds that police received notifications too late, had insufficient staff to provide security, orthe gathering would coincide with government events in the same province. For example, inthe lead up to the July 26 Lusaka mayoral elections, police in the district of Kanyama blockedopposition UPND leader Hakainde Hichilema from holding a campaign rally in the area afterthe group had registered the event with the Electoral Commission, ostensibly becausePresident Lungu would be visiting the area. Although police claimed inadequate staff toprovide security for gatherings, police responded in force to disrupt opposition gatheringsand often allowed ruling party supporters to disrupt them.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for freedom of association. While the government generallyrespected the right to freedom of association, it placed some limits on this right throughvarious mechanisms. For example, although it generally went unenforced, the NGO Actrequires all organizations to apply for registration to the registrar of societies. The registrationprocess is stringent, long, and gives the registrar considerable discretion. The law also placesrestrictions on funding from foreign sources. For this reason donors, including some UNagencies, required all organizations to register under the NGO Act before receiving funding.According to the Southern African Center for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes,
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uncertainties surrounding the implementation of the NGO Act and NGO policy affected theoperations of civil society organizations.Despite these restrictions the government liberally allowed civil society organizations to holdmeetings in which they criticized it. For example, on March 6, the Oasis Forum, an associationof civil society organizations, hosted a public discussion in Lusaka on a topic critical of thegovernment.ZimbabweSection 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:B. FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATIONThe constitution provides for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association, but thegovernment restricted these rights.FREEDOM OF PEACEFUL ASSEMBLYThe government restricted freedoms of peaceful assembly, association, or both. The PublicOrder and Security Act (POSA) requires organizers to notify police of their intention to hold apublic gathering–defined as 15 or more individuals–seven days in advance. Failure to do somay result in criminal prosecution as well as civil liability. The law also allows police to prohibita gathering based on security concerns but requires police to file an affidavit in a magistrate’scourt stating the reasons behind the denial. The government enacted POSA after ademonstration resulted in security forces killing six opposition protestors on August 1. Aseventh individual died from injuries related to the protests.Although many groups did not seek permits, other groups informed police of their plannedevents, and police either denied permission or gave no response. The MDC Alliance accusedpolice of using the cholera epidemic in Harare as an excuse to ban large public assemblies toprevent an MDC Alliance rally on September 15. Media reported that from September 16-22police forcibly removed vendors who refused to comply with orders related to the choleraoutbreak to vacate their stalls in the Harare CBD. On October 11, police arrested PeterMutasa, president of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), and 35 trade unionists
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White HouseUSA.govOce of the Inspector GeneralArchivesContact Usin Harare and other major city centers as they awaited a court decision to overturn the ban ontheir planned demonstration against the government’s 2 percent tax on electronic transfers.Police had previously denied ZCTU’s request for a permit, and a Harare magistrate dismissedZCTU’s challenge to the police ban on October 12.Authorities often denied requests by civil society, trade unions, religious groups, or politicalparties other than ZANU-PF to hold public events if the agenda conflicted with governmentpolicy positions. There were several reports of political rallies interrupted by opposing politicalparties.On February 26, police used tear gas and water cannons to disperse dozens of NationalUniversity of Science and Technology students protesting continued strikes by lecturers.Police dogs injured eight students, while police arrested 61 students. A local NGO reported 15students sought medical treatment after this incident.FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATIONThe constitution and law provide for freedom of association, but the government restrictedthis right. Although the government did not restrict the formation of political parties orunions, ZANU-PF supporters, sometimes with government support or acquiescence,intimidated and harassed members of organizations perceived to be associated with otherpolitical parties. For example, a local NGO reported that on July 25, a local councilor in Mbirethreatened to have community members beaten and their homes burnt down if they votedfor opposition political parties. Local NGOs provided multiple reports similar to this one.
Annex 287 UK Government Official Site, Protests and marches: letting the police know

Annex 287
Protests and
marches: letting the
police know
By law you must tell the police in writing 6 days
before a public march if you’re the organiser.
Tell the police the:
• date and time of the march
• route
• the names and addresses of the organisers
The police have the power to:
• limit or change the route of your march
• set any other condition of your march
If you arrange a march at short notice, you
must still tell the police as soon as you can.
The police can also:
• change the location
• limit how long a rally lasts
• limit the amount of people who attend
• stop a sit-down protest if it blocks road traffic or
public walkways
If there’s no march involved
Related content
Police powers of
arrest: your rights
(/police-powers-of-arrestyour-
rights)
Petition Parliament
and the government
(/petition-government)
GOV.UK
Home
Protests and marches: letting the police know - GOV.UK https://www.gov.uk/protests-and-marches-letting-the-police-know
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If there’s no march organised as part of yourprotest, you do not have to tell the police.Explore the topicPenalties, sentences and police (/browse/justice/penalties-sentences-police)All content is available under the Open GovernmentLicence v3.0, except where otherwise stated© Crown copyrightProtests and marches: letting the police know - GOV.UKhttps://www.gov.uk/protests-and-marches-letting-the-police-knowСтр. 2 из 228.02.2023, 14:34
Annex 288 Right to Assembly, The right of peaceful assemble in France

Annex 288
The right of peaceful assembly in France
The International Human Rights Framework on the Right of Peaceful
Assembly
France is a State Party to the 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).
Article 21 governs the right of peaceful assembly, providing that:
The right of peaceful assembly shall be recognized. No restrictions may be placed on the exercise
of this right other than those imposed in conformity with the law and which are necessary in a
democratic society in the interests of national security or public safety, public order (ordre public),
the protection of public health or morals or the protection of the rights and freedoms of others.
France is also a State Party to the First Optional Protocol to the ICCPR, which allows individuals to
petition the Human Rights Committee if they believe the State has violated their human rights as
protected under the Covenant.
At regional level, France is a State Party to the 1950 European Convention on Human
Rights. Article 11 governs freedom of assembly and association:
1. Everyone has the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and to freedom of association with
others, including the right to form and to join trade unions for the protection of his interests.
2. No restrictions shall be placed on the exercise of these rights other than such as are prescribed
by law and are necessary in a democratic society in the interests of national security or
public safety, for the prevention of disorder or crime, for the protection of health or morals or for
the protection of the rights and freedoms of others. This Article shall not prevent the imposition of
lawful restrictions on the exercise of these rights by members of the armed forces, of the police or
of the administration of the State.
The Domestic Legal Framework on the Right of Peaceful Assembly
Constitutional Provisions
There is no explicit protection of the right of peaceful assembly in the French Constitution. The
1789 Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, however, protects the right of resistance
to oppression and to freedom of expression.
National Legislation
Under French law, a notification of an assembly must be made to the local town hall or city police
station in the case of Paris, at least 48 hours in advance. The organisers are required to give their
names, addresses, the aim of the assembly, the date, the place, et and the route of any
The right of peaceful assembly in France https://www.rightofassembly.info/country/france
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demonstration. The measures are set out in the Decree-Law of 23 October 1935 governingmeasures to strengthen the maintence of public order.In the wake of terrorist attacks in Paris in November 2015, a state of emergency was imposed,which included a temporary ban on demonstrations. When the government sought to extend theinitial three-month state of emergency, thousands of protestors took to the streets in Paris inMarch 2016 in protest. Part of a new law on the maintenance of public order during demonstrations (No. 2019-780 DC),adopted on 13 March 2019, was deemed unconstitutional by the French Supreme Court in ajudgment in April 2019. The provision would have inserted an Article L. 211-4-1 in the InternalSecurity Code allowing the authorities, in certain circumstances, to prohibit participation in ademonstration on the public highway. The broad preventive nature of the prohibition would, theCourt concluded, have been disproportionate.On 9 July 2020, the Constitutional Court held that Parliament had not duly authorised theExecutive (namely, the Prime Minister) to replace a notification regime by an authorisationregime on the sole ground of the COVID-19 pandemic. The decision was therefore struck down.The Legal Framework on Use of Force During AssembliesThe Use of ForceInternational Legal RulesUnder international law, the duty on the State and its law enforcement agencies is to facilitate theenjoyment of the right of peaceful assembly. According to the 1990 United Nations Basic Principleson the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials:In the dispersal of assemblies that are unlawful but non-violent, law enforcement officialsshall avoid the use of force or, where that is not practicable, shall restrict such force to theminimum extent necessary.All force used by police and other law enforcement agencies must be necessary for a legitimate lawenforcement purpose and proportionate to that purpose.National LegislationAcording to the 2013 Internal Security Code, force must be used only when necessary and in amanner that is proportionate to the serious of the threat. The Use of FirearmsInternational Legal RulesThe right of peaceful assembly in Francehttps://www.rightofassembly.info/country/franceСтр. 2 из 528.02.2023, 14:47
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According to the 1990 United Nations Basic Principles, in the dispersal of violent assemblies, a lawenforcement official may only use a firearm against a specific individual where this is necessary toconfront an imminent threat of death or serious injury or a grave and proximate threat to life. National LegislationThe provisions of the 2013 Internal Security Code were amended in 2017. Article L. 435-1 of theCode now allows police officers and gendarmes may use their firearms "in case of absolutenecessity and in a strictly proportionate manner" including when, after two warnings havebeen given, "they can not otherwise defend the places they occupy or the persons entrusted tothem" or they cannot otherwise effect the arrest "of persons who seek to evade custody orinvestigation and who are likely to perpetrate in their flight, attacks on lives or physical integrity".This is more permissive than international law allows.State Compliance with its Legal ObligationsViews and Concluding Observations of United Nations Treaty BodiesIn its 2015 Concluding Observations on France, the Human Rights Committee did not address theright of peaceful assembly.Regional JurisprudenceLes Authentiks and Supras Auteuil 91 v. France (2016)This case concerned the dissolution of two Paris-Saint-Germain supporters’ associations, followingfights in which some of their members were involved in in 2010, leading to the death of onesupporter. The European Court of Human Rights found that there had been no violation of theright of freedom of assembly and association.Barraco v. France (2009)The applicant was a lorry driver. In 2002, 17 motorists, including the applicant, took part in atraffic-slowing operation on a motorway, which involved driving along a predetermined route in aconvoy, at slow speed, occupying several lanes, to slow down the traffic on the motorway. Whenthree drivers at the front of the convoy, one of whom was the applicant, stopped their vehicles,completely blocking the road for other users, the police arrested them. The drivers concerned weresummoned to appear in court for having obstructed the public highway by placing or attempting toplace on it an object that obstructed vehicular traffic, or using or attempting to use any means toobstruct it – in the instant case by stopping their vehicles several times. The court acquitted theaccused, but the public prosecutor appealed and the Court of Appeal set aside that judgment,found them guilty as charged and sentenced them each to a suspended term of three months’The right of peaceful assembly in Francehttps://www.rightofassembly.info/country/franceСтр. 3 из 528.02.2023, 14:47
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imprisonment together with a €1,500 fine. The Court of Cassation dismissed an appeal on pointsof law lodged by the applicant.The applicant’s conviction was held to have amounted to interference by the public authoritieswith his right to freedom of peaceful assembly, which included the freedom to demonstrate. Theinterference had been “prescribed by law” and had pursued the legitimate aims of preventingdisorder and protecting the rights and freedoms of others. As to whether it had been necessary in ademocratic society, it was to be noted that no formal prior notice of the demonstration had beengiven as required by the relevant domestic law. However, the authorities had been aware of it andhad also had the opportunity to take measures for the protection of safety and public order, forexample by organising police protection and a police escort. So even if the demonstration had notbeen tacitly tolerated, at least it had not been prohibited. Moreover, the applicant had not beenconvicted of taking part in the demonstration as such, but for his particular conduct during thedemonstration, namely, blocking a motorway and thereby causing more of an obstruction thanwould normally be caused by exercising one’s right to freedom of peaceful assembly. It was indeedclear from the case file that while the demonstration was in progress, from 6 am to 11 am, thetraffic had been held up, but also that several total stoppages had been caused by drivers at thehead of the convoy, including the applicant, stopping their vehicles. This complete blockage of thetraffic had clearly gone beyond the mere inconvenience caused by any demonstration on the publichighway. The police, whose task had been to protect safety and public order, had arrested the threedemonstrators only in order to unblock the traffic, after the drivers had been warned several timesnot to stop their vehicles on the motorway and informed of the penalties they could incur. In thatcontext and for several hours, the applicant had been able to exercise his right to freedom ofpeaceful assembly and the authorities had displayed the tolerance that should be shown towardssuch gatherings. The applicant’s conviction and sentence had therefore not been disproportionateto the aims pursued.Views of Civil SocietyIn March 2021, CIVICUS reported that French authorities have cracked down on civil societyorganisations (CSOs) accused of opposing the ‘Republican order’ and being ‘radical Islamists’.CSOs have also been under attack from extreme right and mainstream political forces, who haveexpressed stigmatising views towards Muslims and Muslim organisations. Following this, theFrench government led several initiatives which threatened civic space and the rule of law inFrance, which includes the draft Anti-Separatism law and the draft bill on Global Security.Objectors to the draft law on Global Security have maintained ongoing protests . The mostcontroversial protest occurred in Paris, where organisers noted that police officers blocked accessto the protest, refused to reveal their identification numbers and assauAccording to Freedom House's 2019 report on France:Freedom of assembly is normally respected. However, rights organizations expressed concern thatThe right of peaceful assembly in Francehttps://www.rightofassembly.info/country/franceСтр. 4 из 528.02.2023, 14:47
Annex 288
an anti-terrorism law passed in 2017 limits the right to demonstrate.In November 2018, the yellow vest protests against anticipated fuel tax increases broke out acrossthe country. The protests grew into a mass movement that reflected deep-seated discontent withFrench political elites among working- and middle-class people. Some of the protests devolvedinto riots, with demonstrators blocking roads and damaging property, including the interior of theArc de Triomphe. However, security forces responded to the demonstrations in a manner thatAmnesty International described as “extremely heavy-handed,” injuring hundreds with tear gas,rubber bullets, and sting-ball grenades. Ten people died during the protests, which continuedthrough the end of the year, often from car accidents at roadblocks.DownloadsThe right of peaceful assembly in Francehttps://www.rightofassembly.info/country/franceСтр. 5 из 528.02.2023, 14:47

Annex 289
Zpravy, Law on rallies flawed, Prague officials plan amends (29 April 2008)

Annex 289
Law on rallies flawed, Prague officials plan amends
Michal Pavec
Autor fotografie: Ondřej Besperát
Prague - Prague authorities are working on a bill on public assemblies, since they see the current
legal framework as providing those who organize demonstrations with too much power.
Also, the authorities plan to relocate Prague's "Hyde Park" - a place where people may assembly
without informing authorities. from Palackého náměstí to the Letná Plain or nearby Hvězda Park
in Prague 6.
reklama
According to the authorities, Palacké náměstí cannot sufficiently serve as a place for assemblies, as
it is somewhat limited and more massive assemblies can create problems.
"Bigger crowds of people do not fit the space marked for assemblies and that often causes traffic
complications on the road since it is an intersection of a number of busy tram lines here,"
explained Deputy Mayor Rudolf Blažek.
Three days too few
Law on rallies flawed, Prague officials plan amends https://zpravy.aktualne.cz/law-on-rallies-flawed-prague-officials-plan...
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Annex 289
The municipal authorities argue there is a growing number of assemblies announced by groups, ingeneral considered extremist.The Prague municipality has recently banned two May Day marches announced by Neo-Nazigroups.The officials complain that the current legal framework doesn't provide them with enough time toexamine an announced assembly.The municipal authority has to decide in no more than three days since the moment it learns aboutthe planned event."In the case of suspicion, sthe strict deadline doesn't give the authorities enough time to obtainadequate information that could serve as the grounds to ban the assembly and to examine theinformation properly to be able to reason their decision to ban the assembly," said Blažek.Troubles with weekendsIn addition, the current law doesn't set the three days to be weekdays. Thus, with announcing anassembly electronically on Friday night, the authorities are left with only one day(Monday) to analyse the issue.This year in January, for example, Mayor of Pilsen Pavel Rödl breached the law by banning a Neo-Nazi march a few weeks after it was announced.Experts of the Prague authorities are presently analyzing the law on assemblies. They are toproduce their findings in mid-June.Pokud jste v článku zaznamenali chybu nebo překlep, dejte nám, prosím, vědět prostřednictvímkontaktního formuláře. Děkujeme!Law on rallies flawed, Prague officials plan amendshttps://zpravy.aktualne.cz/law-on-rallies-flawed-prague-officials-plan...Стр. 2 из 228.02.2023, 14:57
Annex 290 AA, German court upholds ban on pro-Palestine protest in Berlin (30 April 2022)

Annex 290
EEUURROOPPEE
Oliver Towfigh Nia | 30.04.2022
German court upholds ban on pro-Palestine protest in Berlin
Police barred rally over fears of repeat of alleged anti-Semitic incidents at demonstrations held last
week
Police officers intervene in demonstrators as people gather to stage a demonstration in support of Palestinians and to protest against Israeli attacks on Gaza Strip, on
May 15, 2021 in Berlin, Germany. ( Abdulhamid Hosbas - Anadolu Agency )
BBEERRLLIINN
A Berlin court has upheld a ban on a planned pro-Palestine demonstration in the German capital.
Due to alleged anti-Semitic incidents on the sidelines of an anti-Israel protest last week, the Berlin administrative
court endorsed the ban imposed by police earlier this week, a court official told the German Press Agency (dpa)
on Saturday.
It was unclear whether the organizers will challenge the decision in a higher court.
Palestinian groups planned to hold a protest in Berlin’s Kreuzberg district against recent Israeli aggression in the
occupied West Bank and the flashpoint Al-Aqsa Mosque complex in East Jerusalem.
Police barred the protest in an announcement on Thursday, saying there could be a repeat of what they alleged
were anti-Semitic incidents at similar demonstrations held last Friday and Saturday.
“Based on experiences from the recent past” there is “the immediate danger” of anti-Semitic slogans,
glorification of violence and acts of violence, police officials were quoted as saying.
Several people were arrested after last week’s protests as officials accused participants of throwing stones and
firecrackers at police officers.
The police also alleged that there were anti-Semitic and inflammatory slogans at the rallies.
“We saw crimes, anti-Semitic exclamations and slogans of the worst kind during the demonstrations last
weekend. That is completely unacceptable,” Berlin’s Interior Senator Iris Spranger said earlier this week.






German court upholds ban on pro-Palestine protest in Berlin https://www.aa.com.tr/en/europe/german-court-upholds-ban-on-pro-palestine-protest-in-berlin/2576991#
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Related newsAnadolu Agency website contains only a portion of the news stories offered to subscribers in the AA News Broadcasting System (HAS), and in summarizedform. PPlleeaassee ccoonnttaacctt uuss ffoorr ssuubbssccrriippttiioonn ooppttiioonnss..Palestinian civic leaders in Berlin have repeatedly made clear they do not condone anti-Semitic slurs atdemonstrations, saying their only objective is to highlight the ongoing repression by Israel in the occupiedPalestinian territories.Germany is a staunch ally of Israel and has largely remained silent over the oppression and discriminationPalestinians face from Israeli authorities in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem.Related topicsBanBerlinDemonstrationGermanypro-PalestinianWWoorrllddZelenskyy says modern combat aircraft needed to defend against Russian strikesRussian Defense Ministry accuses US of preparing provocations with chemicals in UkraineBelgian field hospital medics moved by bravery of Turkish quake survivorsUS to crack down on child labor amid rise in violationsAzerbaijani military personnel return from medical duties in quake-hit TürkiyeGermany calls on Russia to return to New START nuclear treatyGerman court upholds ban on pro-Palestine protest in Berlinhttps://www.aa.com.tr/en/europe/german-court-upholds-ban-on-pro-palestine-protest-in-berlin/2576991#Стр. 2 из 428.02.2023, 14:58
Annex 290
German archbishop vows further investigation into abuse inCatholic churchStrike grounds hundreds of flights in northwestern GermanyMajority of Germans against tank, jet deliveries to Ukraine:SurveyThousands rally in Berlin for peace talks with RussiaIndia calls for dialogue to end Russia-Ukraine warCCoorrppoorraatteeHistoryEditorial GuidelinesSocial Media PoliciesExecutive TeamDomestic OfficesInternational OfficesMedia CenterContactGerman court upholds ban on pro-Palestine protest in Berlinhttps://www.aa.com.tr/en/europe/german-court-upholds-ban-on-pro-palestine-protest-in-berlin/2576991#Стр. 3 из 428.02.2023, 14:58
Annex 290
Anadolu Agency © 2021RSSSubscription RequestsAnnouncement ServiceQuality ManagementPrivacy and Cookies PolicyInformation PolicyDiaryNNeettwwoorrkkCompany NewsFinance TerminalAnadolu ImagesEnergy TerminalNews AcademyGreen LineDiscrimination LineFact Check LineYYoouurr ssoouurrccee ooff ttrruusstteedd nneewwssIPhone ApplicationIPad ApplicationAndroid Application German court upholds ban on pro-Palestine protest in Berlinhttps://www.aa.com.tr/en/europe/german-court-upholds-ban-on-pro-palestine-protest-in-berlin/2576991#Стр. 4 из 428.02.2023, 14:58
Annex 291 France 24, Pro-Palestinian rally in Paris banned amid rising Israel-Gaza tensions (13 May 2021)

Annex 291
28.02.2023, 15:01 Pro-Palestinian rally in Paris banned amid rising Israel-Gaza tensions
read://https_www.france24.com/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.france24.com%2Fen%2Ffrance%2F20210513-pro-palestinian-rally-in-paris-banned… 1/2
File photo of a July 2014 pro-Palestiniain rally in Paris. © Jacques Demarthon, AFP
The Paris police prefecture on Thursday issued an order banning a Palestinian solidarity
demonstration planned for Saturday in the French capital as weekend pro-Palestinian rallies were
being planned across the world following Israel’s latest deadly offensive on the Gaza Strip.
Advertising
Earlier on Thursday, French Interior Minister Gérald Darmanin had asked the police to ban a pro-
Palestinian protest in Paris this weekend over the conflict with Israel, fearing a repeat of clashes
during a similar situation in 2014.
Activists had called the protest in the Barbès district of northern Paris to demonstrate against
Israel's use of force in the Gaza Strip in response to the rocket fire by militant group Hamas at the
Jewish state.
"I have asked the Paris police chief to ban the protests on Saturday linked to the recent tensions in
the Middle East," Darmanin wrote on Twitter.
"Serious disturbances to public order were seen in 2014," he added, urging police chiefs elsewhere
in France to remain vigilant over demonstrations.
A Paris, j’ai demandé au Préfet de police d’interdire les manifestations de samedi en lien
avec les récentes tensions au Proche-Orient. De graves troubles à l’ordre public furent
constatés en 2014. Consigne a été donnée aux Préfets d’être particulièrement vigilants et
fermes.
— Gérald DARMANIN (@GDarmanin) May 13, 2021
Several peaceful Palestinian solidarity demonstrations took place in France in the summer of July
2014 to denounce an Israeli offensive on the Gaza Strip.
On July 19, 2014 though, several thousand protesters defied a ban on a demonstration at Barbès
and the rally rapidly degenerated into violent clashes that lasted for hours.
Pro-Palestinian rally in Paris banned amid
rising Israel-Gaza tensions
Annex 291
28.02.2023, 15:01Pro-Palestinian rally in Paris banned amid rising Israel-Gaza tensionsread://https_www.france24.com/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.france24.com%2Fen%2Ffrance%2F20210513-pro-palestinian-rally-in-paris-banned…2/2Arrest of Palestinian rights advocacy group condemnedOn Wednesday, Paris police detained the head of French Palestinian rights advocacygroup Association France Palestine Solidarité (AFPS) near the foreign ministry building forseveral hours before he was released.Bertrand Heilbronn was arrested after he met with a French foreign ministry advisor as part of adelegation including members of parliament and representatives of trade unions and organisations,said the AFPS in a statement.❌ A la sortie d’un rendez-vous au Ministère des affaires étrangères, Bertrand Heilbronn,président de @AFPSOfficiel a été arrêté par la police pour avoir organisé le rassemblementpacifiste qui accompagnait la délégation reçue (avec 3 parlementaires dont je fais partie)pic.twitter.com/PmUb2cIjWr— Elsa Faucillon (@ElsaFaucillon) May 12, 2021A demonstration outside the foreign ministry was scheduled for 4pm local time, but the decision toban it was only announced at 1pm while many participants were already on their way to the site,said AFPS.The detention of the veteran 71-year-old activist sparked outrage from several activists andpolitical figures on the left, including Jean-Luc Mélenchon, the leader of La France insoumise(France Unbowed).Last year, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) overturned a conviction by France’shighest court, the Court of Cassation, which criminalised peaceful protests by the Boycott,Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement.BDS seeks an Israeli withdrawal from occupied Palestinian territory.The ECHR found that the freedom of expression of 11 BDS supporters was violated by the October2015 ruling in Paris.(FRANCE 24 with AFP)
Annex 292
Yonhap News Agency, 11 pct of assemblies banned in Seoul last year due to pandemic: activists
(12 August 2021)

Annex 292
11 pct of assemblies banned in Seoul last year due to
pandemic: activists | Yonhap News Agency
황장진
SEOUL, Aug. 12 (Yonhap) -- Human rights activists on Thursday accused the government of
violating citizens' right of assembly by restricting rallies excessively and often arbitrarily during the
coronavirus pandemic.
Authorities have banned protests and rallies with certain numbers of people under social
distancing guidelines to prevent the spread of COVID-19 since early last year.
A task force of civic groups formed to monitor public power said 11.06 percent of assemblies were
banned in Seoul last year, citing data from the National Police Agency.
The rate compares to 0.002 percent and 0.003 percent in 2018 and 2019, respectively.
Of a total of 34,944 rallies reported to authorities in 2020, 3,865 were disallowed, the team said.
They criticized the government for applying much stricter social distancing rules to protest rallies
than other gatherings.
This July 3, 2021, file photo shows members of the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions holding
11 pct of assemblies banned in Seoul last year due to pandemic: activist... https://en.yna.co.kr/view/AEN20210812012000315
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a protest rally in Seoul. (Yonhap)They also claimed protest bans were not adjusted in accordance with changes in the number ofinfections. For example, COVID-19 cases in Seoul began to surge in August 2020, but the numberof prohibited assemblies began to increase in February 2020.They took issue with the infectious disease control act that gives heads of local governments thepower to restrict freedom of assembly and demonstration during an epidemic."There are no clear standards regarding how much and how long assemblies can be banned, so anindefinite prohibition is made possible," a member of the group said."The judiciary and legislature should correct the arbitrary exercise of administrative powers butthey do not play such a role."(END)11 pct of assemblies banned in Seoul last year due to pandemic: activist...https://en.yna.co.kr/view/AEN20210812012000315Стр. 2 из 228.02.2023, 15:03
Annex 293 Report of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in the Russian Federation, 2014 (excerpts)

Annex 293
HIGH COMMISSIONER
FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
IN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION
REPORT 2014
Annex 293
PART ISOCIAL AND LEGAL MONITORING OF THE HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION IN RUSSIA
6
Annex 293
33
87. The draft law provides that the candidate for the post of regional commissioner before it is considered in legislative (representative) regional government body is to be approved by the High Commissioner for Human Rights of the Russian Federation, and decisions on amotion are made after consultations with the High Commissioner for Human Rights of the Russian Federation.88. Federal Law No. 76-FZ “On Introducing Amendments to Certain Legislative Acts of the Russian Federation Aimed at Further Development of Commissioners’ Activities” was adopted on April 6, 2015.The main problems with work of commissioners for human rights consist primarily of ensuring their independence and protection from possible pressure from regional authorities, and balance between their organizational and financial resources and their objectives set forth in legislation. The difference between concepts of creating a state institution for protection of human rights hinders the creation of a unified system of measures aimed at preventing violations and restoring violated rights of the citizens of the Russian Federation, prevents positive public opinion on the state abiding by its constitutional obligations. Irregular and incoherent measures, lack of systematic interaction between commissioners have negative effect on efficiency of correcting violations of human rights.The High Commissioner paid great attention to development and introduction of a draft law “On Changes in Certain Legislative Acts of the Russian Federation Aimed at further Development of Commissioners’ Activities” that would provide for creation a unified independent system of state protection of citizens’ rights and 1) set out special procedures for nomination and amotion for regional commissioners 87; 2) define categories of entities with the right of nominating candidates for the post of regional commissioner, including human rights watchdogs; 3) ensured the right of immediate access for commissioners on the matters of their competence to heads and high regional, local and other officials with relevant state or public authority as provided for in federal law, as well as prison administrations 88.Moreover, the amendments in the legal framework are aimed at improving organizational and financial resources of regional commissioners for human rights, including their own offices financed from regional budgets. This, on the whole, ensures efficient work within the system of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in the Russian Federation and regional commissioners for human rights.The aforementioned meeting with the President of the Russian Federation on December 5, 2014 resulted in a series of instructions, including ones for commissioners for human rights in federal districts, on ways of developing human resources policies and ensuring independence of commissioners for human rights in Russia’s regions.The High Commissioner hopes that most issues concerning organization of work of regional commissioners for human rights and their independence from executive authorities could be discussed in the near future at the meetings of federal districts coordination councils.Appeals ActivitiesIn 2014 the High Commissioner received 59,100 appeals from citizens and governmental and non-governmental organizations. The number of appeals increased by 43.6% compared to the previous year.In 2014 the office of the High Commissioner received in person over 4,000 people (citizens of the Russian Federation, foreign citizens and stateless persons).Over 8,500 appeals and complaints were received via call centre phones, about 7,600 of them were received by means of an e-form which was set up on the official web site of the High Commissioner in 2014.Most complaints — 98.5% — came from the territory of the Russian Federation, the rest from abroad.
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89. The current e-form was first set up along with the renewal of the official web site of the High Commissioner in 2014. Before that e-applications could be submitted via the previous form (available at www.old.ombudsmanrf.org), and e-mail.Fig. 18. Comparative statistics of the number and means of submission of appeals to the High Commissioner for Human Rights in the Russian Federation in 2011–2014 89.2014201320122011 7,592 32,382 59,177 3,081 22,997 46,921 3,665 24,930 52,037 2,529 26,197 54,336Appeals via electronic meansComplaints and appeals from citizensTotal number of written appeals from citizens, state agencies and NGOs.
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Distribution of received appeals in groups of rights and freedoms.Fig. 20. PersonalSocialEconomicPoliticalCulturalFigures as % from all appeals received1.31.612.131.251.7Number of appeals received from federal districts.Fig. 19. CentralVolgaSouthernSiberiaNorth-WesternUralsFar EastNorthern CaucasusCrimeaFigures as % from received appeals from the regions of the Russian Federation3391710410642
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Main topics of appeals related to economic rights in 2014 .Fig. 21. Termination of employment contractIndividual and collective employment disputesIssues of recognition of housing rightsLand disputesCivil transactionsOtherFigures as % of received appeals in the sphere of economic rights13.412.815.312.518.427.6Main topics of appeals related to social rights and freedoms.Fig. 22. Provision of housingIssues of evictionUtility paymentsHealthcare and health insuranceAdmission and payment of pensionsSocial protection of certain groups of peopleSocial protection of servicemen and members of their families OtherFigures as % of received appeals in the sphere of social rights 22.45.26.868.79.15.436.4
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Most appeals to the High Commissioner related to on the following complaints:• protection of human rights in penal proceedings (complaints regarding sentences, rules and court decisions, violation of right to legal defense, violations during interrogations and investigations) — 32.1%;• protection of housing rights (provision of housing, eviction, transfer form substandard housing, recognition of housing ownership, rent, utility payments and other) — 18.3%;• protection of prisoners’ rights (in particular, complaints on conditions of detention) — 11.2%;• social protection and healthcare — 6.9%;• protection of labour rights (terminations of employment agreements, collective or individual employment disputes) — 4.6%.The appeals addressed to the Commissioner covered almost all domains of human life (apart from the aforementioned there were issues of education and culture, land use, marriage and family, administrative responsibility, business and a lot more).The increase in the number of appeals on the aforementioned and other problems in 2014 compared to the previous year was almost gradual. Still, the number of appeals on certain issues increased twofold or more (for example, on the issue of Russian citizenship — by 2.7 times).restoration of Human rights: Some ExamplesOn the whole, the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, on its own and in cooperation with relevant authorities, took measures to restore violated rights in 25,303 cases. 61 lawsuits were filed in courts of general jurisdiction. Three appeals were sent to the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, 20 petitions were submitted to cassation and supervisory bodies. Staff members of the Office of the High Commissioner took part in 60 hearings on cases and materials related to some events which had sparked a public outcry.Main topics of appeals related to political rights and freedomsFig. 23. Elections and electoral systemFoundation and registration of NGOsAppeals’ consideration procedureOtherFigures as % from all appeals received8.58.778.64.2
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PART IICURRENT PROBLEMS OF PROTECTION AND RESTORATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS BASED ON CONSIDERED COMPLAINTS AND APPEALS RECEIVED BY THE HIGH COMMISSIONER IN 2014
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91. Collective complaint No.KL-1503 of November 12, 201392. Mr. N’s complaint, Inc. No.PR-N-10* of October 14, 2014.93. On complaints from Alexander Lashmankin, Denis Shadrin, and Sergei Shimovolos about violation of their constitutional rights by a provision in Part 5,ofArticle 5 of the Federal law “On Assemblies, Meetings, Demonstrations, Marches and Picketing”: Resolution of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation of April 2, 2009 No. 484-O-P. // Bulletin of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation. – 2009. – No.6; On refusal to consider a complaint from Konstantin Kosyakin violation of his constitutional rights by a provision in Part 5 of Article 5 and Subparagraph 2, Part 1 of Article 12 of the Federal Law “On Assemblies, Meetings, Demonstrations, Marches and Picketing”: Resolution of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation of June 1, 2010 No.705-0-0. // ConsultantPlus Network.94. Subparagraph 2, Paragraph 1 of Article 12 of the Federal Law of June 19, 2004 “On Assemblies, Meetings, Demonstrations, Marches and Picketing”. // Rossiyskaya Gazeta. – 2004. – June 23.“Approve Impossible to Prohibit”The practice of approving applications for public actions sometimes grows into full-scale procedures of requesting and granting “leaves”, which eventually leads to impossibility of conducting events.According to the Federal Law No.54-FZ of June 19, 2004 “On Assemblies, Meetings, Demonstrations, Marches and Picketing”, governmental or municipal authorities may refuse to approve a public event. It happens if another event is applied for at the same time at the same place. Besides, there is an established practice of refusing the approval if the declared goals differ from evaluations of the officials on the nature of the event.Mr. P., a resident of St. Petersburg, was refused a 20-person picketing by the administration of the Central district of the city 91. The applicant suggested three alternative locations in the city center, yet none of them were accepted by the officials. At the same time the Smolninskiy District Court of St. Petersburg ruled that none of the reasons presented by the Administration were legitimate to refuse the approval of the event. However, despite the apparent triumph of justice, the public event could no longer be held: up to the court decision the refusal was still effective and after its ruling in favor of the complainants the event itself became irrelevant.A resident of Moscow, Mr. N., filed an application to the Prefecture of the Central Administrative District of Moscow for picketing at Nikolskaya Street92. He was refused an approval of his planned event with reference to inability to ensure security of the participants in the picketing and other people as well. The High Commissioner in her petition to the Moscow City Court Presidium in defense of Mr. N.’s position notes that the prefecture’s position cannot be deemed legitimate, since according to a decree of the Government of Moscow Nikolskaya Street is a major pedestrian area, therefore people can walk the whole width of the street, which is 10–15 meters. Thus, the presence of 2 to 5 declared participants in it could hardly threaten anyone’s security. The Moscow City Court did not agree with the High Commissioner’s arguments. In this view, an appeal on the court decision is being prepared for the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation.The procedure of approving implies not just unilateral decision on the part of a government authority on approval or refusal of holding public actions, but a joint search for a compromise. In each individual case of refusal to approve a public event viable arguments should be presented to justify its prohibition due to necessity to protect public interests. That is the exact position that is reflected in the rulings of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation93.Governmental authorities are also charged with informing the organizers of a justified suggestion on conducting the event at a different time and place, if it is not possible due to objective circumstances 94. Replies to the High Commissioner’s inquiries revealed that the number of refusals varies from 8.5% (Yekaterinburg) to 23% (Samara). Still the organizers of non-approved events are not always presented with alternatives to time and place of these actions.One should note minimal practice of administrative action against officials whose actions may constitute elements of offence in terms of infringement of citizens’ rights to freedom of public assembly.According to statistics of the Judicial Department of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation for the first half of 2014, only 11 cases under Article 5.38 of the Code of Administrative Offence of the Russian Federation were filed in courts (violation of laws on assemblies, meetings, demonstrations, marches and picketing). 10 of them were considered, 4 were dismissed due to jurisdiction problems and incompletions in the records, four officials were relieved from liability. Only two people were fined 20,000 rubles in total.
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95. On refusal to consider the complaint of Ivan Elaev on the violation of his constitutional rights by a provision in Part 5 of Article 5 and Subparagraph 2, Part 1 of Article 12 of the Federal Law “On Assemblies, Meetings, Demonstrations, Marches and Picketing”: Resolution of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation of January 29, 2015 No. 201-0. // ConsultantPlus Network.96. Reply from Deputy Chief of General Administration of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia in Moscow, V. Kozlov, to an appeal from the High Commissioner for Human Rights in the Russian Federation, Ella Pamfilova, of February 5, 2015. Out. No. 5/763. It is suggested that each case of unlawful restriction by government officials of the constitutional rights of the people to freedom of assembly and freedom of speech and should be investigated with regard to Article 5.38 of the Code of Administrative Offenses of the Russian Federation.Implementation of legal norms which regulate public events that differ from their declared goals leads to imbalance of relations between citizens and the authorities.The aim of a public event is to draw attention of the general public and the authorities to a certain issue and inform representatives of the government on the organizers’ viewpoint.The Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation 95, when considered the term “approval”, noted that its constitutional legal sense implies the right of a public authority to present the organizer of a public event with alternative time and place for a manifestation, providing legitimate motivations for such limitations with a full list of legal grounds concerning safety for life and health as well as normal lives of the citizens.A possible solution to preventing further limitations of freedom of assembly is uploading maps of population centers to official websites of regional and local authorities in the regions of the Russian Federation with highlighted areas that are acceptable (unacceptable) for public events in accordance with the law. Such open information could promote public events in strict accordance with the law.Monitoring of law enforcement bodies’ activities on ensuring public order in Moscow shows that, on the whole, actions of police officers are lawful, correct and justified. In the recent year the police have become a lot less harsh towards protesters. Police officers on duty wear special badges with their register number for their identification.In 2014, Moscow police drew up 323 incident reports under Part 2 of Article 20.2 of the Code of Administrative Offenses of the Russian Federation (conduction of a public event without notification). That is 83 less than in 2013, which may be considered a positive trend. Yet the number of incident reports under Part 5 of Article 20.2 of this Code (violation of the order of a public event by its participant) in 2014 was a lot higher in 2014–716 compared to 249 in 2013 96.Some police stations do not have proper conditions to keep in custody and make prompt records in relation to a large number of detainees. Long-term detention cases are observed. At the same time, the High Commissioner notes that objective information should be received and distributed, and it is unacceptable to deliberately distribute false information about and doubtful assessment of police officers’ actions, which seem to deliberately set a contradiction between the general public and law enforcement authorities.Today we witness productive cooperation between the staffers of commissioners and the representatives of law enforcement bodies. Such cooperation makes it possible to analyze current events objectively, as well as direct information to eliminate problems and resolve certain issues on site. In the end this practice appeared to be of great interest to the policemen themselves, since it not only maintains discipline in the police, but also makes it possible to restore the real picture in case it is distorted due to misinformation.The High Commissioner believes that the system of interaction of the office of the High Commissioner with police officers in Moscow requires further development, especially in the aspect of prompt exchange of information with officials responsible for upholding public order during mass protest events. Therefore, creation of a three-party work group with participation of the General Administration of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia in Moscow, the Office of the High Commissioner, and staffers of the Commissioner