Dissenting opinion of Judge ad hoc Ajibola

Document Number
094-20021010-JUD-01-09-EN
Parent Document Number
094-20021010-JUD-01-00-EN
Document File
Bilingual Document File

DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE AJIBOLA

Introduction - Lake Chad - Lake Chad and the work of the LCBC -
Delimitation and demarcation - Lake Chad Basin: effectivitésand historical
consolidation - Bakassi Peninsula - Severability of Articles XVIII-XXII of
the Agreement of 1913 - The 1884 Treaty - Historical consolidation and

effectivitésin Bakassi - The question of legal title - Maritime delimitation -
Maroua Declaration - State respnnsihility - Conclusion.

1. The Court, notwithstanding the unusually large request of Cam-

eroon's Applications has comprehensively dealt with al1the submissions
presented to it by the Parties. However, 1am compelled to write this dis-
senting opinion because it is difficult for me to agree with some of the

Court's decisions. There are five main sectors involved in this case, Lake
Chad, the land boundary, Bakassi Peninsula, maritime delimitation and
the issue of State responsibility. 1 have no difficulty in accepting and

voting in favour of the Court's decision on State responsibility (although
my separate view on this will bestated later), some aspects of the maritime
delimitation and land boundary. My dissenting opinion will therefore

centre on the Court's decision as regards the issue of sovereignty over the
Bakassi Peninsula and the delimitation of Lake Chad. But before dealing
with these points, 1 intend to touch upon certain issues regarding the

genesis of the case, the function of the Court and some general observa-
tions about the Judgment.
2. This is a unique case for many reasons; first, because of the unusu-

ally large claim filed by the Applicant, secondly because it is a claim deal-
ing with maritime and land boundary issues at the same time, and thirdly
because, apart from the request for land and maritime delimitation, there

is also the request involving State responsibility against Nigeria. It is also
a case that has taken over eight years before the Court, involving appli-
cations for interim measures, jurisdiction and admissibility, and the inter-

vention of Equatorial Guinea on maritime delimitation.

3. On both sides of the boundary, it cannot be denied that incidents
involving serious clashes and hostilities have occurred in recent times. On
the other hand, a series of efforts have been made to resolve this bound-

ary dispute between the Parties at regional and international levels. It can
therefore be said that the situation on the ground is volatile and explo-sive. Added to al1 this is the fact that Cameroon declared that there
are over three million Nigerians in Cameroon. There are about 150,000
Nigerians living in the Bakassi Peninsula alone. In a situation of this
nature and in a case of this kind, what is supposed to be the function
of the Court? The Court must primarily concern itself with its judicial
function and decide the Applications before it in accordance with its
Statute and with principles of international law.
4. At the same time, the Court must constantly remind itself of its
position and obligations as a principal organ of the United Nations
(Art. 7, para. 1, of the Charter). The Court must therefore ensure that it

has a cardinal duty to encourage, by itsjudgments, al1member States of
the United Nations to "refrain in their international relations from the
threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political inde-
pendence of any State, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Pur-
poses of the United Nations (Art. 2, para. 4, of the Charter). The para-
mount obligation of the Court is to give a decision that will do justice in
accordance with the maintenance of international peace and security in
any region of the world. The Court is constantly aware of this obligation,
for example, the Court took cognisance of resolutions 731 (1992), and
748 (1992) of the Security Council, in the cases of the Questions of Znter-
pretation and Application of the 1971 Montreal Convention arisingfrom
the Aerial Incident ut Lockerbie (Libyan Arab Jumahiriya v. United
Kingdom) (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya v. United States), when it refused
to order the interim measure requested by Libya. Indeed, in the present
case, at the interim measures stage,the Court ordered that "[bloth Parties
should lend every assistance to the fact-finding mission which the Secre-
tary-General of the United Nations has proposed to send to the Bakassi
Peninsula" (1.C.J. Reports 1996 (Z), p. 25). In performing this exerciseit
is part of the duty of the Court, in its application of international law, to
ensure that conflicting considerations are balanced between opposing

claims.

5. An aspect of the Award of Judge Max Huber in the Island of
Palmas case of October 1924 threw some light on such conflicting
interests:

"It is accepted that every law aims at assuring the coexistence of
interests deserving of legal protection. That is undoubtedly true also
of international law. The conflicting interests in this case, inonnec-
tion with the question of indemnification of aliens, are, on the one
hand, the interest of the State in the exercise of authority in its own
territory without interference or supervision by foreign States, and,
on the other hand, the interest of the State in seeing the rights of its
nationals in a foreign country respected and effectively protected."
(H. Lauterpacht, The Function of Law in International Community,
p. 121.) 6. The balancing of conflicting interests in a very sensitive case of this
nature is not strange to the Court and this has reflected in some of its
recent judgments, like the case concerning Maritime Delirnitation in the

Area between Greenland and Jan Mayen (Denmark v. Nor~vay)(1.C.J.
Reports 1993, p. 38), where equity played a major role to allow for a fair
and just allocation and delimitation of the maritime boundary; the case
concerning Maritime Delirnitation and Territorial Questions between
Qatar and Bahrain (1. C.J. Reports 2001, p. 40), a case decided in such a
manner as to ensure peace and stability between both parties, to the
extent that both felt satisfied with the Judgment of the Court; the

KasikililSedudu Island (Bots~vanalNumibia) case (1.C.J. Reports
1999 (II), p.1045), which encouraged both parties to settle their disputes
amicably.
7. In matters of land and maritime boundaries such balancing of con-
flicting interests or adjustment in cases involving different legal or con-
ventional titles cannot be considered as non-judicial. As will be men-

tioned later, these are cases where effectivitésor historical consolidation
have been given consideration over and above legal title. Some examples
were given by A. L. W. Munkman in her article:

"It is perhaps necessary to consider at this point the view that
arbitrators dispose of wider powers of adjustment or minor legisla-
tion, a greater discretion in taking account of the 'equities' of the
particular situation, than do strictlyjudicial tribunals, that is, perma-
nent courts. There seems to be no real basis for any suggestion that

the scope of considerations which judicial, as opposed to arbitral,
tribunals mav take account of is narrower: a wide range of uocial.
economic and geographical criteria were explicitly taken account
of in the An~"o-Nor~,e~i"n Fisheries and North Sea Continental
Shelf cases, and historical and cultural considerations were not of
themselves described as irrelevant in the Temple case. In the Jawor-

zina case, the Permanent Court explicitly invoked the notion of the
historic boundaries of the States in dispute, and the ethnographical
factors presuming in their favour." ("Adjudication and Adjust-
ment - International Judicial Decision and the Settlement of Ter-
ritorial and Boundary Disputes", British Yeur Book of International
Law, 1972-1973, p. 113.)

8. There are other cases decided by the Court or its predecessor, the

Permanent Court of International Justice, that may also be mentioned,
which lend credence to the fact that international permanent courts are
determined to ensure that at the end of the day both parties to such dis-
putes are happy about the decision and that it is not a case of givingjudg-
ment in favour of any of the parties considered to be the "title-holder".
Recently, the EritreaIEthiopia Boundary Commission gave its decision inthe land boundary dispute which has for many years been the cause of
serious armed conflict between the two parties. On 14April 2002, when
the decision was delivered, both parties returned to their respective
capitals rejoicing that they were satisfied with thedecision of the Com-
mission.
9. Munkman went further to enumerate some other cases:

"In the British Guiana Boundary cases decisions on 'allocation' of
substantial portions of territory and on the 'delimitation' of the
boundary between the areas awarded to each party were com-
bined - as also in the Rann of Kutch award. In the Jaworzina
Boundary case, the Permanent Court in effect gave a decision on the
allocation and delimitation of a boundary on the basis of the status
quo ante. The North Atlantic Fisheries and Gulfof Fonseca cases (in
so far as they related to bays) and the Anglo-Norwegian Fisheries
case involved decisions on the allocation of sea areas and their
delimitation and, in the latter case, the technical problem of base-
line demarcation." (Op. cit., p. 115.)

10. In a case of this nature, the proper course for the Court to follow
is not only one of mere legal formalism in favour of one party. It must
weigh and balance the legal titles of both parties and take also intocon-
siderationthe situation on the ground, particularly in Lake Chad and the
Bakassi Peninsula. It will be difficult, if not impossible, for the Court not
to recognize the status quo. To overlook such a situation will not ensure
justice in this case. Such an oversight might have contributed to the pro-
tracted and judicially unsatisfactory course of the Hungarian Optants
dispute between Romania and Hungary of 1927. A learned author (who
was once a judge of this Court) offered a solution:

"But the course which is believed to be the proper one, and which
is suggested by the position adopted by international tribunals in
other cases, would be to evolve a legal rule constituting a judicial
compromise between the legally recognized claims ofterritorial sov-
ereignty, on the one hand, and the internationally recognized rights
of aliens, on the other hand." (H. Lauterpacht, The Function ofLaw

in the International Community, p. 122.)

11. As regards the Lake Chad Basin, 1voted against the decisions of

the Court as stated in paragraph 325 1 (A) and (B) of the Judgment,
because they fail to take into consideration the submissions of Nigeria
based on effectivités and historical consolidation; hence my decision to
write a dissenting opinion. Admittedly, the Thompson-Marchand Decla-ration of 1929-1930as incorporated in the Henderson-Fleuriau Exchange
of Notes of 1931 is relevant, but that is only one aspect (but not all) of
what the Court should consider in order to effect the necessary judicial
delimitation. In the Court's interpretation of the Declaration it must
effect the necessary adjustments of the boundary to give room for the
situation on the ground as recognized by international law.

12. The Court, in reaching its decision on Lake Chad, relied very
heavily or perhaps solely on certain instruments that formed the bedrock
of Cameroon's case. These instruments are:

- the Milner-Simon Declaration of 10 July 1919, with the annexed
Moisel map;
- the Thompson-Marchand Declaration of 1929-1930,as confirmed by
the Henderson-Fleuriau Exchange of Notes of 9 January 1931(para-
graphs 50 and 58 of the Judgment);
- the LCBC Reports and the agreements emanating from them.

13. The Court, in its Judgment, rejects Nigeria's claim to the 33 vil-
lages in Lake Chad which is based on effectiviT théeCourt examines
and relies on the Moisel map annexed to the Milner-Simon Declaration
of 1919 and the map attached the Henderson-Fleuriau Exchange of
Notes of 9 January 1931. It concludes that the co-ordinates of the
tripoint must be 14"04'59"9999 longitude east, rather than at approxi-

mately 14"05' longitude east, thus virtually reaching the same conclu-
sions as the LCBC (para. 57 of the Judgment) .On the question of the
location of the mouth of the Ebeji, the Court decides (paras. 58-60of the
Judgment) that it is located where the river bifurcates into two branches,
with the geographical co-ordinates of 14"12'03" longitude east and
12" 13'17"latitude north. However, the Court rejects the claim of Nigeria
based on the historical consolidation of its title (para. 62 of the Judg-
ment). Apparently, the Court rejects the contention of Cameroon that
the proposals of the LCBC as regards the tripoint and the location of
the mouth of the Ebeji constitutes an authoritative interpretation of the
Milner-Simon Declaration of 10July 1919and the Thompson-Marchand
Declaration of 1929-1930,as confirmed by the Exchange of Letters of
9 January 1931. Yet, it appears to me that the ultimate conclusion
reached by the Court amounts to a difference without distinction because

the Court, in finding the co-ordinates of the tripoint, reaches virtually the
same conclusions as the LCBC having taken into consideration the same
Moisel map and the Thompson-Marchand Declaration of 1929-1930,as
confirmed by the Henderson-Fleuriau Exchange of Notes of 9 January
1931.This opinion therefore touches on al1these instruments, the LCBC
Report and agreements emanating therefrom, as wellas the issue of effec-
tivitaé nd historical consolidation.
14. ln its Additional Application to the Court, dated 6 June 1994,
Cameroon asked the Court to confirm Cameroonian sovereignty over thedisputed parcel in the area of Lake Chad. Cameroon failed to describe
with certainty what it described as the disputed area in the Lake Chad
region. However, in its submission, the claim was further amplified in
that itis seeking for sovereignty over the area of Lake Chad and, in par-
ticular, over Darak. In addition, Cameroon claims more specifically:

"that the land boundary . . takes the following course:
- from the point at longitude 14"04'59"9999 E of Greenwich and
latitude 13"05'00"0001N, it then runs through the point located
at longitude 34"12' 3 l"7005 E and latitude 12"32'17"4013N
(Reply of Cameroon, Vol. 1, p. 591, para. 13.01).(Translations

by the Registry.]
15. The nature of the dispute can partly be gleaned from the pleadings
of Cameroon :

"The instrument of conventional delimitation is not in dispute.
That instrument is the Exchange of Notes between Henderson and
de Fleuriau of 9 January 1931 ...,the validity of which is recognized
by Nigeria, even if it disputes its applicability to Lake Chad . . ."
(Ibid.,p. 101,para. 3.04.)
And that :

"Initially, the boundary was delimited by the Milner-Simon
Declaration of 10 July 1919 . .. However, this delimitation, while
undergoing no change in relation to Lake Chad, was rendered more
precise in 1931by the two governments concerned, on the basis of a
survey conducted by the two High Commissioners, the results of
which are set out in the Thompson-Marchand Declaration of
29 December 1929and 3January 1930 .. ." (Ibid.p. 102,para. 3.05.)

16. The position of Nigeria is reflected in its pleadings as follows:

"The purpose of the present Chapter is to demonstrate that there
has been no final determination of the boundary within Lake Chad
between Nigeria and Cameroon. This demonstration involves the
following elements :
First: the colonial boundary agreements of the period 1906to 1931
did not produce a conclusivedelimitation in the Lake Chad region.

Second: the uncertainties remained after the Independence of Nigeria
and Cameroon.

Third: the work of the Lake Chad Basin Commission did not
produce delimitation, which was final and binding on Nigeria."
(Counter-Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. II, p. 379, para. 16.1.)
17. What then is the nature of Cameroon's request to the Court? In
this area of the boundary, Cameroon is asking for a confirmation of its
sovereignty over Lake Chad and, in particular, Darak. In this case, goingthrough the oral and written pleadings, there appears to be a disagree-
ment between the Parties on the issue of delimitation and demarcation.
The argument of Cameroon is that the area of Lake Chad had been
delimited and demarcated while, on the other hand, Nigeria asserts that
the area had neither been so delimited nor demarcated.
18. Cameroon simply bases its claim on the Milner-Simon Declaration
of 1919 and the Thompson-Marchand Declaration as confirmed by the
Henderson-Fleuriau Exchange Notes of 1931.These are the documents,
according to Cameroon that delimit the boundary in Lake Chad. Nigeria,
on the other hand, whilst accepting the relevance ofthose instruments in

principle, argues that the boundaryis not delimited by these instruments
as such. Nigeria goes further to state that these instruments relate only to
the land boundary between Lake Chad and Bakassi and do not apply to
the boundary in Lake Chad. In addition, Nigeria concludes that
"Thus, as at 1 June 1961, the date upon which Northern Came-
roons was incorporated into the independent Federation of Nigeria,
the process of delimitation and demarcation of the boundary in
Lake Chad was still at an embryonic stage." (Ibid V,ol. II, p. 376,

para. 15.99.)
Cameroon partially or tacitly agrees with this conclusion of Nigeria by
responding that :

"The observation [of Nigeria] is partially correct, concerning the
demarcation of the lake boundary, since Nigeria has not formally
accepted the result of the works carried out within the framework of
the LCBC. It is without foundation for the delimitation, which was
effected with satisfactory precision by the Exchange of Notes
of 9 January 1931, in a manner which was not in the least
'embryonic'." (Reply ofCameroon, Vol. 1,p. 103,para. 3.11.)

19. Unfortunately, al1the attempts made to effect a delimitation and
demarcation of the boundary in the Lake Chad area failed. Before World
War 1,al1the correspondence, notes, declarations and agreements entered
into between Great Britain and Germany failed to achieve the purpose
of delimitation. Similarly, al1 the attempts made between France and
Great Britain after World War 1 equally failed. Subsequent attempts
made at the beginning of World War II did not achieve the purpose of
delimiting the boundary, let alone demarcating it. The following are the
attempts:

Before World Wur I

(a) Agreement between Great Britain and Germany respecting Boun-
daries in Africa, signed at Berlin, 15 November 1893 (Counter-
Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. IV, Ann. 28);
(b) Convention between the French Republic and Germany for the
Delimitation of the Colonies of French Congo and of Cameroon and of French and German Spheres of Influence in the Region of
Lake Chad, signed at Berlin 15 March 1894(Counter-Memorial of
Nigeria, Vol. IV, Ann. 29);
(c) Convention between the United Kingdom and France for the Delimi-
tation of their Respective Possessions to the West of the Niger, and
of their Respective Possessions and Spheres of Influence to the East
of that River, signed at Paris 14June 1898(ibid., Ann. 30);
(d) Anglo-German Agreement signed 12 December 1902 (ibid.,
Ann. 33);
(e) Anglo-German Protocol signed at Ullgo, Lake Chad, 24 February
1904(ibid., Ann. 34) ;

(f) Convention between the United Kingdom and France respecting
Newfoundland and West and Central Africa, signed at London,
8 April 1904(ibid., Ann. 35) ;
(g) Agreement between the United Kingdom and Germany respecting
the Boundary between British and German Territoriesfrom Yola to
Lake Chad, signed at London, 19 March 1906(ibid., Ann. 38);
(h) Convention between the United Kingdom and France respecting the
Delimitation of the Frontier between the British and French Posses-
sions to the East of the Niger, signed at London, 29 May 1906(ibid.,
Ann. 39);
(i) Convention between France and Germany confirming the Protocol
of 9 April defining the Boundaries between French Congo and the
Cameroons, signed at Berlin, 18April 1908(ibid., Ann. 40);
(j) Agreement between the United Kingdom and France respecting the
Delimitation of the Frontier between the British and French Posses-
sions East of the Niger (approved by Exchangeof Notes, 17May11July

191l), signedat London, 19February 1910(ibid., Vol. V, Ann. 43).
Since World War 1

(a) The PicotIStrachey Lines, February 1916 and the CreweICambon
Exchange of Notes, March 1916 (ibid., Vol. IX, Anns. 226, 228-
229).

20. If we leave for the moment the two crucial Declarations of 1919
and 1931, which failed to delimit the boundary, al1subsequent attempts
to effect the delimitation from 1931to 1938equally failed. Even by that
time, the Boundary Commission, under the Permanent Mandates Com-
mission did not make any tangible progress to effect the proposed task of
demarcation. Based on the prelinzinary study of the boundary that they
had provisionally dejned, it was in 1937 that the Joint Commission
started its work. However, the outbreak of World War II put a halt to
the Commission's work. A report of 15January 1942,communicated to

the Colonial Office by the Governor of Nigeria indicated that the com-
missioners had executed only 135 miles of the boundary out of a total
length of approximately 1,200 miles (ibid., Vol. IX, Ann. 371). 21. Going back to the 1919Milner-Simon Declaration, it is described
as an agreement

"to determine the frontier, separating the territories of the Cam-
eroons placed respectively under the authority of their Govern-
ments, as it is traced on the map Moisel 1 :300,000, annexed to the
present declaration and defined in the description in three articles
also annexed hereto" (Counter-Memorial of Nigeria, Vol.V,Ann. 50,
p. 481 ;emphasis added).

That boundary as described by the Milner-Simon Declaration is patently
inaccurate, unreliable and deficient. It is admitted by both Parties that
the Moisel map attached to the Declaration is unreliable, even as regards
the CO-ordinates (Le., latitude 13"05' N and longitude 14"05' E), which
was only drawn to approximation. In some aspects, the Agreement itself
is vague. It is no surprise that the Declaration anticipates "further local
delimitation". Article 2, paragraph 1, of the Declaration reads thus:

"It is understood that at the time of the local delimitation of the
frontier,where the natural features to befollowed are not indicated
in the above description, the Commissioners of the two Governments
will, usjar as possible, but without changing the attribution of the
villagesnamed in Article 1,lay down the frontier in accordance with
natural features (rivers, hills or watersheds).

The Boundary Commissioners shall be authorised to make such
minor modifications of the frontier line as may appear to them
necessary in order to avoid separating the villages from their agri-
cultural lands. Such deviations shall be clearly marked on special
maps and submitted for the approval of the two Governments.

Pending such approval, the deviations shall be provisionully recog-
nised and respected." (Ibid.,Vol. V, Ann. 50, p. 483; emphasis
added.)

22. In fact, with regard to this Declaration, the letter of Lord Curzon,
in its first paragraph, indicates that Great Britain only agreed with the
French Government as '>rovisional entry intoforce pending the dejinitive

settlement of'the régimeto be upplied in these territories" (ibid.,Vol. IX,
Ann. 239, p. 1865;emphasis added). Hence, by 27 May 1921,a sugges-
tion was made by France to Great Britain, that it was preferable to leave
the delimitation until after the mandates have been obtained from the
League of Nations. The letter of the British Ambassador of 23 October
1921, in its second paragraph, gave a very clear indication of the prob-
lems with the Milner-Simon Declaration. In that letter, he suggested that
Article 1 of the Draft Mandate should be recast to contain the following
provision :

"This line may, however, be slightlyaltered by agreement between547 LAND AND MARITIME BOUNDARY (DISSO. P.AJIBOLA)

His Britannic Majesty's Government and the Government of the
French Republic ivherean e'caminationof the localitiesshows that it
is undesirable, either itz tlze interests of the inhabitants or by reason
of any inaccuracies in tlzenzap (Moisel 1:300,000) a~znexedto the
declaration to adherestrictly to the line laiddoiin tlzerein.)"(Counter-
Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. IX, Ann. 243, p. 1881 ;emphasis added.)

23. The advice of the British Ambassador, Hardinge of Penshurst,
referred toabove, was accepted by the League of Nations in July 1922,in
order to effect the necessary amendments to the Milner-Simon Declara-
tion. There again, in Article 1 of the League of Nations instrument, the
interest of the inhabitants was to be taken into consideration as well as
correcting the inaccuracies of the Moisel map of 1 :300,000 scale, which
incidentally is relatively toosmall for boundary delimitation exercises.
The important point in al1this is that the Court fails to give considera-
tion to the interests of the Nigerian inhabitants in al133 villagesclaimed
by Nigeria in this sector of Lake Chad.
It can therefore be observed that even during the Mandate there is a
tacit consideration given to effectivités in terms of the interest of the
inhabitants in any of the localities where this is desirable.
24. The Thompson-Marchand Declaration was an improvement on

the Milner-Simon Declaration because it introduced an improved map
that was annexed to that Declaration. Furthermore, it mentioned the
identification of a straight line as far as themouth of the Ebeji. Here
again, we find that the process had not yet reached the delimitation stage,
letalone demarcation. In the same paragraph of the letter of de Fleuriau
of 9 January 1931, he remarked :
"Your Excellency will no doubt have received the text of same

Declaration and will certainly have observed that it concerns a
preliminary survey only. This is intended to describe the line to
be followed by the Delimitation Cornmi.ssion,more exactly than
was done in the Milner-Simon DecIaration of 1919." (Ibid., Vol. V,
Ann. 54, p. 538; emphasis added.)
In reply to de Fleuriau's letter, Arthur Henderson correspondingly replied
that a boundary commission would have to be constituted in order to
take over apreliminary survey that had been conducted in order to carry

out actuul delitnitution of the boundary.
25. Under the United Nations Trusteeship in 1946,attempts were also
made at delimiting the boundary in Lake Chad, which did not materialize
up to 1948, and after. The report presented by the United Kingdom
Trusteeship for the Cameroons touched on the boundary issues vis-A-vis
the Thompson-Marchand Declaration and States as follows:

"The Territory to which this Agreement applies comprises that
part of the Cameroons lying to the Westof the boundary defined by548 LAND AND MARITIME BOUNDARY (DISS. OP. AJIBOLA)

the Franco-British Declaration of 10 July 1919, and more exactly
defined in the Declaration made by the Governor of the Colony and
Protectorate of Nigeria and the Governor of the Cameroons under
French mandate which was confirmed by the exchange of Notes
between His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom and the
French Government of 9 January 1931. This line may, however be
slightly modijied by mutual agreement between His Majesty's Gov-
ernment in the United Kingdom and the Government of the French

Republic where an examination of the localities shows that itis desir-
able in the interest of the inhabitants." (Counter-Memorial of
Nigeria, Vol. V, Ann. 56, pp. 579-581; emphasis added.)

26. One remarkably persistent issue that kept recurring in many of the
agreements just mentioned is the interest of the inhabitants, whenever

delimitation or even demarcation had to be effected. Unfortunately, this
modification has not been carried out till today. It started with the British
Ambassador in 1921 ;was engrafted into the League of Nations instru-
ments as Article 1 ;and was again contained in Article 1 in the Trustee-
ship Agreement of 13 December 1946,al1clearly expressing the need to
modify the boundary by "mutual agreement between His Majesty's Gov-
ernment in the United Kingdom and the Government of the French
Republic where an examination of the localities shows that it is desirable
in the interest of the inhabitants"(ibid,Ann. 56, p. 581).

27. Has this modification ever been carried out? Can that problem be
ignored or dismissed, especially now that Nigeria is claiming 33 villages
in Lake Chad? In any attempt to delimit this area of the boundary in the

Lake Chad area, should this not be taken into consideration? Yet the
Court fails to consider this claim of Nigeria regarding its inhabitants in
Lake Chad.

28. In effect therefore, the judicial assignment of the Court entails a
conclusive settlement of this dispute first, by interpreting the instruments
involved, then take into consideration the interest of the inhabitants'
effectivitésand historical consolidation. A similar assignment was per-
formed by this Court in the case concerning the Territorial Dispute
(Libyan Arab JamahiriyalChad) in 1994 on what constitutes the initial
task of the Court. The Court therein described its assignment thus:

"The Court willfirstconsider Article 3of the 1955Treaty, together
with the Annex to which that Article refers, in order to decide
whether or not that Treaty resulted in a conventional boundary
between the territories of the Parties.f the 1955 Treaty did result in
a boundary, this furnishes the answer to the issues ruised by the
Parties: it would be a response ut one and the same time to the
Libyan request to determine the limits of the respective territories of
the Parties and to the request ofChud to determine the course of the frontier. The Court's initial task must therefore he to interpret the
relevant provisions of the 1955 Treaty, on ivhich the Parties lzave
taken divergent positions." (1C.J. Reports 1994, p. 20, para. 38;
emphasis added.)

29. In view of the claim of Nigeria over certain specific places, where
the inhabitants are affiliated to Nigeria and are being administered by
Nigeria, this provision in the Agreement ought to have been seriously
taken into consideration by the Court in its interpretation of the bound-

ary line, hence my disagreement with the decision of the Court.

30. The Parties' concept and arguments aside, it is important to deter-
mine the duty of the Court as regards the dispute in Lake Chad. Clearly,
the Court is not called upon to demarcate and, quite obviously, this is
outside the assienment of the Court. 1s this therefore a case of delimita-

tion or attributin for the Court? In a case of this nature, where there are
conflicting claims by the parties as to the location of the boundary and
disputed territorial sovereignty, the cardinal assignment of the Court is,
first to deal with the determination of the boundary by way of judicial
delimitation and subsequently to deal with the conflicting territorial
claims of the ~arties.
31. As indicated earlier, there are claims and counter-claims as to

whether the Lake Chad basin had been delimited or demarcated. Presum-
ably, if both Parties had definitivelyconcluded the agreements on delimi-
tation and afortiori demarcation, this Application might not be filed by
Cameroon. The preliminary objection of Nigeria on this point was rejected
by the Court. The duty of the Court here therefore is to determine
whether the boundary in Lake Chad had been delimited or not. If it had

not been delimited, it is the Court's duty to carry out such an exercise as
a judicial function. Even if the Court finds that it had already been
"delimited" by certain instruments, the Court will still need to examine
those instruments and then carry out its own definitive determination of
the boundary. The Court ought to ascertain the true legal line in terms of
interpreting those instruments in relation to the descriptive content of

such boundary which, inter alia, must relate not only to its toponomy,
geography, topography and human factors, but also apply the rules of
interpretation in accordance with the Vienna Convention on the Law of
Treaties of 1969, particularly its Article 31. With respect to this Conven-
tion, the Court is bound to take into consideration not only the ordinary
meaning of the instruments but also the conduct and practice of the
Parties which, unfortunately, the Court fails to do in the Judgment.

Lake Chad and the Work qf tlze LCBC

32. There is a curious turning point in the boundary dispute between
Cameroon and Nigeria which is quite remarkable and worthy of mention
here. The VIIIth Summit Meeting of the LCBC was held on 21-23 March550 LAND AND MARITIME BOUNDARY (DISS. OP. AJIBOLA)

1994in Abuja, Nigeria. At the meeting, the four Heads of State including
that of Cameroon were present. The decision of the Summit echoes the
consensus reached as follows :
"A. Boundary demarcation

- to approve the technical document on the demarcation of the
international boundaries of member States in the Lake Chad, as
endorsed by the national experts and the Executive Secretariat of
the LCBC.
- that each country should adopt the document in accordance with
its national laws.

- that the document should be signed latest by the next summit of
the Commission.
- to instruct statellocal administrations of each country to mount
social mobilization campaigns to educate the local populations
on the demarcation and their rights and privileges on the Lake.

- congratulated the Commissioners, the national experts, the
Executive Secretariat and the Contractor IGN-France for a job
well done." (Counter-Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. II, pp. 407-408,
para. 16.57.)

33. Yet, precisely five days after this apparently cordial meeting of
Heads of State in Abuja, where they expressed the view that the work of
the LCBC had been satisfactorily carried out, Cameroon filed the Appli-
cation for the confirmation of its sovereignty over certain areas of Lake
Chad and over Darak. This was the same area of boundary that the
Cameroonian Head of State, along with his Nigerian counterpart had,
only recently, endorsed.

34. The second unfortunate aspect of this litigation is that the LCBC,
its Executive Secretary, members, experts and the IGN laboured from
1983to 1994to ensure the final determination of the border in this sector
between Cameroon and Nigeria. However, it appears that this has now
become an exercise in futility - much ado about nothing - with colos-
sal waste of time, effort and money, since neither Nigeria nor Cameroon
ratified the boundary agreement (Cameroon later ratified in 1997).Cam-
eroon has now applied to the Court to start de novo what was close to

an agreement between the Parties. Must Cameroon approbate and rep-
robate? The findings of the LCBC are not binding either directly or indi-
rectly on the Court and neither is the LCBC bound by whatever may be
the decision of the Court on this area of the boundary. The jurisdiction
of the Court is consensual and it cannot bind other members of the
LCBC, such as Niger and Chad, who are not parties before the Court
(Art. 59 of the Statute of the Court). The Court is entitled to deal with

the bipoint between Cameroon and Nigeria but not the tripoint between
Cameroon, Chad and Niger. 35. The Court had already expressed its view and made some obser-
vations during the jurisdictional phase of this case as regards the dispute
between both Parties in the Lake Chad area. It is pertinent to refer to the
observations of the Court herein before we proceed further:

"the Court notes that, with regard to the whole of the boundary,
there is no explicit challenge from Nigeria. However, a disagreement
on a point of law or fact, a conflict of legal views or interests, or the
positive opposition of the claim of one party by the other need not

necessarily be stated expressis verbis. In the determination of the
existence of a dispute, as in other matters, the position or the atti-
tude of a party can be established by inference, whatever the pro-
fessed view of that party. In this respect the Court does not find
persuasive the argument of Cameroon that the challenge by Nigeria
to the validity of the existing titles to Bakassi, Darak and Tipsan,

necessarily calls into question the validity as such of the instruments
on which the course of the entire boundary from the tripoint in Lake
Chad to the sea is based, and therefore proves the existence of a dis-
pute concerning the whole of the boundary." (1.C. J. Reports 1998,
p. 315, para. 89.)

36. The assignment given to the LCBC's Sub-Committee on Boundary
Matters, which started in 1983, was completed in March 1994. IGN of

France was engaged to carry out the work which it completed in July-
1993 and submitted to the Executive Secretary; eventually al1the experts
of the member States signed the report. Subsequently, at the meeting of
Heads of State in Abuja in March 1994, al1 the Heads of State present
signed the boundary documents, subject to ratification by each member
State. Cameroon did not ratify until 1997and Nigeria has not ratified to

date. The IXth Summit of Heads of State was held in Chad in 1995. At
that time, the Application of Cameroon was already pending before the
Court and both Cameroon and Nigeria were absent from the Meeting.
37. What then is the legal effect of the work of the LCBC, with its
report and documents not ratified byal1 the member States before the

IXth Summit of Heads of State in 1995?Although al1the Heads of State
present during the VIIlth Summit signed it, each country still had to
adopt it in accordance with its own national laws. The document had to
be ratified no later than the next Summit of the Commission in 1995, in
order to give it legal force. Cameroon and Nigeria failed to ratify before
the "next Summit", even though Cameroon ratified subsequently. Since
the other two countries, Niger and Chad, are not before the Court they

are not bound by the decision of the Court. This is a fundamental prin-
ciple that the Court has pronounced upon many occasions. In the juris-
dictional phase of the case, this principle was once again reiterated thus:

"The Court recalls that it has always acknowledged as one of the
fundamental principles of its Statute that no dispute between States552 LAND AND MARITIME BOUNDARY (DISS .P. AJIBOLA)

can be decided without their consent to its jurisdiction (Monetary
Gold Removed from Rome in 1943, Judgment, 1. C. J. Reports 1954,
p. 32). Nevertheless, the Court has also emphasized that it is not
necessarilyprevented fromadjudicating when thejudgment it is asked
to give might affect thelegal interests of a State which is not a party
to the case; and the Court has only declined to exercisejurisdiction

when the interests of the third State 'constitute the very subject-
matter of the judgment to be rendered on the merits' (Certain Phos-
phate Lands in Nauru (Nauru V. Australia), Preliminury Objections,
Judgment, 1.C.J. Reports 1992, p. 61, para. 55; East Timor (Portugal
v.Australia), Judgment, 1. C.J Reports 1995, pp. 104-105,para. 34)."
(1C.J. Reports 1998, p. 312, para. 79.)

38. In the above circumstances, and as the Court rightly decided, the
Agreement is not opposable to Nigeria and hence Nigeria is not bound
by it. Similarly, it cannot beaid that this Agreement must be recognized
by al1the member States of the LCBC. In the minutes of the VIIIth Sum-
mit of the Heads of State and Government in Abuja 1994,the decision
reached was:

"- that each country should adopt the document in accordance
with its national laws.
- that the document should be signedlatest by the next summit of
the Commission" (Counter-Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. X,
Ann. 285, Decision No. 5, p. 13).

In the absence of any evidence that these decisions have beencarried out
by Cameroon and Nigeria, the document obviously will not be binding
on the Parties in this case.

39. Article 46of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties is rele-
vant here. Although al1 the Heads of State signed the documents in
Abuja in 1994(which Article 7 seeks to protect and validate), it is clear
from their decision that before the Agreement could enter into force, it
must be adopted and ratified by al1the LCBC member States.

40. The task of the LCBC, which involves its Executive Secretary, the
members and experts from member States, covered the period from 1983
until 1994.The establishment of the LCBC was prompted by the distur-
bances in that region during the year 1983,which necessitated the con-
vening of the meeting of its members in Lagos from 21 to 23 July 1983.

The Sub-Committee on the Delimitation of the Borders was saddled with
the responsibility of the boundary determination. Necessary logistical
problems (including funding) delayed the exercise until 1988 when the
contract for the demarcation was signed between the LCBC and IGN
International of France on 26 May 1988.

41. Cameroon puts emphasis on the stage of the work of the contrac-
tor in 1990. It referred to the Report on the Marking-Out of the Inter-553 LAND AND MARITIME BOUNDARY (DISS . P.AJIBOLA)

national Boundaries in Lake Chad.. The experts of the LCBC introduced
this Report in the following terms:

"We the undersigned,
experts from the Member States of the CBLTILCBC (Cameroon,
Niger, Nigeria and Chad), duly designated by our States to supervise
and monitor the work on the demarcation of our boundaries in
accordance with resolution No. 2 adopted by Our Governments at
theirSixth Summit Meeting held in N'Djamena on 28 and 29 Octo-
ber 1987.

.............................
have proceeded, from 13 June 1988 to 12 February 1990, to effect
the delimitation and marking-out of the said boundaries und submit
to the approvalof the respective Governments the following descrip-
tion of the boundaries that we marked out." (Counter-Memorial of
Nigeria, Vol. II, p. 403, para. 16.50;emphasis added.)

42. The argument of Cameroon as stated above can be faulted on five
grounds: firstly, the document completed and to be submitted is a mere
report and not a binding agreement; secondly, not al1the experts from
member States signed; thirdly, the Report was still incomplete; fourthly,
the Report itself states that it was being submitted to the Heads of State
for approval; and, fifthly, the task of the experts was not to approve the
work of IGN of France: they were only mandated to supervise and moni-
tor the work. As regards the nature of the document as a report, even the
Memorial of Cameroon referred to above expressly described it as such.

It was introduced as the Report on the Marking-Out of the International
Boundaries and no more.

43. The task of the Commission on the Boundary was not concluded
in 1990 but continued through 1991, 1992and 1993. This was because
IGN International of France had not completed the technical task and
the expert of Nigeria and, at another stage, the expert ofhad, were not
satisfied with the Report and they insisted on some technical amend-
ments. The comment of Nigeria on this point is very illuminating:

"At a meeting of LCBC Experts in January 1992, Nigeria indi-
cated that it was now ready to implement the resolution of the 39th
Meeting and to sign the 'report on demarcation' (NP0 75). The
Commission noted the intention of the experts to implement the
resolution by June 1992(page 715 of NP0 75). At the 41st Session
of the Commission in April 1993 (see extracts of Minutes at
NC-M 284), it was reported that the experts has gone back to the
field, finalized the technical aspects of the job and al1 signed the
demarcation document. However, because of a dispute regarding the
location of Beacon VI on the ChadICameroon boundary, the Chad
Commissioner stated that he was unable to endorse that aspect of the work, and as a result of there being a lack of consensus, it was
resolved that the 'documents regarding the demarcation exercise'be
signed by the Executive Secretary and made available to the Com-
missioners for presentation to their Governments so that the issue
could be finalised at the next Summit." (Counter-Memorial of
Nigeria, Vol. II, p. 406, para. 16.54.)

44. As reflected in the memorandum of Nigeria in November of 1990
at the 39th meeting of the Commissioners,the Nigerian delegation refused
to sign the report for the reason that was expressed thus:

"In November 1990, at their 39th meeting, the Commissioners
resolved that the national experts should go back to the fieldto com-
plete some specificjobs relating to two intermediate beacons . . In
the course of the discussions of the relevant subcommission, the
position of the Nigerian delegation as recorded in the Minutes was
as follows . . .
'For its part, the fourth delegation, i.e. that of NIGERIA, con-
sidered that the project was not fully completed (the failure to

number beacon 11-111.1,substandard quality of numbering by
LCBC, non-demolition of beacon II-V.1 which was wrongly
erected, non stabilisation of GPS and Azimuth station on lines
1-11and II-V and disappearance of two GPS stations on line 1-11).'

In consequence, Nigeria refused to sign the Report of the experts
on the beaconing. At a June 1991meeting of experts, Nigeria rejected
this resolution of the 39th Meeting . . ." (Zbid V.,l. II, p. 405,
para. 16.52.)

45. As referred to earlier, the experts of member States were not man-
dated to sign the final agreement for or on behalf of the Governments or
Heads of State. They were instructed to prepare and submit a report for
the approval of the Heads of State at their Summit, which they did at the
VTIIth Summit, for their signature. That precisely was their undertaking
as stated in the Report. They unequivocally expressed the duty that they
were called upon to carry out - "to supervise and monitor". Therefore,
whatever was signed by the experts of member States cannot bind the
Parties in this case. Ttcannot, therefore be said that the mission entrusted
to the LCBC and the manner in which it was carried out resulted in the
recognition by the LCBC member States that a delimitation in the Lake

Chad area already existed. The Commission was not so mandated. The
ultimate decision lies with the Heads of State. In 1994, the Report was
accepted and approved by the Heads of State signing the document that
was to be subsequently ratified. That ratification did not happen, at leastas far as Nigeria is concerned. Hence my view is that the Court ought to
ignore the report and agreement of the LCBC. Tacitly, therefore, the
decision of the Court to reject Cameroon's submission that the Parties
are bound by the LCBC's Report is valid. However, the Court ought to
have taken into consideration other factors, such as effectivitésand
historical consolidation inorder to come to a determination on the delimi-
tation of Lake Chad.

Delimitation and Delnarcation

46. Reading through the oral and the written pleadings in this case one
must admit that there is a degree of misunderstanding or even confusion
in the use of the words delimitation and demarcation. Perhaps, for the
purpose of elucidation and to clear the apparent convolution, we may
borrow a definition of these two terminologies from a textbook on inter-
national law :

"The distinction sometimes made between artificial and natural
boundaries is geographical rather than legal, for so-called natural
boundaries, making use of natural features such as rivers or moun-
tains usually need further definition in order to produce a precise
boundary line. The common practice for land boundaries is, in a
boundary treaty or award, to describe the boundary line in words,
i.e. to 'delimit' it; and then to appoint boundary commissions,
usuallyjoint, to apply the delimitation to the ground and if necessary
to mark it with boundary posts or the like, i.e. to 'demarcate' it."
(Oppenheim's Internnrional Law, 9th ed., Vol. 1 (Peace), Parts 2-4,
Sir Robert Jennings and Sir Arthur Watts (eds.), p. 662.)

47. The claim of Cameroon is that the LCBC has delimited the bound-
arv with the aid of the relevant instruments alreadv mentioned. The view
of~i~eria is that nothing has been delimited or deharcated conclusively.
Nigeria agrees that certain instruments are relevant for the purpose of
delimitation but that the area of Lake Chad is not part of it. Cameroon
argues that the demarcation had been fully and finally effected by the
LCBC and the same sanctioned by the Heads of State. For the reason
already given above, 1 disagree with Cameroon, as the Court has also
done. However, since delimitation precedes demarcation, and delimita-

tion in this case is not just simplyconfirming the instruments that delimit,
but these instruments must be givenjudicial interpretation having regard
to the conflicting viewof the Parties, the Courtis therefore called upon to
determine the issue of delimitation, whilst the Parties will undertake that
of demarcation. But in doing so the Court fails to take into consideration
factors other than the instruments. Lake Chad Basin: Effectivitésand Historical Consolidation

48. As mentioned earlier, and based on the evidence presented to the
Court by both Parties on this matter and particularly Nigeria, 1 am
strongly of the view that the issue ofeffectivitéand historical consolida-
tion ought invariably to be given consideration in this case. My reason
for saying so has been partly explained in the introductory part of this
opinion and partly in the sector on Bakassi Peninsula below. Here refer-
ence must be made to thejurisprudence of the Court, in the Frontier Dis-
pute (Burkina FasolRepublic of Mali) case, particularly in terms of the
pronouncement of the Court with regard to the position of efictivités in

relation to legal title. Thereis enough reason and justification for the
Court to take these legal principles of historical consolidation and effec-
tivitésinto consideration. It has been established that in so many areas in
Lake Chad, the Milner-Simon Declaration of 1919 with the annexed
Moisel map and the Thompson-Marchand Declaration of 1929-1930,as
confirmed by the Henderson-Fleuriau Exchange of Notes of 9 January
1931,are not sufficiently precise and in most cases inaccurate to present
a clear picture of delimitation in LakeChad. The boundary thus requires
adjustments and clarifications which can only be taken care of by effec-
tivitésand historical consolidation.

49. The Lake Chad basin isconstantly in a state of fluxas to its waters
and its inhabitants kept moving with the receding waters from time to
time. Some of the settlements and villages have been there for over
40 years. Undoubtedly, this is a situation where effectivitéhas an impor-
tant role to play. In theIsland of Palmas case, Max Huber held that the
island ought to be attributed to the Netherlands on the ground that:

"the establishment of Netherlands authority, attested also by exter-
na1signs of sovereignty, had already reached such a degree of devel-
opment that the importance of maintaining this state of things ought
to be considered as prevailing over a claim possibly based either on
discovery in very distant times and unsupported by occupation, or
on mere geographical position" (H. Lauterpacht, The Function of

Law in International Community, p. 120).

Added to al1these uncertainties in the area of Lake Chad is the fact
that there has never been any definitive delimitation, let alone demarca-
tion. A clear picture of the situation in Lake Chad is that the inhabitants
have been living at large regardless of where the boundary lies, and some

of them have been there for many years. It isprecisely a situation like this
that calls for justice in favour of these inhabitants, most of whom owe
allegiance to Ngala local government in Nigeria and their Nigerian Bula-mas (chiefs). This spread of inhabitants in Lake Chad is not unusual, we
have similar examples in the area of the land boundary between Nigeria
and Cameroon where, for example, in the Nigerian village of Koja, the
Nigerian inhabitants have spread over into the Cameroonian side of the
boundary. Again, in the Cameroonian village of Turu, the inhabitants
have spread into the Nigerian territory. The Court in its wisdom has

decided to allow the Parties to resolve these incursions themselves bv
peaceful settlement. The arbitrator in the Island of Palmas case estab-
lished the general rules which ought to guide the judge in deciding
matters of this nature by weighing the relative merits of the titles claimed.
He said:

"International law, like law in general, has the object of assuring
the coexistence of different interests which are worthy of legal pro-
tection. If, as in the present instance, only one of two conflicting
interests is to prevail, because sovereignty can be attributed to but
one of the Parties, the interest which involves the maintenance of a
state of things having offered at the critical time to the inhabitants of
the disputed territory, and to other States, a certain guarantee for
the respect of their rights ought, in doubt, to prevail over an interest
which - supposing it to be recognized in international law - has

not yet received any concrete form of development." (H. Lauter-
pacht, op. cit., pp. 119-120.)
In my view, this statement of Max Huber is reflected in the Frontier Dis-
pute (Burkina FasolRepublic of Mali) case, that:

"ln the event that the effectivité does not co-exist ioith any legal
title, it must invariably be taken into consideration. Finally, there are
cases where the legal title is not capable of showing exactly the ter-
ritorial expanse to which it relates. The eflectivitéscan then play an
essential role in showing how the title is interpreted in practice."

(1.C.J. Reports 1986, p. 587,para. 63 ; emphasis added.)

50. In this particular case therefore, it is ejyectivité that can assist in
fully complementing the content of the legal title. This definitely is not a
case of ejyectivitécontra legem, but one that must invariably be given rec-
ognition and consideration. Quite patently, the Frontier Dispute (Burkina

FasolRepublic of Mali) case is the authority on this point. The Court
cannot interpret a part of paragraph 63 of the Judgment in that case, and
leave the other part uninterpreted. After all, Cameroon in effect accepted
the overwhelming evidence of eflectivitksput forward by Nigeria.
51. Nigeria strongly and extensively pinpoints the obvious deficiencies
in many of these instruments. Cameroon also agrees with many of the
deficiencies as highlighted by Nigeria. One example is the Moisel map aswell as the map attached to the 1931 Declaration. Another problematic
area is the mouth of the Ebeji. The difficulties encountered by the LCBC
throughout the duration of their work on the Lake Chad boundary is not
unconnected with the problems of inaccuracies, uncertainties and incon-
gruities when it comes to delimitation and demarcation.

52. The role of effectivité which deals majorly with the conduct and
practice of the parties and has its legal basis founded on some of the pro-
visions of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties of 1969, par-
ticularly its paragraph 31, has as its advantage, the need to ensure stabil-
ity along the boundaries of two States. Short of invalidating a legal title

that bears no relation to the situation on the ground, effectivitécomes in
to play the role of sustaining complementarily the boundary based on the
practice and conduct of the parties over the years which, in effect, is simi-
lar to the principle of uti possidetis juris (defacto).Consequently, effec-
tivitécomes in to adjust, Varyor amend such boundary as may be struc-
turally established by the legal title.
53. This view is not strange to the Court. Apart from certain infer-
ences made by it on a similar matter in the KusikililSedudu Island (Bot-
swanalNumibiu) case, an illustration of such a principle was made in the
Advisory Opinion of 1971in the case concerning the Legal Consequences
for States of the Continued Presence of'South Africa in Namihiu (South
West Africa) notwithstunding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970),
where the Court States :

"This procedure followed by the Security Council, which has con-
tinued unchanged after the amendment in 1965 of Article 27 of the
Charter, has been generally accepted by Members of the United
Nations and evidences a general practice of that Organization."
(I.C.J. Reports 1971, p. 22, para. 22.)

54. Similarly, in 1962, the Court had another opportunity to pro-
nounce on the conduct and practice of the parties with regard to a map
which the Court considered to have been accepted as the outcome of the
work on delimitation between Cambodia and Thailand in the case con-
cerning the Temple of Preah Vihear. In that case the Court decided that :

"Thailand in 1908-1909did accept the Annex 1map as representing
the outcome of the work of delimitation, and hence recognized the
line on that map as being the frontier line, the effect of which is to
situate Preah Vihear in Cambodian territory. The Court considers
further that, looked at as a whole, Thailand's subsequent conduct
confirms and bears out her original acceptance, and that Thailand's
acts on the ground do not suffice to negative this. Both Parties, by
their conduct, recognized the line and thereby in effect agreed to

regard it as being the frontier line."(I.C.J. Reports 1962, pp. 32-33;
emphasis added.)In this case, Nigeria relies very heavily on effectivitésto justify its claim
over the 33 villages mentioned in its Counter-Memorial and filed bundles
of documents in support of it, which clearly show its uninterrupted occu-
pation of such places over the years.

55. Nigeria describes with particularity that the settlements are not
heavily populated, and are headed by Bulatnas. The houses are generally
built of grass and mud. Fishing and farming are practised on the avail-
able fertile land and water. The people there are Nigerians and are pre-
dominantly of Nigerian tribes, Le., Hausa, Fulani, Kanuri, and in some
cases Ibo, Yoruba, Shuwa Arabs and Sara. They also have in some places
Malians, Cameroonians and Chadians who, even though few, also pay
community taxes to Nigerian Local Government Authorities (Ngala and
Marte Local Government Authorities).

56. According to Nigeria, some of these villages were established as
far back as 1959. Documentary evidence in support of Nigeria's ej'ec-
tivitésin the Lake Chad basin was rather overwhelming. Nigeria's activi-
ties in these villages, viz., the appointment of Bulamas, general and local
administration, health services, education, collection of taxes, holding of
elections, conducting census, proof of the affiliation of the local inhabi-
tants to Nigeria and aid to inhabitantsfor agricultural purposes were al1
heavily pleaded and presented. Nigeria claims to have carried on these
activities continuously in al1 these villages, undisturbed and uninter-
rupted by Cameroon over the years. Cameroon recognizes these facts.
Cameroon persistently referred to a "long list" of documents presented
by Nigeria. At a juncture counsel for Cameroon stated during the oral
proceedings :

"Nigeria hus presented you with a very long list of its alleged effec-
tivités.Many of them do not qualify as proper effectivités, for the
reasons 1 have already outlined and for others 1 shall mention
shortly. Still, superficially, it is a lolist .ameroon's is shorter.
Deliberately so, however." (CR 200214(Mendelson), p. 45, para. 23;
emphasis added.)

57. In Cameroon's presentation of its own effectivités, it claims that
Nigeria occupies 18Cameroonian villages. Most of the claims and activi-
ties of Cameroon date from about 1983-1987.Cameroon has visited only
12 of these villages between 1982and 1990.It claims to have carried out
a census in 1983in 14villages including Sagir, which it admits belongs to
Nigeria. Cameroon claims to have collected taxes from eight villages
between 1983and 1993.It also claims to have designated chiefs in 12vil-
lages. Although Cameroon did not claim to have held elections in any of
the villages, nevertheless it claims to have installed polling stations in six
villages, conducted election tours in four villages and given notice ofec-
tions in seven villages. Cameroon further claims to have been in controlof markets, thereby banning illegal trading in four villages, and distrib-
uted provisions to nine villagesin 1985.Cameroon intervened through its
gendarmeri eetween 1984and 1986in three criminal cases in three vil-
lages, and in 1982 organized cultural and folk activities in four villages.
However, Cameroon concedes that six of these villages are actually
within Nigerian territory; these are: Koloram, Sabon Tumbu, Jribril-
laram, Doron Mallam, Kirta Wulgo and Sagaya.

58. From the above report it can be seen that Cameroon'effectivités
are admittedly very scanty, few, vague, mostly unsubstantiated and
restricted to a limited period and cannot be compared with the over-
whelming evidence of ejyectivi presented by Nigeria before the Court.
As Cameroon pointed out, Nigeria's claim to the 33 villages and the
justification foruch a claim based on effectiv istél1 contained in
Nigeria's pleadings. Nigeriaeffectivi anéshistorical consolidation in
Lake Chad are sufficientlysignificant to be accorded recognition. But the
Court unfortunately rejects al1these claims.

59. It will be necessary in this opinion to dwell on another angle
concerning the issue of title which Cameroon is relying on. Counsel for
Cameroon added at the oral proceedings:
"For the legal reasons have already put before you Cameroon,

as the party with the title, needs to prove very little (if anything) by
way of corroboration of its title. Soit has deliberately refrained from
playing Nigeria's game, considering itquite inappropriate to go
down the path of amassing one example after another." (CR 200214
(Mendelson), p. 45, para.3.)

1wish to refer to yet another admission by Cameroon with regard to the
overwhelming evidence of effectiv iresented by Nigeria before the
Court, where counsel for Cameroon stated:
"So it will not do for Nigeria to pile up instance after instance of
allegedeffectivi téone pan of the scales, so to speak, and then

point out that Cameroon has cited fewer. The law requires this
Court to tilt the scales of justice in favour of the title-holder, and it
will require a great deal to displace that(Ibide..39, para.11.)

Here again Cameroon can be faulted with regard to its so-called "legal

title" and its claim as "title-holder". In the first case, it must be clear that
the effectivi oféNigeria in the Lake Chad basin is not meant to displace
the conventional titlElfectiv istéresented by Nigeria in this case will
only Vary or adjust the conventional title boundary. It will not tilt the
scale of justice one way or the other, but merely recognizes the that
by the acts of the Parties through their conduct and practice they have"recognized" the necessary adjustments in an otherwise inaccurate con-
ventional title boundary.

60. It is true that in this area of Lake Chad (as well as in the Bakassi
Peninsula), Cameroon has fewer evidence of eflctivité.This presumably
isbecause they have never occupied these areas which Nigeria has proved
to be under its occupation al1 along. However, and quite erroneously,

Cameroon is relying on what it terms "legal title" by referring to itself as
"title-holder".

61. Again, Cameroon gives the impression of being a title-holder,
which it has repeated many times. Cameroon has referred to al1those
relevant instruments as the exclusivedeciding factor in this case. Nigeria
equally presents its case in a similar manner to that of Cameroon.
Nigeria accepts in principle that al1those instruments are relevant to the
determination of the delimitation and demarcation of the Lake Chad
basin, but, in addition, Nigeria says that this boundary described by inac-
curate maps and incomplete or defective instruments must be interpreted
in order to give an effective and legal boundary delimitation. Further-
more, Nigeria contends that other principles of delimitation must be
taken into consideration as decided by the Chamber of this Court in the
Frontier Dispute (Burkina FasolRepublic of Mali) case. Hence, Nigeria
is saying that historical consolidation and effectivitéare al1relevant fac-

tors that are to be taken into consideration in the interpretation of the
delimitation of the Lake Chad Basin. Contrary to the decision of the
Court, this effectivitéwill serve a corrective or amending role in this case
by modification, adjustment and variation as the case may be in al1the
relevant places.
62. In other words, the position of Nigeria could simply be perceived
thus: that despite the endorsement of al1the relevant instruments and
declarations in the early part of the twentieth century, movement of
people within and around the Lake Chad area has never been static. In
the absence of any conclusive and proper delimitation and demarcation
in these places, settlements have been recognized by both Parties and this
must be read into these instruments, if the same have to be interpreted in
the year 2002, a period of well over 80 years. The Court must recognize
the status quo ante in order to do justice and steer a path of peace and
stability of relations in theregion.

63. As regards the Bakassi Peninsula (including the land boundary),
the Court relies on

the two agreements between Great Britain and Germany dated
(11 March 1913and 12 April 1913respectively);- the 1946Order in Council;
- the Yaoundé Declaration of 14 August 1970;

- the Kano Agreement of September 1974;
- the Maroua Declaration of June 1975;
- the Yaoundé II Declaration of 4 April 1987;
- the League of Nations Mandate Agreements; and

- the United Nations Trusteeship Agreements.

64. In its Judgment, particularly in paragraph 325 III (A), (B) and (C),

the Court fails to take into consideration the situation on the ground in
the Bakassi Peninsula, despite the fact that no one is left in doubt that at
the moment this territory, and indeed since independence, is occupied
and firmly in possession of Nigeria and inhabited by Nigerian people;
hence my reason for voting against the decision of the Court. This is an
artificial decision that fails blatantly to take into consideration, contrary
to al1the accepted principles of international law and practice, that effec-
tivitésmust invariably be given consideration in a matter of this nature.

Furthermore, the Court fails to take into account the submission of
Nigeria based on historical consolidation, which the Court now refers to
as mere theory. It is my strong view that, if the principle of historical con-
solidation is a theory, it is one that the Court, over the years in its judg-
ments (as will be shown later), has given its approval and support. The
decision of the Court, in my view, is rather a political decision than a
legal one.

65. Both Cameroon and Nigeria present very strong arguments over
their respective claims to the Bakassi Peninsula and both urge the Court
to "adjudge and declare" that sovereignty over the Bakassi Peninsula
belongs to it. In itsApplication instituting the proceedings (para. 20 (a)),
Cameroon asks the Court "to adjudge and declare: that sovereignty over
the Peninsula of Bakassi is Cameroonian, by virtue of international law,
and that that Peninsula is an integral part of the territory of Cameroon".
In its pleadings, Nigeria requests the Court "as to the Bakassi Peninsula

. .. to adjudge and declare that sovereignty over the Peninsula . . .is
vested in the Republic of Nigeria" (Counter-Mernorial of Nigeria, Vol. III,
Submissions, p. 834).

66. Cameroon's case virtually stands on one leg, which it strongly pre-
sented, to the effect that what governs this claim is no other legal instru-
ment than the Agreement of 11 March 1913 concluded between Great
Britain and Germany. Ttconsiders the other leg of its argument, which is

uti possidetis juris and ejfectivitt., to be secondary and supportive of its
main claim. Cameroon bases its view on what it perceives as the position
of international law in relation to treaties, relying very heavily on the
Judgment of the Chamber of the Court in the case of the Frontier Dis-
pute (Burkina FusolRepublic of Mali), particularly its paragraph 63563 LAND AND MARITIME BOUNDARY (DISS .P. AJIBOLA)

(Z.C. Je.ports1986, p. 586). Cameroon strongly contends that once it
can lay claim to a legal title, then as title-holder, the Bakassi Peninsula is
part of its territory. In particular, it relies mainly on Articles XVIII-XXII
of the Agreement of 11March 1913. Quite obviously, Cameroon's case is
not strong on effectivi tésich will be examined later), and hence it

stands or falls mainly on its claim to legal title, which the Court, in my
view, upholds, quite erroneously.

67. Nigeria rests its own case on four legs: first, it claims original title
evidenced by the Treaty of 1884 between Great Britain and the Kings
and Chiefs of Old Calabar; second, it relies very heavily oejfectivités,
which it overwhelmingly substantiates; third, it claims the long and un-
interrupted occupation and administration of the Bakassi Peninsula, as
indicating the pattern of "conduct and practice" of the Partiesvolving
historical consolidation; and, fourth, Nigeria also claims title to the
peninsula based on the acquiescence by Cameroon over many years.

68. The case presented by Cameroon to the Court is that the Agree-
ment of 11 March 1913 between Great Britain and Germany is not only
significant but that it is the Agreement that determined the boundary of
the Bakassi Peninsula, ceding it to Germany. As far as Cameroonis con-
cerned, it is the 1913Agreement that ultimately determines the boundary
although, according to Cameroon, there were a series of agreements
before that date locating the boundary at theouth of the Rio del Rey.
These agreements are dated 29 April 1885,27 July 1886, 1July 1890and
15 November 1893. Cameroon States further that the Agreement of
16April 1901 is of considerable significancebecause it was the first time
that the boundary was located on the Akwayafe River, thus placing the
Bakassi Peninsula within German territory. Nigeria disagrees with this
view and strongly denies that the 1901 Agreement ever changed the
boundary from the Rio del Rey to the mouth of the Akwayafe. What

counsel for Nigeriasaid during the oral proceedings about the 1901Agree-
ment is that:
"Far from these propositions being accepted 'without hesitation',
theycal1for the utmost hesitation. As a fact, the two Governments
did not reach agreement on those matters. And in law, no mere pro-
posals or reports, no agreements which have not entered into force,

can be held to constitute an acknowledgment of, or agreement to,
whatever it is that is being proposed. What the local officiais in
Nigeria and Cameroon may have agreed was, when referred back to
these capitals, not approved by their Governments." (CR 200218
(Watts), p. 53, para. 62.)

69. It appears to me that Nigeria is right on this point, because,

according to Cameroon's pleadings regarding the Protocol of theSouthern Nigeria-Cameroon Boundary Commission signed in April 1906,
which was signed by Captain Woodroffe, the then British Commissioner
and Captain Herrmann, the then German Commissioner, reference was
made to the "abortive Moor-Puttkamer Agreement of 16 April 1901"
(Memorial of Cameroon, Vol. 1,pp. 69-70, para. 2.52).
70. It seems to me that, prima facie, both Parties recognize the signifi-
cance of the Agreement of 11March 1913.However, whereas Cameroon
asserts thatal130 Articles should be given their full effect, Nigeria is ask-

ing the Court not to give any legal effect to Articles XVIII-XXII pertain-
ing to the Bakassi Peninsula.
71. The reason why Nigeria is asking the Court not to enforce the pro-
visions of Articles XVIII-XXII of the Agreement of 1913, is that it holds
an original title, which it considers to be earlier in time and, for that mat-
ter, superior to the conventional title claimed by Cameroon on this part
of the boundary. Prior est tempore, prior est jure.On the other hand, if
the Court upholds the view of Cameroon regarding the effect of these
Articles, as it does, then its effect would be that the Agreement of 1913
concerning the boundary along the Bakassi Peninsula is binding between
Great Britain and Germany. However, the view of Nigeria is that what-
ever is the effect of those Articles, it cannot bind the Kings and Chiefs of
Old Calabar and for that matter Nigeria, after independence.
72. Cameroon stated that Nigeria cannot pick and choose, and that if
the Agreement is valid and binding, it must be so as a whole, and not
truncated. Cameroon went further to state that the argument of Nigeria

with regard to the five Articles in the 1913 Agreement cannot hold,
because of the effect of the provisions of Articles 44, 60 and 62, para-
graph 2 (a), of the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties.
Although the Court declines to deal with this issue,in my opinion 1con-
sider it important that al1these Articles be examined and interpreted in
relation to the 1913 Agreement. But before this exercise can be under-
taken, 1 must refer briefly to the claim of Nigeria as regards its original
title based on the Treaty of 10 September 1884 between the Kings and
Chiefs of Old Calabar and Great Britain. The stand of Nigeria is that
Great Britain, having signed a treaty of protection with the Kings and
Chiefs of Old Calabar in 1884,was incapable of ceding the Bakassi Penin-
sula to Germany in 1913. Nigeria argues that Great Britain had neither
the right nor the capacity to do so,thatsuch transfer was invalid, nul1and
void and that Great Britain was obviously in breach of its obligations to
the Kings, Chiefs and people of Old Calabar which weremerely to "pro-
tect" them, and not to alienate their land. Nemo dut quod non hubet.

Severability of Articles XVIII-XXII of the 1913 Agreement

73. Article 62,paragraph 2 (a), of the Vienna Convention on the Law
of Treaties should be treated first. This paragraph reads: "A fundamental
change of circumstance may not be invoked as a ground for terminating
or withdrawing from a treaty." In my view, this provision is not appli-cable to the request of Nigeria that these five Articles in the 1913Agree-
ment ought to be expunged. Nigeria is not asking for the withdrawal or
termination of the Treaty. In fact, Nigeria's position regarding the
1913 Treaty can be divided into three.

74. First, Nigeria observes that there are certain anomalies, inaccura-

cies or defects in the Agreement that need to be "cured" by the Court
through interpretation, but Nigeria does not say that these provisions, if
considered relevant in another segment, may be rendered unenforceable
or terminated.
75. Second, there is the sector of the boundary from Pillar 64 to
Pillar 114, which both Nigeria and Cameroon accept as valid and which

neither calls for withdrawal nor termination. However, Nigeria contends
that the inherent defects in the five Articles in question render them un-
enforceable. Article 62, paragraph 2 (a), refers to "fundamental change7'.
This is not a case of fundamental change, but one of "fundamental
defect" that cannot be cured because Great Britain was not only in
breach of its obligations to the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar but also

incapable of contracting any agreement of this nature, especially where
the agreement negates its obligations under the 1884 Treaty.

76. Third, this act of Great Britain also translated into an act that it
had no mandate to perform: res inter alios acta alteri nocere non dehet.
77. Article 44 of the Vienna Convention needs also to be examined
thoroughly in view of the opposing positions of the Parties. Its relevant
part reads :

"1. A right of a party, provided for in a treaty arising under
article 56, to denounce, withdraw from or suspend the operation
of the treaty may be exercised only with respect to the whole treaty

unless the treaty otherwise provides or the Parties otherwise agree.

2. A ground for invalidating, terminating, withdrawing from or
suspending the operation of a treaty recognized in the present Con-
vention may be invoked only with respect to the whole treaty except
as provided in the following paragraphs or in article 60.

3. If the ground relates solely to particular clauses, it may be
invoked only with respect to those clauses where:

(a) The said clauses are separable from the remainder of the treaty
with regard to their application;
(b) It appears from the treaty or is otherwise established that
acceptance of those clauses was not an essential basis of the
consent of the other party or Parties to be bound by the treaty
as a whole; and566 LAND AND MARITIME BOUNDARY (DISS. OP.AJIBOLA)

(c) Continued performance of the remainder of the treaty would
not be unjust."

78. Because the Article refers to treaties arising under Article 56, it
means that it is only relevant to treaties without denunciation, with-
drawal or termination provision, as is the case in the Agreement in ques-
tion. Therefore there is no doubt that this Article is very pertinent. Para-

graph 1of the Article deals with circumstances of denouncing, withdraw-
ing or suspending the whole treaty. Since both Parties have expressed
their position that the Agreement is applicable, at least in part, then this
paragraph is inapplicable to the 1913 Agreement.

79. Therefore, the relevant paragraphs are paragraphs 2 and 3,because
they deal with the conditions of separability. Although paragraph 2 men-

tions Article 60, this Article is also not relevant because it deals with
cases of breaches, which is not the matter in this case. However, there are
three conditions that could allow for separability.

80. The first condition Dertains to cases where the clauses are seDar-
able. It is clear in the present case that the clauses we are dealing with in

Articles XVIII-XXII, pertaining to the Bakassi Peninsula, are separable.
The Articles dealing with Bakassi Peninsula are separate and independent
in this sector, which has been so treated by Cameroon and Nigeria.
Indeed, the Peninsula was the only independent sector filed in the first
Application that relates to the Agreement of 11 March 1913.
81. The second condition is that acceptance of those clauses was not
an "essential" basis of the consent of the other Party. This cannot be

because the Agreement determines a long stretch of the boundary between
the European Powers. Although the negotiation resulting in the determi-
nation of this sector of the boundary took many years to conclude,
because the Parties were undecided as to whether the boundary should be
located east of the Rio del Rey or on the Akwayafe, the problem is one of
location and there is nothing "essential" about the sector.

82. The third condition is that the continued performance of the
remainder of the Agreement would not be unjust. Here the provision of
the paragraph 3 (c) is unclear and to some extent vague. The question is,
to whom would it be unjust? 1sit to one of the Parties; or both Parties?

The subparagraph ought to have been drafted in a more specific and
elegant manner. However, whichever way we look at it, it may be suffi-
cient to consider the use of the word unjust as referring to any of the two
Parties. Here it is absolutely clear that invoking the provision of the five
Articles would be unfair to Nigeria because it claims original title, and
having regard to the fact that Great Britain could not give away the ter-
ritory that it did not own and which it did not possess as a colony, either

through conquest or treaty. Concluding this view, 1 see no reason what-soever why Articles XVIII-XXII should not be separated from the remain-
der of the Articles which both Nigeria and Cameroon agree are generally
enforceable and can be invoked to determine the remainder of the bound-
ary in this sector.
83. The Court in its conclusions refuses to consider the arguments
advanced by the Parties as to the severability (or non-severability) of
some of the treaty provisions (para. 217 of the Judgment), i.e., whether
Articles XVIII-XXII are severable or not from the remainder of the
1913Agreement. This is ari agreement with 30 Articles, of which Nigeria
is urging the Court to separate these five Articles. As earlier stated,
separating these Articles will not in any way prevent the remainder of

the provisions from being implemented by way of delimitation of the
boundary .
84. The remaining provisions of the Agreement are untouched by
those expunged, sincethey are provisions standing on their own and their
application and implementation are not dependent on the five Articles,
thus, the remainder of the Articles can remain in force and binding on the
Parties where necessary.

The 1884 Treaty

85. On 11 March 1913, Great Britain concluded an agreement with
Germany apparently recognizing Germany's sovereignty over the Bakassi
Peninsula. In my view, Great Britain had no authority to conclude such
an agreement with either Germany or any other State after it had entered
into a binding international treaty about 29 years before then, with the
Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar. As a matter of îact and law Great
Britain was under an obligation not to enter into such an agreement with

Germany; and such an act was a breach of agreement to which Great
Britain was actionably liable in international law.

86. Firstly, the Bakassi Peninsula is part of the territory of the Efik
and Efut peoples of the Old Calabar, having settled first in Creek Town
and Duke Town, then extending to the entire Bakassi Peninsula.
87. Secondly, over the years, particularly after 1884, the British
adopted extensive trading links with the Kings and Chiefs of Old Cala-
bar. Counsel for Nigeria stated at the hearings that:

"The political and legal personality of the Kings and Chiefs of Old
Calabar were recognised in the treaty making of the British Crown.
Thus, in the period 1823-1884no fewer than seventeen treaties were
made between the British Government and the Kings and Chiefs of
Old Calabar." (Counter-Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. 1, p. 71,
para. 5.11; emphasis added.)
Thus, Great Britain in 1884entered into a treaty ofprotection only with

the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar.
88. Thirdly, Great Britain thus recognized the territory of the Kingsand Chiefs of Old Calabar including the Bakassi Peninsula as its protec-
torate but not as itscolony, and dealt with the City States of Old Calabar
as such de facto and de jure from 1884 till the time of independence of
Nigeria in 1960. Great Britain throughout this period (and even after
1913) referred to the territory of the City States of Old Calabar as
"Protectorate".

89. Fourthly, Great Britain (in many treaties with the Kings and
Chiefs of Old Calabar and other European Powers such as Germany)
recognized and treated the City States of Old Calabar including the

peninsula of Bakassi as its area of influence only, which was indicatively
and factually one of its African markets for commerce.

90. Fifthly, Great Britain at no time acquired sovereignty over the ter-
ritory of the Kings, Chiefs and people of Old Calabar other than the obli-
gation of protection. If the 1913Agreement is considered valid and bind-
ing, a fortiori the prior Treaty of 1884 should be equally valid and
binding pactu sunt servundu.
91. Sixthly, the territory of the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar,
which includes the Bakassi Peninsula, is not terra nulliuand Great Brit-
ain had no mandate or authority at any time to transfer to Germany the
territory of the City States of Old Calabar, thus the principle nemo dut
quod non Ilabet.
92. Seventhly, the 1884Treaty, being a public international treaty, is
deemed to be within the knowledge of Germany. Hence, Germany could
not claim ignorance of the Treaty of Protection between Great Britain

and the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar. Thus it is clear that Germany
and for that matter Cameroon could not claim sovereignty over the
Bakassi Peninsula.
93. The Court agrees with Cameroon in that it does not accept the
submission of Nigeria that the City States of Old Calabar have interna-
tional legal personality. As far as Cameroon is concerned, this is a myth
or a kind of mirage. It argues that the City States of Old Calabar cannot
claim any international legal entity separate from the State of Nigeria.
During the oral proceedings counsel for Nigeria argued about the City
States of Old Calabar thus: "These City States were the holders of an
original historic title over the cities and their dependencies, and the
Bakassi Peninsula was for long a dependency of Old Calabar." (Counter-
Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. 1,p. 67 para. 5.2.)

94. Although Cameroon accepts that "[wlithout doubt, Efik trading
took place over a vast area of what is now south-eastern Nigeria and
western Cameroon" (Reply of Cameroon, Vol. 1,p. 247, para. 5.24), yet

it asserts that there were otherethnic groups in that area of the Bakassi
Peninsula, which at that time showed a "complex pattern of human
settlement" (ibid.,Vol. 1, p. 247, para. 5.24). 95. In deciding whether the City States of Old Calabar is an interna-
tional legal entity, one should look to the nature of the Treaty entered
into between Great Britain and the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar in
1884.In the first place, thiss not the first treaty of this kind signed by the
Kings and Chiefs. As 1 have already mentioned, Great Britain signed
altogether 17treaties of this kind with the Kings and Chiefs of Old Cala-
bar. Secondly, Great Britain referred to it not as a mere agreement, a dec-
laration or exchange of Notes, but as a treaty - "Treaty with the Kings
and Chiefs of Old Calabar, September 10, 1884"(Counter-Memorial of
Nigeria, Vol. IV, Ann. 23,p. 109).How then could Great Britain sign a
document, and cal1 it a treaty if it were not so? It would have been
described as an "ordinance" had it been a document involving a colony
of Great Britain. There is therefore no doubt that the City States of Old
Calabar have international legal personality.

96. Cameroon's contention regarding the territorial extent of the City
States of Old Calabar is that Nigeria did not present a clear-cut picture,
or the extent of the territory. In effect, this is how Cameroon puts it in its
pleadings :

"As regards the territorial questions, Nigeria wants to have it both
ways. On the one hand, it States in its Counter-Mernorial that
Bakassi was situated 'within the domains of the Kings and Chiefs of
Old Calabar' and,on the other, that 'the Efut country about the Rio
del Rey" was covered by the declaration of the 'Kings and Chiefs of
Efut' . ..Incidentally, it also maintains that the 1888Treaty covered
not only the region around Rio del Rey but also 'territory even
further to the East' . . .It is regrettable that Nigeria has refrained
from specifying the dividing line between the territory falling under
the authority of 'Old Calabar' in accordance with its claim, and the
territorybelonging to Efut, and therefore pertaining to the Schedule

to the Treaty as it interprets it." (Reply of Cameroon, Vol. 1,p. 253,
para. 5.45.)

In addition, Cameroon contends that Nigeria is not forthcoming about
the nature and authority of Old Calabar and its title to the Bakassi
Peninsula (ibid Vo,l.1,p. 254, para. 5.48). Further, it refers to the 1884
Treaty of Protection, which does not specifically mention the Bakassi
Peninsula.
97. In my view, answers to al1these queries are contained in the plead-
ings, particularly those filed by Nigeria. First, Nigeria referred to the
works of many authors and what was said about the link of the City
States of Old Calabar to the Bakassi Peninsula and the surrounding area.
In this regard reference was made to the pre-colonial era in Bakassi.
Mention was made of the establishment of these City States like Duke
Town, Creek Town and Old Town (Obutong). A very vivid descriptionof the federation of these City States was given by Dr. Kannan K. Nair
thus :

"The political system of Calabar might be thought of as a federa-
tion or conglomeration of loosely-knit towns. Each town was a
political unit with a territorial basis, its head havingsdiction over
his own town or house and representing the founding ancestors of
his particular family. Each maintained its own administration and
had the right to enforce sanction[s] on others. Both these factors

point to the fact that each of the towns was recognized to be politi-
cally equivalent. The relations between the major towns - Duke
Town, Creek Town and Old Town - were in the order of inter-
town dealings. Thus, they were in their political relations similar to
European nation states in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
Political power was ultimately resident in the segments rather than
in a central government. (Politicsand Society in South Eastern
Nigeria 1841-1906, 1972,pp. 2-3)." (Counter-Memorial of Nigeria,
Vol. 1,p. 67, para. 5.1.)

Nigeria also refers to some historical link of the Kings and Chiefs of
Old Calabar with the entire area of Bakassi as recorded in some of the
books (already put in evidence) of authors like Captain J. B. Walker and
E. O. Efiong-Fuller.
98. Further relevant evidence are the maps presented by Nigeria,
which are annexed to its Counter-Memorial, particularly maps 13-22in
the Atlas. A careful study of map 13 shows that Old Calabar (otherwise

called Cross River) covers the area where the Efiks and the Efuts had
settled even before 1888. It clearly shows that their area of authority
extends as far as the Rio del Rey, while indicating the boundary between
Old Calabar and the German area of influence.The definition of the area
under German influence was described by the independent Kings and
Chiefs in the Agreement between Kings Akwa and Bell and Woermann
and Jantzen & Thormahlen as follows,

"the Country called Cameroons situated on the Cameroons River,
between the River Bimba on the North side, the River Qua-Qua on
the South side and up to 4'10'North lat. Hence, the extent of the
area covered by 'Old Calabar' goes as far as the territory to the West
of the area claimed by Kings Akwa and Bell. In other words, the
entire area of Bakassi Peninsula is within the territorial domain of
the City States of Old Calabar. This is illustrated in the map 'Old
Calabar River'." (Ibid, Atlas Map No. 27.)

99. Here 1 must stress the evidential value of these maps. Many of
them date back to the seventeenth century and indicate clearly the extent
of the territory of the Old Calabar people. In fact, the 1888 map of
H. H. Johnson, then the Vice-Consul of Oil Rivers, of the Niger Delta,indicates quite clearly that Old Calabar and the territory covered by the
Efut people went beyond the Rio del Rey and far to the east of that estu-
ary. It is fascinating to see these maps, many of which date from a period
between 1662 and 1888 (i.e., 1662, 1750-1772, 1729, 1794, 1822, 1871,
1879 and 1888), distinctly depicting the territory occupied by the Efiks
and Efuts and locating many of the important towns already mentioned.
Map 18 of the Atlas Map of Nigeria's Counter-Memorial, prepared by
H. H. Moll, indicates very clearly that it was the Rio del Rey that sepa-
rates the territory of what he called "Kings City Callebar and Old Cal-
lebar" from "Afany Villages Old Camerones". During the oral proceed-
ings it was argued by counsel for Nigeria (and undenied by Cameroon)
that when the then British Consul, Mr. Hewett, was reporting about the
1884Treaty to the British Foreign Secretary he said: "The Chiefs of Tom
Shot country, of Efut, the Country ubout the Rio del Rey and of Indombi,
the country about the River Rumby, made declarations that they were
subject to Old Calabar." (CR 200218(Watts), p. 45, para. 31.)

100. This is a statement emanating from the proper source, i.e., the
person who directly signed the 1884Treaty with the Kings and Chiefs of
Old Calabar. The extent of the territory of the City States of Old Calabar
is thus clear and definite to the extent that it runs to the mouth of the Rio
del Rey. Equally there is later evidence in 1890by the then British Con-
sul, Johnston, that :
"The trade and rule of the Old Calabar Chiefs extended, in 1887,

considerably further to the east than the Ndian River . ..The left or
eastern bank of the Akwayafe and the land between that river and
the Ndian is under the rule of Asibon or Archibong Edem III, a big
Chief of Old Calabar . . ." (Ibidp. 41, para. 13.)

Johnston concluded that the Old Calabar had withdrawn from the lands
east of Ndian. Counsel for Nigeria stated that:

"So Johnston's report was, in effect,that whilethe territory beyond
the Ndian might only arguably be Old Calabar's, territory to the
west belonged 'undoubtedly' to Old Calabar. Bakassi, and the Rio
del Rey, are demonstrably to the West of the Ndian: Bakassi,
Mr. President and Members of the Court, was part of Old Calabar's
heartlands." (Ibid.,p. 41, para. 13.)

101. The view of Cameroon is that Nigeria's claim in terms of the
extent of the territories of the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar is not
clear, but Cameroon agrees with Nigeria that three separate groups of
Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar signed the Treaty of 10 Septem-
ber 1884. This is highlighted in the Treaty itself (Counter-Memorial of
Nigeria, Vol. IV, Ann. 23).
102. Although Cameroon stated that the Bakassi Peninsula was notspecificallymentioned in the Treaty, it referred to the three Declarations
of the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar that appended their signature to
the Treaty. These are the Kings and Chiefs of Tom Shot, Efut and
Idombi. Furthermore, Mr. E. H. Hewett, the then British Consul, who
signed the Treaty of 1884 with the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar,
attested to the fact that "[tlhe Chiefs of Tom Shot country, of Efut, the
country about the Rio del Rey, and of Idombi, the country about the
River Rumby, made declarations that they were subject to Old Calabar"
(Counter-Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. 1, p. 94, para. 6.33).
103. In addition, the letter of Mr. Johnston, who took over as Consul
from Mr. Hewett, was more revealing and quite explanatory. His letter of
23 October 1890to the Foreign Officerevealed that the extent of the rule
of the Old Calabar Chiefs went as far as the base of the Cameroons and
beyond the Akwayafe River. The trade and rule of the Kings and Chiefs
of Old Calabar extended to the east of the Ndian River until Mr. John-
ston advised the Chiefs to limit their claim to the Ndian River. Upon

further advice, the Chiefs withdrew their claim for damages against the
German Government for the destruction of their settlements, and it was
obvious that they would not be prepared to yield over more territory in
favour of the Germans.

104. The Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar exercisedcontrol over their
people through cultural, social and economic links. Many of the Kings
and Chiefs were traders, and were served by many of their subjects.
Cohesive control was ensured through the Ekpe Shrine. The main activ-
ity of the Kings and Chiefs was to secure the effective administration of
justice, develop resources for their territories andnsure peace and secu-
rity in their domains, with the CO-operation and assistance of their
people, and in partnership with the British Government.

105. As regards the territorial claim to the Bakassi Peninsula, itis the
Treaty of 1884that Nigeria relies upon essentially and preponderantly. It
is the viewof Nigeria that this Treaty, which is valid and binding, has the
legal binding force and effect to render the provisions of the fiveArticles
(Le., Arts. XVIII-XXII) in the 1913 Agreement between Great Britain
and Germany invalid and unenforceable against Nigeria. In other words,
with the 1884Treaty remaining valid until the time of independence, the
five Articles mentioned above are not opposable to Nigeria. The Treaty
of 1884 clearly confirms the Bakassi Peninsula as the territory of the
Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar, and at no time was it alienated to
Great Britain or any other colonial Power.

106. The Court, in its Judgment, does not agree with Nigeria's claimbased on the Treaty between the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar and
Great Britain of 10 September 1884, historical consolidation or effec-
tivité.
107. Of al1these instruments relied on by the Court, the earliest and
perhaps the most important isthe Anglo-German Agreement of 11March
1913and, in particular, its Articles XVIII-XXII that spell out the bound-
ary within the Bakassi Peninsula. This is what Cameroon considers as its
legal title. As against this claim, Nigeria pivots its claim partly on the
Treaty of 10 September 1884 as an indication of its own original title,
because it is this Treaty that demonstrates that the sovereign rights of the
Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar as an independent legal entity recog-
nized under international law is indisputable.

108. In the Advisory Opinion on Western Suhura the Court explained
that :
"such agreements [such as this 1884Treaty] with local rulers, whether
or not considered as an actual 'cession'of the territory, wereregarded
as derivative roots of titleand not original titles obtained by occu-
pation of terrae nullius" (I.C.J. Reports 1975, p. 39, para. 80;
emphasis added).

This point on the international legal status of local rulers was amplified
by Malcolm N. Shaw in his book Title to Territory in Africu, Internu-
tional Legal Issues thus:

"it has been seen that practice demonstrates that the European colo-
nisation of Africa was achieved in law not by virtue of the occupa-
tion of a terra nullius but by cession from local rulers. This means
that such rulers were accepted as being capable in international law
not only of holding title to territory, but of transferring it to other
Parties." (P. 45.)

109. Although neither the Treaty of 1884 nor the Consular Reports
suggest that it was concluded between two sovereign States, it can also be
said that the Treaty or the Consular Report suggest nothing to the con-
trary. In fact, it appears to me that reference to the agreement as a treaty
brings it into the international instruments realm. However, whatever
may be considered as vitiating the Treaty of 1884 between Great Britain
and the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar (and, in my view, there is none),
would equally apply to the derivative root of title of Germany which it
entered into with the local rulers of Cameroon also in 1884.

110. In view of thejurisprudence of the Court cited above, one impor-
tant aspect which escapes the consideration of the Court in determining
the nature, terms and validity of the 1884 Treaty is to compare it with
what was contemporaneously happening in Cameroon around the sametime. In fact, the Court ought to trace the derivative root of title of
Germany or what entitles it to enter into the 1913 Agreements with
Great Britain. In other words, the Court is bound to ask what sovereign
rights Germany had over the Cameroonian territory. Both Nigeria and

Cameroon exhibit the relevant documents in their pleadings.

111. The claim to title by Germany emanates from at least four
treaties involving the Kings, Chiefs and the rulers of Cameroon. They
are :

- The Agreement with the Chiefs of Bimbia of 11July 1884(Counter-
Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. IV, Ann. 17, p. 79);
- The German Proclamation of Protectorates on the West Coast of
Africa of 12July 1884 (ibid.Ann. 18, p. 83);
- The Agreement between Kings Akwa and Bell and Woermann and
Jantzen & Thormahlen of 12 July 1884 (ibid.,Ann. 19, p. 87); and

The Agreement between Woermann and Jantzen & Thormahlen and

Dr. Nachtigal, Consul-General and Imperial Commissioner for the
Coast of West Africa of 13July 1884 (ibicl.Ann. 20, p. 93).

112. These Treaties or Agreements including the Proclamation are

important to the issue of title in this case. In the first placeese Agree-
ments trace the link between the rulers of Cameroon with German
traders with whom they first entered into agreement to surrender sover-
eignty over their territory for consideration called "dash". These traders
(Woermann, Jantzen, Thormahlen of Hamburg and Ed. Schmidt and
Captain Johann) in turn passed their territorial title to Dr. Nachtigal,
the then Consul-General and Imperial Commissioner for the Coast of
West Africa. Hence, through this process Germany was able to proclaim
Cameroon as its protectorate.

113. From the explanations given as regards these documents, certain
indisputable facts now evolve. Contrary to the decision of the Court, the
German Proclamation of 12 July 1884 did not mention a phrase like
"colonial protectorate". The heading of the Proclamation reads "German
Protectorate Togo Lands Cameroons, No. 212. - NOTES on German
Protectorates on the West Coast of Africa". Some parts of this Proclama-
tion of 12July 1884need to be quoted for emphasis:

"Cumeroons. Togoland. Slave Coast, &c.

On the 12July, 1884,a German Protectorate was proclaimed over
the whole of the Cumeroons District, and on the 15th October of the
same year, the following officia1communication was made by the
German Government to the principal Powers of Europe and to the
United States Government, notifying the exact extent of territory on the West and South-West Coasts of Africa which had been placed
under the protection of the German Empire;-
Baron von Plessen to Earl Granville.

German Embassy, 15th October, 1884.
(Translation)

The Government of His Majesty the Emperor, with a view to
insure more effectually German comnzercial interests on the West
Coast of Ajrica, lzas taken certain districts of this coast under its
protection.This has been effected in virtue of Treaties which have
been in part concluded by Dr. Nachtigal, the Consul-General dis-
patched to West Africa, with independent Chiefs, and partly in vir-
tue of applications for protection made by Imperia1 subjects, who
have ucquired certain tracts hy covenants with independent Chiejs."
(Counter-Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. IV, Ann. 18, p. 83; emphasis
added.)

114. Consequently, having regard to the content of the Proclamation
referred to above, and within the intertemporal law of the period, it is
clear that the derivative root of title claimable by Germany is in virtue of
treaties which Dr. Nachtigal, the then German Consul-General entered
into with "independent Chiefs" of Cameroon and partly in virtue of
applications made on behalf of imperial subjects who have acquired cer-

tain tracts by covenants with independent Chiefs. It can therefore be
clearly emphasized that the German derivative root of title emanated
from its treaty with the Kings and Chiefs arid the transfer of sovereignty
by German subjects, the terms and conditions of which include con-
sideration of quid pro quo on the basis of "dash" for territorial transfer
to the Government of Germany. Germany was therefore in a position to
Say that these instruments enabled it to enter into the 1913 Agreement
with Great Britain, as its derivative root of title.
115. What then is the derivative root of title of Great Britain?
Great Britain cannot claim that its derivative root of title is based on the
mere Treaty of Protection entered into with the Kings and Chiefs of Old
Calabar. The Treaty did not transfer sovereignty from the Kings and
Chiefs of Old Calabar to Great Britain. It is clearly a treaty of protection

and no more. Contrary to Great Britain's intention about Lagos as a
colony, it was not prepared to acquire any colony in the Old Calabar,
and this 1will refer to again later in my opinion. It can therefore be said
that since there was no intention either by Kings, Chiefs and people of
Old Calabar to transfer territorial sovereignty to Great Britain, sover-
eignty over the Old Calabar including Bakassi remained with the rulers
and people of Old Calabar.

116. The issue now is what is the legal effect and legal significanceof
this Treaty of 1884between Great Britain and the Kings and Chiefs of
Old Calabar? First to be considered is whether this instrument is a treatyproperly so called. Unhesitatingly, my view is that it isa valid and bind-
ing international treaty, according to its form and text.

117. Before examining the Treaty itself, it must be borne in mind that
each treaty, like any given case, must be interpreted according to its
terms and conditions. In the Advisory Opinion of the Permanent Court
of International Justice in the case ofNutionality Decrees Issued in Tunis

und Morocco, the Court observed:

"The extent of the powers of a protecting State in the territory of

a protected State depends, first, upon the Treaties between the pro-
tecting state and the protected state establishing the Protectorate. . .
In spite of common features possessed by Protectorates under inter-
national law, they have individual legalcharacteristics resulting from
the special conditions under which they werecreated, and the stage
of their development." (Advisory Opinion, 1923, P.C.I. J.,Series B,
No. 4, p. 27.)

Intrinsically, the instrument is described as a treaty in its title as "Treaty
with Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar, September 10, 1884" (Counter-
Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. IV, Ann. 23, p. 107).Again in its provision on
its operative date, the instrument starts: "This Treaty shall come into
operation . . ." (Ibid.Vol. IV, Ann. 23, p. 111; emphasis added.)

118. In the Treaty, there is clear evidence that it was based on an
understanding of quidpro quo. While Great Britain agreed to protect the
City States of Old Calabar, the Kings and Chiefs in turn agreed to pro-
tect British merchant ships "wrecked within the Old Calabar territories,
the Kings and Chiefs will give them al1the assistance in their power, will
secure them from plunder ..." (ibid.,Vol. IV, Ann. 23, p. 155; emphasis

added).
119. The legal force and legal significanceof the Treaty of 10 Septem-
ber 1884is therefore as follows:

(a) the Treaty was valid and binding between Great Britain and the
Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar pacta sunt servanda;
(b) the territorial extent of the land of the Kings and Chiefs of Old
Calabar as City States of Old Calabar was well known and clearly
defined by descriptions and map illustrations attached to the
Nigerian Counter-Memorial and Rejoinder;
(c) having signed this Agreement with the Kings and Chiefs of Old
Calabar, Great Britain was under obligation to protect Old Calabar
territories and did not acquire sovereignty over the territories of the
Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar;
(d) for Great Britain to enter into an agreement in 1913with Germany
amounted to a serious breach of its international obligation against the territorial rights of the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar;

(e) Great Britain could not give away what did not belong to it. The
Island of Palmas case is an illustrative example. Just as the
United States had no sovereignty over the Island of Palmas, ceded
to it by Spain, so it is that Germany could not claim any conven-

tional title over the Bakassi Peninsula. Max Huber, in the Arbitra-
tion Award States: "It is evident that Spain could not transfer more
rights than she herself possessed." (United Nations, Reports of
International Arbitral Awards (RIAA), Vol. II, p. 842.) Huber
further adds that: "Itis evident that whatever may be the right con-
struction of a treaty, it cannot be interpreted as disposing of the
rights of independent third Powers" (ibid.) ;

(f) as already indicated, there is no doubt that the Kings and Chiefs of
Old Calabar have legal personality in international law.

120. The Western Sahara Advisory Opinion of 1975 is a glaring
example on this issue. The international personality was clearly demon-
strated over the territories of the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar when

they rejected certain provisions in the draft Treaty of 1884, particularly
Article VI which guarantees free trade in every part of their territory.
Thus, the 1913Agreement did not deprive the Kings and Chiefs of Old
Calabar of sovereignty over their territory and the right to this sover-
eignty continued till the time of Nigeria's independence in 1960. It is
highly undesirable to create any distinction between the situation
in the Western Sahara case (IC.J. Reports 1975) and the present case,
simply because one is in north Africa and the other in sub-Saharan
Africa.
121. Consequently, and to the extent that the 1913Agreement ceded
Bakassi Peninsula to Germany, Nigeria argued in its pleadings that this:

"would be against the nature and terms of Great Britain's 1884
Treaty of Protection with Old Calabar, against the interests of the
inhabitants, against the financial interests of the title holders of Old
Calabar who should have been compensated, uguinst the recognised
westward limit of the German Protectorate, against earlier under-
takings by Germany to respect the Rio del Rey as the boundary and

to make no acquisitions to the west of it, and against Germany's
acknowledgement and understanding that the Treaty was not
concerned with the acquisition or cession of territory" (Counter-
Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. 1, p. 170,para. 8.52).

122. While Cameroon contends that the difference between a pro-
tectorate, protected State or colony is rather blurred, and that either istantamount to a colony in effect, Nigeria strongly disagrees with this view

and gave many reasons. On the part of Cameroon, the misunderstanding
in the use of the words protectorate or protected States or colony is quite
understandable. The Agreement between the Kings of Akwa and Bell on
the one hand and Woermann and others on the other hand, dated
12July 1884, although referred to as an Agreement for Protection was in
fact a surrender of sovereignty which in effect means that Cameroon
from that date became a colony of Germany. The same is true of the

other Agreement with the Chief of Bimbia of 11 July 1884. But this
muddled concept is alien to the British system of administration.

123. In 1883 (a year before the 1884 Treaty) Sir Edward Hertslet, the
then librarian of the British Foreign Office and an expert in international
law, defined a protectorate thus:

"A Protectorate implies an obligation on the part of a powerful
State to protect and defend a weaker State against its enemies, in all,
or specified eventualities. . .The usual form of establishing a Pro-
tectorate is bv the conclusion of a treatv. either between the more

powerful ta& which has undertaken to defend or protect the weaker
one, and the weaker state itself, or between the protecting Power and
other Powers, relating to such protection .. ." (Counter-Memorial of
Nigeria, Vol. 1,p. 102, para. 6.46.)

124. In fact at this period, the 1880s, the foreign policy of Great
Britain was not to create or acquire more colonies but rather to enter
into treaties of protection:

"Lord Granville [Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs] will
remember that it was recommended by the Committee of the Cabi-
net which considered the question that there should be no attempt at
present to create a new British Colony or Settlement, with al1 the
necessarily expensive machinery of government, but that the districts

to be taken over should continue for the present under such control
and supervision as the Consul for the Bights of Benin and Biafra can
exercise by means of visits paid frequently as circumstances may per-
mit . . ." (Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 103, para. 6.48.)

125. One of the English Judges in 1910 defined "Protectorate" thus:
"The protected country remains in regard to the protecting State a
foreign country . .." (Ihid., Vol. 1, p. 122, para. 6.81.)
126. Thus, protectorates are neither colonial protectorates nor colo-
nies. Protectorates are to al1intent and purposes international legal per-

sonalities and remain independent States and they are not "colonial pro-
tectorates" of the protecting Powers. Therefore, after the Treaty of 1884,
the City States of Old Calabar and their territories were simply protec-torates of Great Britain. Before and after 1913these City States of Old
Calabar remained independent protectorates. There is nothing from the
actions and instruments during this period which could describe the Old
Calabar including Bakassi and other areas being claimed by the Kings
and Chiefs, as a colony of Great Britain, nor is there anything in the
Treaty indicating that Old Calabar, including Bakassi, acquired the sta-
tus of a colonial protectorate. Even Great Britain did not describe the
territory assuch and this cannot be done by any inference. In line with
the provision of Article 31 of the 1969Vienna Convention on the Law of
Treaties and having regard to customary international law, the ordinary

meaning to be given to the word "protectorate" is protectorate and not
colonial protectorate. Great Britain at no time possessed territorial con-
trol or sovereignty over them. As far as Great Britain was concerned they
were foreign countries and they were so treated by the British Foreign
Office. Great Britain was therefore under a strict legal obligation to pro-
tect the rights of the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar in international
law and not to transfer their territorial sovereignty to another State with-
out their knowledge and consent.

Historical Consolidation and Effectivitésin Bakassi
127. Historical consolidation is Nigeria's strong point in its claim to
the territory of the Bakassi Peninsula. This claim is based on the original

title of the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar that has existed for a long
time and as evidenced by the Treaty of 1884 with Great Britain. The
Bakassi Peninsula has over the years been in physical possession and
occupation of the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar since they settled
there in the seventeenth century. They were in peaceful occupation
throughout that period till 1884and up until the time of the Agreement
between Great Britain and Germany in 1913. This right of sovereignty
over al1 these territories coupled with possession continued during the
period of the Mandate of the League of Nations as well as the period of
Trusteeship till the time of independence. Nothing therefore affected
their territorial rights and occupation of thesame, even after the Agree-
ment of 1913.The Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar were not parties to
the 1913Agreement nor were they consulted.

The constant questions which counsel for Nigeria asked throughout
the oral proceedings and which the Court fails to address or answer in its

Judgment are: who gave Great Britain the right to give away Bakassi?
And when? And how?

128. Whatever may be the legal status of the 1913 Agreement, it has
no binding force over and above the original title, or the basic possessoryrights of the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar, and thus they are not
affected by it.

129. Cameroon raises a number of objections to Nigeria's claim to
historical title.These objections centred on the issues of effectivités,
stability of frontier and acquiescence. However, these objections cannot
defeat the claim to historical title by Nigeria.

130. Nigeria has four bases of claim to original title which are as

follows :
(a) long occupation by Nigeria and by Nigerian nationals constituting
an historical consolidation of title and confirming the original title
of the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar which title vested in Nigeria
at the time of Independence in 1960;

(6) effective administration by Nigeria, acting as sovereign, and an
absence of protest;
(c) manifestations of sovereignty by Nigeria together with the acqui-
escence by Cameroon in Nigerian sovereignty over the Bakassi
Peninsula ;
(dj recognition of Nigerian sovereignty by Cameroon (Counter-
Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. 1,p. 211, para. 10.2).

131. Sincethe original title of the City States of Old Calabar rests with
the Kings, Chiefs and people of Calabar with al1 the rights over their
territories, this remained sountil the time of independence of Nigeria on
1October 1960.
132. It must be borne in mind at al1times that a legal title boundary
can be shifted, modified or adjusted to give room for the practice and
conduct of the inhabitants on the ground along such a boundary in
accordance with Article 31, paragraph 3, of the 1969Vienna Convention
on the Law of Treaties.
133. Furthermore, Nigeria claims that by virtue of its original title
based on its historical consolidation, its rights to the Bakassi Peninsula

survive to the time of the 1913Agreement and beyond. It claims that:

(a) in and before 1913 the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar possessed
sovereignty over the Bakassi Peninsula; and

(b) the Anglo-German Agreement of 11March 1913,in so far as it pur-
ported to transfer to Germany a territorial title which Great Britain
did not possess and which it had no power or authority to transfer,
did not transfer territorial sovereignty over Bakassi to Germany.
The statuqsuoante was undisturbed, and title accordingly remained vested in the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar (Counter-Memorial
of Nigeria, Vol. 1, p. 203, para. 9.73).

134. The Court denies Nigeria's claimto the Bakassi Peninsula based
on its argument of historic consolidation (para. 220 of the Judgment).
The claim of Nigeria based on historical consolidation is not its invention
and it is far from being a mere theory. Jurisprudentially, historical con-
solidation evolves from one of the early cases of the Court. In the Fish-
eries (United Kingdonzv. Norway) case of 1951the Court decided that
against al1other States, Norway had title to the territorial sea that she
delimited by a system of straight baselines since 1869.The evolution of
this principleis fundamentally based on toleration. For many years many
States, including the United Kingdom, have come to recognize the "title"
to this territorial sea as claimed by Norway. In the presentation of its
submission, Norway referred to an "historic title" by saying that history
was invoked together with other factors to justify her exceptional rights
to this particular area of the sea. The United Kingdom raised certain

contradictions and uncertainties discovered in the general Norwegian
practice. The Court considered that too much importance or emphasis
need not be attached to thesecontradictions. The Court therefore decided :

"In the light of these considerations, and in the absence of con-
vincing evidence to the contrary, the Court is bound to hold that the
Norwegian authorities applied their system of delimitation consis-
tently and uninterruptedly from 1869until the time when the dispute
arose.

The general toleration of foreign States with regard to the Nor-
wegian practice is an unchallenged fact. For a period of more than
sixty years the United Kingdom Government itself in no way con-
tested it." (C..J. Reports 1951, p. 138.)

The case that follows in the footsteps of the Fisheriescase isthe Minquiers
and Ecrehos case of 1953,where the Court observed that:

"Both Parties contend that they have respectively an ancient or
original title to the Ecrehos and the Minquiers, and that their title
has always been maintained and was never lost. The present case
does not therefore present the characteristics of a dispute concerning
the acquisition of sovereignty over terru nullius." (I.C.J. Reports
1953, p. 53.)

The Court then went on to decide that: "What is of decisiveimportance,
in the opinion of the Court, is not indirect presumptions deduced fromevents in the Middle Ages, but the evidence which relates directly to the
possession of the Ecrehos and Minquiers groups." (1. C.J. Reports 1953,
p. 57.)
135. This principle has evolved over the years, side by side with effec-
tivités,that a territory that is not terra nullius, occupied by inhabitants,
over many years with open claim of territorial sovereignty over the
territory, undisturbed, uninterrupted and without any hindrance what-

soever, becomes a matter of recognition under international law in the
name of historical consolidation. A long list of distinguished jurists and
writers on international law including Charles De Visscher, Sir Rob-
ert Jennings and Professor George Schwarzenberger have lent their sup-
port to this principle.
136. Apart from the case of Minquiers and Ecrehos and the subse-

quent case of the Western Sahura Advisory Opinion, the Judgment of the
Chamber in the Land, Island and Maritime Frontier Dispute (El Salva-
dorlHonduras: Nicaragua intervening) also supported this principle thus:
"In the first place, it should not be overlooked that Spanish colonial
divisions in Spanish America did not individually have any 'original' or
'historic' titles, as those concepts are understood in international law."
(1.C.J. Reports 1992, p. 565, para. 345.) The Judgment went on to state:

"Where the relevant administrative boundary was ill-defined or its

position disputed, in the view of the Chamber the behaviour of the
two newly independent States in the years following independence
may well serve as a guide to where the boundary was, either in their
shared view, or in the view acted on by one and acquiesced in by the
other . . .This aspect of the matter is of particular importance in
relation to the status of the islands, by reason of their history."
(Ibid. )

137. Whilst referring to cases, reference should also be made to the

development of this principle even when it conflicts with conventional or
legal title,ince the Court takes the view that invocation of the doctrine
of consolidation of historic titles cannot vest title to Bakassi in Nigeria,
"where its 'occupation' of the peninsula is adverse to Cameroon's prior
treaty title" (para.220 of the Judgment). The case in view is the Frontier
Dispute (Burkina FasolRepublic of Mali) case. Much reliance has been

placed on this case by Cameroon, particularly paragraph 63 thereof,
which incidentally has been cited in the Land, Island and Maritime Fron-
tier Dispute (El SalvadorlHondurus: Nicaragua intervening) case in
1992. The clear indication in the present case is that while giving due
recognition to legal title, the City States of Old Calabar's effectivités on
the ground, the toponomy of Bakassi, the administration of Bakassi as part

of Nigeria in the period 1913-1960,exercise of authority by traditional
rulers, acts of administration by Nigeria after independence in 1960involvingeffeectiv andéseaceful administration, maintenance of public
order and investigation of crimes, granting of oil exploration rights,
public health, public education, participation in parliamentary elections,
collection of custom duties, use of Nigerian passports by residents of the
Bakassi Peninsula, and even evidence of Nigerianinterna1 State rivalry
over Bakassi, give the original title of Nigeria a preference. All these are
catalogued and documented with a compendium of annexes as "fulfil-

ment materials" to demonstrate beyond doubt the claim of Nigeria over
Bakassi by historical consolidation. Cameroon did not deny most of
these claims by Nigeria but al1that it relies on is the conventional title
based on the Agreement of 11 May 1913, which the Court accepts.

138. What was the relevance of German effeectiv ifers1913? For
Germany to have set up effective administration in the Bakassi Peninsula
between 11March 1913 and August 1914,when World War 1broke out,
would have been, at least, of tacit significanceause it would clearly
indicate Germany's occupation of the territories claimed by the Kings
and Chiefs of Old Calabar. In addition, it would have tested the ground
as to whether such occupation would be accepted by the Kings, Chiefs

and people of Old Calabar in the Bakassi Peninsula. This in turn would
have served as a manifestation of Germany's claim of sovereignty.
Presumably, that would have created an incident or even a revolt. For
example in 1913, the same year in which the Agreement was concluded,
the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar protested vigorously, both in Calabar
and in London, against an apparent proposal by the British Government
to amend the land tenure system which was then applicable in that area.
The protest was so pronounced that it was debated in the British Parlia-
ment at that time, and the British Government denied entertaining such a
proposal. Cameroon did not deny the fact that there was noeffeettivitis
on the ground by Germany between 1913 and 1914.After the war, there
was still no evidence of effeectivi eves,when Britain, France and
Belgium occupied the then German colonies and protectorates. Much

of Cameroon's response to Nigeria's position on this point has nothing
to do with effeectiv Inséead, Cameroon contents itself with dealing
with the non-ratification of the 1913 Agreement, both nationally and
internationally. 139. The League of Nations came into existence after World War 1,
and as a result, the southern part of Cameroon was placed under the
administration of Great Britain, based on a mandate agreement. After
World War II, in 1945,Southern Cameroon came under the Trusteeship
of Great Britain. France was entrusted with the administration of
Cameroon during the Mandate and Trusteeship period. Cameroon's
argument is that the situation of the administered territories changed
during the Mandate and Trusteeship period, because Great Britain and
France were under strict directives of the League of Nations (after 1919)
and United Nations (after 1946)to adhere to the agreements entered into,

concerning both the northern and southern Cameroons.

140. Cameroon contends that these administered territories were
defined by the 1919 and 1931 instruments, and that the Administering
Powers were unable to alter the boundaries without the consent of the
League of Nations and subsequently the United Nations, who through
their appointed committees constantly monitored the administration of
the territories as assigned to the Administering Powers. Thus, Cameroon
argues that these acts confirm the boundaries as already recognized.

141. Nigeria does not deny some of these historical facts. The point
made by Nigeria in substance is that al1this did not affect the territorial
rights of the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar, and neither did it affect
the rights of the Republic of Nigeria later in 1960.Much of the activities
of the Council and the United Nations Fourth Committee did not go

beyond the presentation of proposals, discussion about the possibility of
delimitation and demarcation and obtaining reports about the adminis-
tration of these territories (CR 200214(Ntamark), p. 21, para. 13).How-
ever, counsel for Cameroon explained that,
"on a number of occasions, the Committee concerned itself with
proposals of a relatively minor nature to adjust the line so as to
respect ethnicgroupings. Of course, onecannot exaggerate the efforts
made and al1took place within the possibility reserved in the man-

date instruments for minor modifications." (Ibid., p. 20, para. 10.)

Could these adjustments and modifications "so as to respect ethnic
groupings" relate to the Bakassi Peninsula?

142. It is remarkable, that both the instruments of the Mandate and
Trusteeship touched on the need for adjustments and modifications to

the boundary "in the interest of the inhabitants" (Counter-Memorial of
Nigeria, Vol. V, Anns. 51 and 56). Coincidentally, this need for
adjustments and modifications was mentioned in Articles 1 of both the
Mandate and the Trusteeship instruments. Did they have the problemof the Bakassi Peninsula in mind? As mentioned earlier, the Court,
in its Judgment, fails to give effect to these concerns, which still subsist
till today, unresolved.

143. The consistent view of Nigeria, as expressed in its pleadings, is
that at al1times, during the period of the Mandate and Trusteeship, the
Bakassi Peninsula remained the territory of the Kings, Chiefs and people
of Old Calabar and after 1960it became part of Nigeria till this day:

"In fact, the overall pattern of Nigerian and British official con-

duct in relation to the Bakassi Peninsula has been remarkably con-
sistent for over a century. Whether as originally part of the domains
of the Kings und Chiefs of Old Calabar, or subsequently us part of
their domains but subject to rights of Great Britain under the Pro-
tectorate Treaty of 1884, or during the Mandate and Trusteeship
periods up to the time of independence in 1960, Bukussi has consis-
tently been administeredfrom Nigeria and as part of the Nigerian
political entity."(Reply of Nigeria, Vol. 1,p. 66, para. 2.27; empha-
sis added.)

144. Nigeria further argues that while there may be differences in prin-
ciple between Mandate and Trusteeship on the one hand, and adminis-
tration and protectorate on the other, there is no difference as such on
the ground and in practice. In effect these changes have no effect on
Nigeria's claimto historical title or effectivitéNigeria explains this posi-
tion thus :

"In the event, after World War 1the whole of the mandated ter-
ritory of the British Cameroons came to be administered as part of

the Nigeria Protectorate, so that the distinction between mandated
and protectorate territory, while acknowledged in principle, had vir-
tually no practical significance for the people of Bakassi and Cala-
bar. There was no practical day-to-day need for the British of local
administration to distinguish between what might have been former
German territory and what was British protected Nigerian terri-
tory." (Counter-Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. 1,p. 182,para. 9.1l.)

Moreover, "[tlhere was in any event no question of non-British rule, and
no question of putting an end to the traditional authority of the Kings
and Chiefs of Old Calabar" (ibid.,Vol. 1,p. 182,para. 9.12) and "[elffec-
tive authority continued to be exercised by the traditional source of
power and authority in the Peninsula, namely by the Kings and Chiefs of
Old Calabar" (ibid ) .
145. In my view, and contrary to the Court's decision,the argument of
Nigeria, which in effect is based on its historical consolidation and effec-tivités,is sound, having regard to al1the comments 1have made earlier.
Counsel for Nigeria at the hearings summarized its arguments thus:
"Britain itself, of course, as a party to the 1913Treaty, was likely
to act on the assumption that that Treaty had determined the

boundary between the Protectorate and what was to be the British
Cameroons. But assumption, or belief, is not a basis for legal title;
no amount of British believing that Bakassi was in British Camer-
oons would be enough to make it so in law; no amount of mistaken
beliefcould retrospectively make good Great Britain's lack ofauthor-
ity to give away Bakassi; no amount of mistaken belief could give
Britain a power which the Treaty of Protection had clearly not given
it.Al1 Britain's actions in the Mandate and Trusteeship periods
which assumed the alienation of Bakassi from the Protectorate or
which might be construed as having that result were tainted in that
way. This applies whether they were acts of bureaucracy, or of local
administration, or of government, or of legislation (such as the Gov-
ernor's Northern Region, Western Region and Eastern Region (Defi-
nition of Boundaries) Proclamation, 1954 ... For at al1these times,
one has still to answer the crucial question: Who conferred on Great
Britain the authority to give away Bakassi? And when? And how?"

(CR200218 (Watts), p. 64, para. 109.)

The Question of Legal Title

146. The issue of title looms very large in this case as both Parties
claim one form of title or the other. Reference has been made to it with
different descriptions,i.e., legal title, original title, conventional title and
historical title. In its presentation Cameroon claims sovereignty to the
Bakassi Peninsula, alleging that its right to sovereignty with regard to the
territory is its legal title derived, inter alia, from the Agreement of
11March 1913between Great Britain and Germany. On its part, Nigeria
claims to hold original or historical title, partly evidenced by the Treaty
of 10September 1884between the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar and
Great Britain. The question here is that of the meaning of title in thecon-
text of this case and in international law. Cameroon tries to persuade the
Court to hold that the only meaning attributable to the word is a con-
ventional or legal title. The Court agrees with this. It appears to me that
"title" bears a broader meaning than that and ought to be interpreted not
necessarily or solely as documentary title but as the rights that a party

holds in relation to a territory. This, to my mind, includes not only legal
title but also possessory title.
147. In the case concerning the Land, Island und Maritime Frontier587 LAND AND MARITIME ROUNDARY (DISS. OP. AJIBOLA)

Dispute (El SalvadorlHonduras: Nicaragua intervening) the Chamber of
the Court examined this issue of the meaning of title and defined it thus:

"The term 'title'has in fact been used at times in these proceedings
in such a way as to leave unclear which of several possible meanings
is to be attached toit; some basic distinctions may therefore perhaps
be usefully stated. As the Chamber in the Frontier Dispute case
observed, the word 'title' is generally not limited to documentuvy evi-
dence alone, but comprehends 'bothany evidence whichmay establish
the existence of a right, and the actual source of thut right' (IC.J.
Reports 1986, p. 564, para. 18)" (I. C.J. Reports 1992, p. 388,

para. 45; emphasis added.)

148. Furthermore in the same Frontier Dispute (Burkina FasolRepub-
lic of Mali) case, the Court elaborated on the use of the words legal title
and effectivitéthus :

"The Chamber also feels obliged to dispel a misunderstanding
which might arise from this distinction between 'delimitation dis-
putes' and 'disputes as to attribution of territory'. One of the effects
of this distinction is to contrast 'legal titles'an'efictivités'.In this
context, the term 'legal title' appears to denote documentary evi-
dence alone. It is hardly necessary to recall that this is not the only
accepted meaning of the word 'title'. Indeed, the Parties have used

this word in different senses." (I.C.J. Reports 1986, p. 564, para. 18;
emphasis added.)
149. In effect, it appears that the term "title" or even "legal title"
should be given its broad and liberal meaning to include not only the
strict documentary evidence, but also other evidence that could establish
the legal rights of the Parties.

150. The Court, whilst giving Judgment in favour of Cameroon, based
on its so-called legal title, dismisses the claim of Nigeria based on effec-
tivités as ejfectivités contra legem, despite the long occupation and
administration of the territory by Nigeria. In so deciding, the Court bases
its decision on its jurisprudence in the Frontier Dispute (Burkina Fasol
Republic of Mali) case. Once again, and with due deference, it is my
strong view that the Court failed to apply the full ratio decidendi of that
case, the relevant part of which is in paragraph 63, which pronounces
that:

"The vole played in this case by such effectivitésis cornplex, and
the Chamber will have to weigh carefully the legalforce of these in
each particular instance. It must however state forthwith, in general
terms, what legal relationship exists between such acts and the titles
on which the implementation of the principle of uti possidetis is
grounded. For this purpose, a distinction must be drawn among
several eventualities.Wherethe act corresponds exactly to law, ~vhere effective administration is additional to the uti possidetis juris,the
only role of effectivitéis to conjîrm the exercise of the right derived
from a legal title. Where the act does not correspond to the law,
~vherethe territory which is the subject of the dispute is effectii~ely
administered by a State other than the one possessing the legal title,
preference should be given to the holder of the title. In the event tlzut

the effectivitédoes not co-ezcistwith any legal title, it must invariably
be taken into consideration. Finally, there are cases where the legal
title is not capable of showing exactly the territorial expanse to
which it relates. The effectivitéscan then play an essential role in
showing how the title is interpreted in practice." (I.C.J. Reports
1986, pp. 586-587, para. 63; emphasis added.)

151. The relevant paragraph quoted above spells out the relationship
between effeectiiliand legal title. TheCourt, whilst basing its decision on
this particular paragraph of itsjurisprudence, ought to explain and apply
its text fully. The Court cannot apply one part of it and exclude the
other. This was the grave omission made by Cameroon whilst inter-
preting the paragraph in the Frontier Dispute (Burkina FasolRepublic
of Mali) case. Cameroon argues through its counsel, Professor Maurice
Mendelson, in a peculiar way thus:

"The reason for my discomfort is to be found in the Chamber's
lapidary explanation of the role of effectivitésin the case of the
Frontier Dispute (Burkina FasolRepublic of Mali), the pertinent
part of which, as you know, begins as follows: 'Where the act cor-
responds exactly to law, where effective administration is additional
to the utipossidetis juris,the only role of effectivitéis to confirm the
exercise of the right derived from a legal title.' Pausing there, this is
precisely Cameroon's situation :having a good title, any evidence of

effèctivitésthat it adduces are merely confirmatory. In Our submis-
sion, on the other hand, Nigeria falls squarely within the second sen-
tence: 'Where the act does not correspond to the law, where the
territory which is the subject of the dispute is effectively adminis-
tered by a State other than the one possessing the legal title, prefer-
ence should be given to the holder of the title.' That being so, logi-
cally, there is little more to be said. Hence my mild embarrassment
at addressing you on this subject." (CR 200214(Mendelson), p. 35,
para. 1.)

152. Obviously, the learned counsel for Cameroon has chosen to com-
ment on the first part of this paragraph leaving the subsequent para-
graphs unexplained. However, the subsequent paragraphs clarify the
position of ejfectivité:

"In the event that the effectivitédoes not co-exist with any legal
title, it must invariably be taken into consideration. Finally, there are cases where the legal title is not capable of showing exactly the ter-
ritorial expanse to which it relates. The effectivitécan then play un
essential role in showing how the title is interpreted in pructice."
(I.C.J. Reports 1986, p. 587, para. 63; emphasis added.)

153. Was the Court misled? There is no doubt that according to para-
graph 63 preference ought to be given to the "holder of the title". But
with due deference, this does not mean that the holder of the title is abso-
lutely entitled to sovereignty over the territory. Al1it indicates is that it
should have preference, but this preference is not absolute. It leaves an
equally legal right which the Court must grant to the party with effectivi-
tés.As explained in the final part of the above paragraph, "[ijn the event
that the effectivitdoes not co-exist with any legal title, it must invariahly
be taken into consideration". That is the consideration that the Court
must invariably give to ejf'ectivitéin this regard. On a careful examina-

tion of the situation in the Bakassi Peninsula, the Court cannot rely on
this authority to decide that the claim of a title-holder is exclusive and
absolute.. The Court must take cognizance of the fact that Nigerians
have settled in Bakassi from time immemorial, that they owe allegiance
to their Kings and Chiefs, and that they have settled administration and
other civil activities as Nigerians there.

154. The Court, in paragraph 222 of its Judgment, enumerates
Nigeria's territorial activities and acts of public and social administra-
tion in Bakassi. Mention is made of activities dating back to 1959,that is,
before Nigeria obtained its independence. The Court also accepts that

Nigeria confirms many of these activities in Bakassi with supporting
evidence and "in considerable detail" (para. 222 of the Judgment). The
Court also agrees with Nigeria that "[nlor is there any reason to doubt
the Efik and Effiat toponomy of the settlements, or their relationships
with Nigeria" (para. 221). Furthermore, the Court accepts as true the fact
that the provision of "education in the Bakassi settlements appear to be
largely Nigerian" (para. 222). It is for al1these reasons that the Court
ought to find in favour of Nigeria based on historical consolidation and
effectii~ités.

155. Cameroon claims that the maritime boundary should start from
the mouth of the Akwayafe, in reliance on its claim of a conventional
title, based on the Agreement of II March 1913 coupled with
map TSGS 2240annexed thereto. On the other hand, Nigeria argues that
the delimitation should start from the mouth of the Rio del Rey, basedon its historical consolidation. Waving carefully weighed the arguments
of both Parties, my view runs contrary to the decision of the Court: the
maritime delimitation should start from the mouth of the Rio del Rey,
hence 1voted against the decision of the Court in paragraph 325 IV (B)
of the Judgment.
156. Then there is the dispute as to whether any maritime delimitation
has already been carried out by the Parties.
157. The maritime boundary can be divided into two sectors: the first,

the delimitation up to point "G" and the second, after point "G" which,
according to the Parties, remains undelimited. The Agreements to which
the Court attributes the delimitation are: the Anglo-German Agreement
of 11 March 1913; the Cameroon-Nigeria Agreement of 4 April 1971,
comprising the YaoundéII Declaration and the appended British Admi-
ralty Chart 3433; and the Cameroon-Nigeria Agreement of 11June 1975
(the Maroua Declaration).
158. Cameroon claims that the adopted line was a "compromise line"
that arose out of the work of the Joint Commission set up to do the
same. Therefore, Cameroon argues that the first segment of the maritime
boundary from the mouth of the Akwayafe to point 12was fixed on the
basis of a compromise line.
159. Nigeria expressesits position very clearly with which 1agree -
that it is not bound by these Declarations. The language of the Yaoundé

II meeting made it explicit that the meeting formed part of ongoing ses-
sions of meetings on the maritime boundary, subject to further discus-
sions at the subsequent meetings. This intention is confirmed by the
text of the contemporaneous Joint Communiqué, and by the interna1
Nigerian Brief on the then forthcoming meeting of 20 May 1975.
Nigeria's position after the Yaoundé II meeting was further elucidated in
the letter of 23 August 1974 from General Gowon of Nigeria to Presi-
dent Ahidjo of Cameroon.

The Maroua Declaration

160. Cameroon claims that the Declaration of Maroua is one of three
international legal instruments that delimit the course of the first sector
of the maritime boundary. Cameroon argues that the prolongation of the
maritime boundary southwards from point 12 to point G was agreed
when the two Heads of State "reached full agreement on the exact course
of the maritime boundary".
161. Cameroon further explains that the explicit objective of the Agree-
ment was to extend the delimitation of the maritime boundary line
between the two countries, from point 12to point G as evidenced in the
Joint Communiqué,signed by the two Heads of State(CR 200216 (Tomu-
schat), p. 18, para. 1). In reply, Nigeria's primary contention is that it is
not bound by the Maroua Declaration. The Declaration, along with pre-
ceding negotiations at the time formed part of ongoing sessions of meet-ings on the maritime boundary, subject to further discussions at subse-
quent meetings.
162. For the Declarations to have become binding, the Military Admin-
istration Legislation of 1966 and 1967 required the publication of any
decree made by the Military Council, in the Federal Gazette. This was
not the case in this instance.Under the 1963Constitution in force at the
time, General Gowon did not have the power to commit his Government
without the approval of the Supreme Military Council, which constituted
the executive authority and Government of Nigeria. Thus, Nigeria con-
cludes, the President of Cameroon is deemed to be aware of the con-
straints under which General Gowon was exercisinghis authority. Nigeria
cites theletter sent by General Gowon to President Ahidjo on 23 August
1974(Reply of Nigeria, Vol. IV, Ann. 2).

"In paragraph three of the letter, General Gowon informed Presi-
dent Ahidjo :

'You will recall, Mr. President, that the important question of
demarcating the borders between Ourtwo countries was discussed
at length during our meeting in Garoua. 1 still believe that the
function of the joint commission of experts established to delin-
eatethe international boundary between Ourtwo countries, was to
make recommendations on the basis of their technical examina-
tion of the situation, for consideration by our two Governments.
As a technical commission, their views and recommendations
must be subject to the agreement of the two Governments which
appointed them in the first place. You will also recall that 1
explained in Garoua that the proposais of the experts based on the
documents they prepared on the 4th April, 1971,werenot accept-
able to the Nigerian Government. It has always been my belief
that we can both, together re-examine the situation and reach an

appropriate and acceptable decision on the matter.' " (CR 200219
(Brownlie), pp. 37-38, para. 104.)

Nigeria asserts that in the above correspondence, General Gowon was
emphazising to President Ahidjo that :

"(i) the question of boundary demarcation between Nigeria and
Cameroon is an 'important question';
(ii) the function of the commission of experts was to make recom-
mendations for the consideration of the two Governments;
(iii) the proposals of the experts based on the documents they
prepared on 4 April 1971were not acceptable to the Nigerian
Government ;
(iv) that both Governments must re-examine the situation and reach

an appropriate agreement on the matter; and
(v) that the arrangements which might be agreed between them were subject to the subsequent and separate approval of the 'Nigerian
Government'." (CR 200219,(Brownlie),p. 38,para. 105.)

163. Thus, in light of previous dealings with Nigeria, President Ahidjo
should have realized that General Gowon alone could not bind Nigeria
in what would amount to a disposition of its territory, inhabited by its
people. Executive acts were to be carried out by the Supreme Military
Council or be subject to its approval. From the foregoing it is clear that
the two Heads of State were left in no doubt as to the non-binding force
of the Maroua Declaration.

164. Cameroon makes its stance on the above by referring to
Article 46 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, paragraph 1
of which reads:

"A State may not invoke the fact that its consent to be bound by
a treaty has been expressed in violation of a provision ofts internal
law regarding competence to conclude treaties as invalidating its
consent unless that violation was manifest and concerned a rule of

its internal law of fundamental importance."

And paragraph 2 which states: "A violation is manifest if it would be
objectively evident to any State conducting itself in theatter in accord-
ance with normal practice and in good faith." The argument of the
Parties here turns to the distinction between Cameroon's interpretation
and Nigeria's interpretation of the above Article.
165. Cameroon argues that the consent to the Declaration as expressed
by General Gowon did not require the formal advice of anybody, includ-
ing the Supreme Military Council. However, Cameroon states that, even
if General Gowon were constitutionally restrained, his action of signing
the Declaration of Maroua on Nigeria's behalf did not amount to a
"manifest" violation of Nigeria's internal law regarding the competence
to conclude treaties.
166. This is where the decision of the Court can be faulted. In 1967,
the Executive Power of the Federal Government of Nigeria was vested in
the Supreme Military Council. At that time, Gowon had taken over as
Head of the Federal Military Government in Nigeria. In 1975,when the
Maroua Declaration was signed, there were three military bodies set up,
viz.: the National Council of States, involving the collective administra-
tion of the states as represented by the Governors; the Federal Executive

Council; and, most importantly, the Supreme Military Council, which
was then vested with the Executive Power of the country in accordance
with the Federal Constitution as amended.
167. The Supreme Military Council was the ultimate executive body
vested with the power to ratify any agreement made by the Head of State.
The Maroua Declaration was not ratified by this Council. Hence theDeclaration had no binding force on Nigeria, contrary to the decision of
the Court.
168. Thus.,bv,virtue of Article 46 of the Vienna Convention on the
Law of Treaties, internationally, the Maroua Declaration is not oppos-
able and therefore not enforceable against Nigeria.

169. As regards the matter of delimitation of the maritime boundary,

beyond point "G", Nigeria argues that there had been no negotiations
between the Parties on this sector and that the first time it had notice of
Cameroon's claim lines was when it received Cameroon's Memorial.
Cameroon did not deny this fact.
170. Nigeria claims that, as far as the dispute over the maritime
boundary on the areas around point G, and indeed to the areas of over-
lapping licences, the requirement that the Parties must negotiate under
Articles 83 (1) and 74 (1) of the Convention on the Law of the Sea of
1982,has been satisfied; however, not beyond these areas.

171. Hence, as far as the area beyond point G, Nigeria maintains its
position that the requirements of Articles 83 (1) and 74 (1) of the

1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea have not been
fulfilled.
172. One of the preliminary objections made by Nigeria on jurisdic-
tion and admissibility was that the Court had no jurisdiction to entertain
the request of Cameroon for maritime delimitation beyond point "G". In
my dissenting opinion to the Court's Judgment at that stage, 1expressed
the view that, since negotiation is a prerequisite under Articles 83 (1) and
74 (1) of the 1982Convention on the Law of the Sea, the Court has no
jurisdiction to entertain Cameroon's Application on this claim. However,
the Court has assumed jurisdiction. 1 have reservations, because of the
possibility of affecting the rights of Equatorial Guinea and Sao Tome
and Principe. Nevertheless, because the Court is now seised ofthe matter,

and regardless of the dispute between the Parties as to whether there has
been negotiations or not, 1 consider the Court's decision to effect delimi-
tation in the area beyond point "G" to bejust and valid, hence 1voted in
favour of the Court's decision.

173. Although 1voted in favour of the Court's decision rejecting the
claim of Cameroon on State responsibility against Nigeria, and rejecting
a similar application by way of a counter-claim by Nigeria against

Cameroon (paragraph 325 V (D) and (E)), 1wish to express my reasons
for doing so in this part of my opinion. 174. The first reason is that the claim of Cameroon is unprecedentedly
excessive and indeed unique. 1do not know of any case (other than the
present case) which has taken over eight years, with so many claims
presented at the same time to the Court. 1 am aware of exclusive land
boundary claims by States; and 1 am also aware of exclusive maritime

delimitation claims by States. Cases of maritime boundary cum land
boundary claims are very few. However, 1have not heard of an applica-
tion involving a land boundary claim, a maritime delimitation claim, and
a State responsibility claim,al1presented at the same time. Little wonder
that the case took a marathon hearing time of five weeks.

175. The second reason is that this case involves neighbouring States.
Geography and history compel their eternal CO-existence.The Court was
not created to consciously or unconsciously create eternal disharmony
between brother States. A claim of this nature can only engender bad
blood between the States, and the Court should not lend its support to
any decision that would create such eternal acrimony. The Court, as 1
have said earlier, is duty bound to ensure that "[alIl Members shall settle

their international disputes by peuceful meuns in such a munner that
internutionulpeuce and security, and justice,are not endangered" (Art. 2,
para. 3, of the United Nations Charter; emphasis added). The para-
mount and fundamental objective of the Court, over and above al1other
considerations, is to ensure that litigants or disputants are satisfied at the
end of the day that justice has been done, that the Court has been fair

and impartial, and that parties can still live together in peace and security.

176. 1 am persuaded by the words of wisdom expressed by counsel for
Nigeria when he observed :

"Counsel sought also to show that it was perfectly normal for
questions of State responsibility and territorial title to be joined. But
this is not so in practice, nor is it appropriate. As the Court will
know, there have been many cases in which territorial disputes have

affected populated areas which one side or the other has adminis-
tered and controlled - several such cases have indeed been consid-
ered by the Court. Yet Cameroon cited no case in which a territorial
dispute has been resolved in favour of one State, and in which the
losing State was then held internationally responsible for its acts of
civil administration or maintenance of public order in areas in
which, as a result of the decision on the territorial dispute, it was

found to have had no right . . .Any other approach would turn
every territorial dispute into a State responsibility case, sometimes of
enormous magnitude." (CR 2002120(Watts), p. 26, paras. 9 and 10.)

177. Another reason for my decision touches on what may be termedratione tempore. The case between Cameroon and Nigeria was "brought"
too late. If the Court were seised of such a complex and time-consuming
case, as the present one, in the 1970s,and particularly in 1976when there
was less to do with few cases on its docket, then perhaps more time
would have been devoted to such an unnecessarily lengthy claim, which
ought to have been settled between the Parties themselves. However, at
this time, thedocket of the Court is full and time has to be rationed. To
buttress this point, Cameroon has indicated that this is not the end. In its
further claim, Cameroon requests the Court to adjudge on compensation

thus :

"The Republic of Cameroon further has the honour to request the
Court to permit it to present an assessment of the amount of com-
pensation due to it as reparation for the damage it has suffered as a
result of the internationally wrongful acts attributable to the Federal
Republic of Nigeria, ut a subsequent state of the proceedings."
(Memorial of Cameroon, Vol. 1, p. 671, para. 9.2.)

178. Perhaps in effect, the Court may not see an end to this case even
after Judgment. The Court, may still have to decide on the assessment of
the amount of compensation as reparation for the damage claimed.
Nigeria also requested in its submissions that:

"Cameroon bears responsibility to Nigeria in respect of each of
those claims, the amount of reparation due therefor, if not agreed
between the parties within six months of the date ofjudgment, to be
determined by the Court in a further judgment." (Reply of Nigeria,
Vol. III, p. 766.)

Here again, were the Court to decide in favour of Nigeria, and were com-
pensation not be paid to Nigeria within six months, then Nigeria might
file another application for reparation against Cameroon, and who could
tell how long this would take.
179. In effect, anydecision of the Court in favour of either Cameroon
or Nigeria, or both, would only prolong this case and continue to spread
a feeling of disaffection between the Parties. The aim of the Court must
be to discourage endless litigation. The Court, in its wisdom and consid-
erable experience on boundary matters, has made valuable observations
during the preliminary objection on jurisdiction and admissibility phase
of this case, that even when a boundary has been definitively delimited
and demarcated, misunderstandings are bound to ensue from time to
time. In most cases, these misunderstandings are mistakes as to location,

misunderstandings as to boundary lines and pillars, or uncertainties as to
their locations, which have nothing to do with any deliberate acts involv-
ing State responsibility. 180. There is such an example in the present case: a location called
MberogoIMbelogo. Cameroon is claiming Mbelogo ;Nigeria isalso claim-
ing Mberogo. There are alleged incidents involving State responsibility in
this location as well. Cameroon claims two incidents in Mbelogo, one

involving a Nigerian census taker on 26 January 1994 and the other
involving two Nigerian Immigration Officers on 26 September. In
Nigeria's counter-claim it also reports the incident involving the Nigerian
census taker, but this time in Mberogo. Now the question is, are there
two locations, one called Mberogo and the other Mbelogo? Or are they

one and the same place?

181. Examples like this can be multiplied, Le., where inhabitants or
officials of the Government have acted under a mistaken belief that a
location belongs to its State (either Cameroon or Nigeria).
182. TheCourt, even before entertaining the present case on its merits,

pronounced on this problem as follows:
"The occurrence of boundary incidents certainly has to be taken

into account in this context. However, not every boundary incident
implies a challenge to the boundary. Also, certain of the incidents
referred to by Cameroon took place in areas which are difficult to
reach and where the boundary demarcation may have been absent
or imprecise. And not every incursion or incident alleged by

Cameroon is necessarily attributable to persans for whose behuviour
Nigeria's respon.sibility might he engaged. Even taken together
ivith the existing bounn'ary disputes, the incidents and incursions
reported by Cameroon do not establish by themselves the existence
of a dispute concerning al1 of the boundary between Cameroon and
Nigeria." (I.C.J.Reports 1998, p. 315, para. 90; emphasis added.)

183. As regards Cameroon's application on State responsibility, it

appears to me that it is labouring under a pre-emptive but erroneous
notion that, once itcan establish or assume subjectively that a legal title
exists in a frontier matter, it automatically involves State responsibility.
In other words, the claim of Cameroon on State responsibility is rather
anticipatory. Cameroon believes that its position with regard to the con-
ventional title is unassailable, and in anticipation of a judgment in its

favour, goes further to ask for claims based on a judicial benefit that has
not accrued to it.
184. Cameroon, reflecting on the pronouncement of the Court, had
somehow reformulated its position based on the Judgment of the Court
of 1998 on preliminary objections, which States:

"Al1 of these disputes concern the boundary between Cameroon
and Nigeria. However, given the great length of that boundary,

which runs over more than 1,600 km from Lake Chad to the sea, it
cannot be said that these disputes in themselves concern so large a portion of the boundary that they would necessarily constitute a dis-
pute concerning the whole of the boundary.
Further, the Court notes that, with regard to the whole of the
boundary, there is no explicit challenge from Nigeria. However, a
disagreement on a point of law or fact, a conflict of legal views or
interests, or the positive opposition of the claim of one party by the
other need not necessarily be stated expressis verbis. In the determi-

nation of the existence of a dispute, as in other matters, the position
or the attitude of a party can be established by inference, whatever
the professed view of that party. In this respect the Court does not
find persuasive the argument of Cameroon that the challenge by
Nigeria to the validity of the existing titles to Bakassi, Darak and
Tipsan, necessarily calls into question the validity as such of the
instruments on which the course of the entire boundary from the
tripoint in Lake Chad to the sea is based, and therefore proves the
existence of a dispute concerning the whole of the boundary." (1C.J.
Reports 1998, p. 315, paras. 88-89.)

185. Cameroon, in some part of its pleadings, positively responds to
its misconception of invoking State responsibility in a matter of this
nature. In its Reply, Cameroon referred to a part of the Judgment given
at the preliminary objection phase, and stated further that it was no
longer contesting these two points.
186. Nigeria has stated over and over again that a difference between
States as to the proper application of a principle, or even a rule of inter-
national law, does not by itself give rise to any international responsi-
bility for either of them.

187. Eventually, in its Reply, Cameroon acknowledged, accepted and
admitted this basic principle which should have compelled Cameroon to
withdraw its claim based on State responsibility. Presumably, it was then
too late for Cameroon to do so. Cameroon also acknowledged that
Nigeria had stated this point on at least fiveoccasions. The following was
Cameroon's admission on this point:
"Cameroon acknowledges, us stuted by Nigeria on ut leust jîve

occasions, that in itself 'adifference bet~ijeenState~ us to the proper
application of a principle or even a rule, of international labis,does
not give rise to uny international responsibilityfor either of them'. . .
It is therefore prepared to admit that the wording of paragraph (d)
of the submissions in its Memorial. re~roduced above. mav lead to
confusion on this point if taken out if context as the ~eg~ondent
does: it is not the mere fact that Nigeria 'isdisputing' the boundary
which engages its responsibility, it is the methods it has used, and
continues to use. to conduct the dimute. In order to eliminate al1
ambiguity, Cameroon has made this clear in the submissions in the
present Reply . . .(Reply of Cameroon, Vol. 1,p. 489, para. 11.13.) 188. However, Cameroon has modified its position many times to cor-
rect some of its misgivings and misconceptions. For example, it started
by stating that Nigeria is liable for the various incidents, jointly and
severally. Cameroon had reneged from this standpoint and decided that
the whole of the incidents should be considered together. Furthermore,

it reformulated its submission as a result of al1 these points, stating in
its final submission that:

"in attempting to modify unilaterally and by force the courses of the
boundary defined above under (a) and (c), the Federal Republic of
Nigeria has violated and is violating the fundamental principle of
respect for frontiers inherited from colonization (utipossidetis juris)
and its legal commitments concerning land and maritime delimita-

tion" (Reply of Cameroon, Vol. 1, p. 592, para. 13.l(d)).

However, what Cameroon should have done was to withdraw this claim
entirely.
189. At this stage, it may be necessary for me to descend into the arena
of conflicting facts. It is a cardinal principle of legal procedure that who-
ever asserts must prove. A claim is not sustainable stricto sensus unless

and until it can be established and proved. Cameroon, alleging State
responsibility, must prove those incidents alleged against Nigeria. How-
ever, before going into that, the picture that the disputed areas, particu-
larly the Bakassi Peninsula and Lake Chad, presents to me, is that they
are inhabited by Nigerians who have been living there for a long time,
mostly before independence and some after independence. In my view,

this fact is indisputable. Subsequently, Cameroon, relying on conven-
tional title, has tried to claim those areas. The problem started when
Cameroon attempted to dislodge the Nigerians and replace them with
Cameroonians.

190. One may visualize this situation from what happened in 1972-

1973, when Cameroon started to change the names of places in the
Bakassi Peninsula. Cameroon does not deny this.
191. Where people are already settled in any given place, an incursion
comes as a surprise attack. It is the attacker who invariably has the upper
hand because the settlers are overwhelmed by such a surprise. Nigeria
supports this view with an overall figure of casualties resulting from these

incidents :

"(a) Attributed to Cameroon in the Nigerian documents: 30 killed
(of whom 27 were civilians); 117 wounded (of whom 106 were
civilians) ; eight houses and four boats destroyed or damaged,
together with a substantial amount of other damage.
(b) Attributed to Nigeria in the Cameroon documents: three killed,
13 wounded (al1military). Thus there were small numbers of

military casualties on both sides; fewer dead on each side in fact than in the incident of May 1981.But there were substan-
tial civilian casualties on the Nigerian side. And there is no evi-
dence wlzatever of Nigerian troops killing or ivounding their
ownpeople." (CR 2002120(Crawford), p. 37,para. 10;empha-
sis added.)

192. Perhaps this overall figure demonstrates two points: on the one
hand, if the places where the incidents occurred were inhabited by Cam-
eroonians, then at least some Cameroonians (civilians) would have been
killed. In this report not a single Cameroonian (civilian) was killed. It
shows that the inhabitants of those places are not Cameroonians. On the
other hand, more Nigerian civilians were killed because they were the
inhabitants.
193. What was the reaction of Cameroon to this report and the
incidents? Cameroon's response was to offer some words of apology.
Cameroon reacted to the matter of the dead civilians thus:

"In the part of his speech, in the eight minutes devoted to counter-
claims this week, Professor Tomuschat did not comment on those
figures. All he said was that 'ilpeut y avoir eu des victimes civiles, ce
que le Cameroun regrette profondément'. Faced with a balance of
casualtiessuch as that 1have given, for counsel to Say'ilpeut 1, avoir

eu des victimes civiles'is not very helpful. To be told belatedly that
Cameroon 'profoundly regrets' does little to mitigate the dainage
caused, and still being caused, by Cameroon. For it is not the case
that there 'may have been'victims: 'il peut y avoir eu des victimes
civiles'.There were such victims. There continue to be civilian vic-
tims. If there had been none, Cameroon would have been the first to
tell you."(Ibid, pp. 37-38, para. 11 ; emphasis added.)

In view of al1 this destruction of Nigerian lives and property, it is
incredible that Nigeria is still being accused of State responsibility. What
Cameroon was in effect saying is: 1 am sorry for killing your people
but you must still pay me for killing them.
194. Reverting to the issue of the burden of proof, after al1the plead-
ings (oral and written), of Cameroon, it has neither established nor
proved a case of State responsibility against Nigeria. Most of the allega-
tions are mere allegations of acts not involving State responsibility against
Nigeria. The presence of civilians and even of soldiers in any of the loca-
tions where these disputes occurred, proved nothing. Cameroon's allega-
tion of the very serious offence of State responsibility must be proved
beyond reasonable doubt. This proof is missing.

195. The evidence presented is very scanty, and, in some cases, incon-sistent, inaccurate and uncertain. Most of the allegations are not sup-
ported by any documentary evidence and are time-barred and conse-
quently acquiesced to by Cameroon, and many are only vaguelydescribed.

196. Many of the reports concerning these allegations are contradic-
tory, unsubstantiated and lack probative value; some are misleading and
incorrectly translated; some are incomplete; and many are unprotested
and appears to be afterthoughts.

197. Many of the documents in support of the incidents are mere

interna1 memos; some of the incidents are undated and no time is speci-
fied; many of the incidents have nothing to do with the State of Nigeria
as such, but are incidents involving civilians, without the knowledge and
consent of the Government of Nigeria. Therefore, these are acts not
involving State responsibility attributable to Nigeria.

198. In many of these incidents Cameroon did not protest to Nigeria.
In one of the reports of the incidents, it seems the report has been ima-
gined, because, for example, the incident at Akwayafe was alleged by
Cameroon to have taken place in April 1993 and was reported on
23 March 1993 in the message of the Governor of South-West. There is

another predated incident at Kofia. Here again the report precedes the
incident. Another clear example of the unreliability of evidence presented
by Cameroon related to the incident in Mberogo. Cameroon claims that
the incident occurred on 26 January 1994, yet it was reported in a mes-
sage of the Bab-Prefect of Force Awa dated 21 January 1994. This is
another example of a predated incident. This is curious, if not ridiculous.

199. In some of the reports it was clearly stated that the incidents
involved Nigerian citizens but not the Nigerian Government. Cameroon
even considers clashes between citizens and citizens as incidents: private
land disputes are considered incidents; squabbles of fishermen and
farmers are considered to be acts involving Nigeria's State responsibility :

otherwise what would land disputes between Nigerians in Nubi Local
Government and the traditional Chief of Barha, or the case of the
Nigerian poachers, have to do with State responsibility? In addition,
some of the incidents relate purely to clashes between the Nigerian and
Cameroonian inhabitants over the location of the boundary. Some reports,
such as the one on the Lenelowa incident predates the incident as far

back as two years before the incident occurred. In some of these inci-
dents, there are cases of Cameroonians clashing with Cameroonians on
Nigerian territory, yet Cameroon reported them as incidents invoking
Nigerian State responsibility. To sum up, reading through the list of
incidents catalogued by Cameroon, one is inclined to believe that the
issue of State responsibility is being trivialized.601 LAND AND MARITIME BOUNDARY (DISS .P. AJIBOLA)

200. Cameroon in fact admits carrying out acts involving State respon-
sibility against Nigeria.Examples are the incidents in Mberogo and
Tosso, which are shown in the Atlas maps presented by Nigeria.

201. In conclusion, the claim of Cameroon as regards State respon-
sibility against Nigeria is, in my view, part and parcel of its litigation

strategy to fortify its claim based on conventional title over the Bakassi
Peninsula and Lake Chad.
202. It is for the reasons enumerated above that 1support the decisionof
the Court that the claim of Cameroon be dismissedalong with the counter-
claim of Nigeria. This decision is desirable in order to promote and
encourage peace, harmony and good neighbourliness between the Parties.

203. To conclude my dissenting opinion, 1am of the view that the
Court ought not to dismiss the claim of Nigeria based on eflectivité.
There is no doubt that for a considerable length of time, there have been
Nigerians living in the area of the Bakassi Peninsula and in some parts of

Lake Chad. The Court accepts the fact that Nigeria has administrative
and social establishments in these areas. History lends credence to the
fact that the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar have been exercising ter-
ritorial rights over the Bakassi Peninsulasince the seventeenth century.
204. Similarly the Court should not have rejected Nigeria's clain~
based on historical consolidation. Nigeria presents overwhelming
evidence in support of this claim. Jurisprudentially, there are a series of
the Court's decisions based on historical consolidation. I have referred
to these already in this opinion.
205. In my view, nothing vitiates the evidential value of the Treaty of
10 September 1884 between Great Britain and the Kings and Chiefs of
Old Calabar. This Treaty, being an international instrument, makes it
clear that at no time was Great Britain conferred with the territorial sov-

ereignty over the Bakassi Peninsula. Great Britain acted in breach of its
obligations when it entered into the Agreement of 11 March 1913with
Germany, which purportedly transferred Bakassi to Cameroon.
206. Furthermore, as regards the Anglo-German Agreement of
11 March 1913, the Court ought to have preliminarily rejected it as
invalid, because the Agreement is inconsistent with the concern of the
Great Powers not to transfer "native populations from one administra-
tion to another without their consent and even without having informed
them or consulted them" (Counter-Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. 1,
paras. 8.50-8.51). This Agreement is contrary to the General Act of the
Berlin Conference and in particular its Article 6. The European Powers
were enjoined "to watch out over the preservation of the native tribes and
not to take over or effect transfer of their territory".
207. In addition, 1am also of the view that the Anglo-German Agree-ment had lapsed as a result of World War 1. It was for Great Britain to
revive the Agreement, which it did not do. Thus, the Agreement was
abrogated by virtue of Article 289, and Cameroon could not have suc-
ceeded to an agreement that was already spent.
208. The Anglo-German Agreement was not approved by the German
Parliament as regards the Bakassi Peninsula. Contrary to the Court's
decision, this Agreement ought to remain invalid.
209. The claim of Cameroon to the Bakassi Peninsula based on the
Anglo-German Agreement is defective for the foregoing reasons and
ought not to have been relied upon by the Court.
210. However, because the Court relies on it substantially and regards

the instrument as conferring legal title on Cameroon, the Court is bound
to relate Nigeria's effectivitéswith Cameroon's legal title. Unfortunately,
the Court has been persuaded by the one-sided argument of Cameroon as
to the text and meaning of paragraph 63 of the Judgment in the Frontier
Dispute (Burkina FasolRepublic of Mali) case, because Cameroon based
its arguments and justification of having legal title solely on the sentence
"[wlhere the act corresponds exactly to law, where effective administra-
tion is additional to theutipossidetis juris, the only role of effectivitéis to
confirm the exercise of the right derived from a legal title(IC.J. Reports
1986, pp. 586-587).

211. However, in Cameroon's interpretation of this same paragraph 63,
it points to a situation which it considers similar to Nigeria's position:
"Where the act does not correspond to the law, where the territory which
is the subject of the dispute is effectively administered by a State other
than the one possessing the legal title, preference should be given to the

holder of the title." (Ibid, p. 587.) However, what Cameroon omitted,
perhaps purposefully, to explain to the Court are the subsequent sen-
tences of the same paragraph 63, stating that:
"In the event that the effectivitédoes not co-exist with any legal
title, it must invariably be taken into consideration. Finally, there are
cases where the legal title is not capable of showing exactly the ter-
ritorial expunse to which it relates. The effectivitéscan then play an
essential vole in showing how the title is interpreted in practice."
(Ibid, p. 587; emphasis added.)

Unfortunately the Court itself fails to give serious consideration to this
vital part of the text of its previous Judgment.
212. Finally, perhaps, the decision of the Court would have been
otherwise had consideration been given to these three sentences, which
Cameroon failed to argue and which were not considered by the Court.

(Signed) Bola AJIBOLA.

Bilingual Content

DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE AJIBOLA

Introduction - Lake Chad - Lake Chad and the work of the LCBC -
Delimitation and demarcation - Lake Chad Basin: effectivitésand historical
consolidation - Bakassi Peninsula - Severability of Articles XVIII-XXII of
the Agreement of 1913 - The 1884 Treaty - Historical consolidation and

effectivitésin Bakassi - The question of legal title - Maritime delimitation -
Maroua Declaration - State respnnsihility - Conclusion.

1. The Court, notwithstanding the unusually large request of Cam-

eroon's Applications has comprehensively dealt with al1the submissions
presented to it by the Parties. However, 1am compelled to write this dis-
senting opinion because it is difficult for me to agree with some of the

Court's decisions. There are five main sectors involved in this case, Lake
Chad, the land boundary, Bakassi Peninsula, maritime delimitation and
the issue of State responsibility. 1 have no difficulty in accepting and

voting in favour of the Court's decision on State responsibility (although
my separate view on this will bestated later), some aspects of the maritime
delimitation and land boundary. My dissenting opinion will therefore

centre on the Court's decision as regards the issue of sovereignty over the
Bakassi Peninsula and the delimitation of Lake Chad. But before dealing
with these points, 1 intend to touch upon certain issues regarding the

genesis of the case, the function of the Court and some general observa-
tions about the Judgment.
2. This is a unique case for many reasons; first, because of the unusu-

ally large claim filed by the Applicant, secondly because it is a claim deal-
ing with maritime and land boundary issues at the same time, and thirdly
because, apart from the request for land and maritime delimitation, there

is also the request involving State responsibility against Nigeria. It is also
a case that has taken over eight years before the Court, involving appli-
cations for interim measures, jurisdiction and admissibility, and the inter-

vention of Equatorial Guinea on maritime delimitation.

3. On both sides of the boundary, it cannot be denied that incidents
involving serious clashes and hostilities have occurred in recent times. On
the other hand, a series of efforts have been made to resolve this bound-

ary dispute between the Parties at regional and international levels. It can
therefore be said that the situation on the ground is volatile and explo- OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. LE JU(;E AJIBOLA

[Traduction]

Introduction -- Lac Tchad - Lac Tchad et travaux de la commission du bas-
sin du lac Tchad- DéIimitationet démarcation - Baspindu lac Tchad; effec-
tivités et con~olidation historique - Presqu'île de Bal-assi - Divtsibilité des
articles XVIII-XXII de l'accord de 1913 - Traité de 1884 - Consolidation

historique et tffectivité~ à Bakassi - La question du titre juridique - Délimi-
tation maritinze - DéclarationcleMaroua - Re.sponazbilitéinternationale -
Conclusion.

1. La Cour, malgrél'ampleur inhabituelle des demandes formuléespar
le Cameroun dans ses requêtes, s'estprononcée de manière circonstanciée

sur toutes les conclusions que lui ont soumises les Parties. Il me faut tou-
tefois rédiger la présenteopinion dissidente, car il in'est difficile de sous-
crire à certaines des clécisionsde la Cour. Sur les cinq volets principaux

du différend - le I,ac Tchad, la frontière terrestre, la presqu'île de
Bakassi, la délimitation maritime et la question de la responsabilité inter-
nationale , je ne vois aucun inconvénient à approuver et voter pour ce

qu'a décidéla Cour en ce qui concerne la responsabilité internationale
(bien que mes idées personnelles sur ce point soierit exposées plus loin),
certains aspects de la délimitation maritime et la frontière terrestre. Mais
avant d'examiner ces points, je voudrais m'arrêter sur quelques aspects

de la genèse de I'affaiireet de la fonction de la Coui et formuler certaines
remarques généralesii propos de l'arrêt.

2. Il s'agit d'une affaire unique pour plusieurs raisons: en premier lieu
du fait de I'ampleur inhabituelle des demandes pri:sentées par le Came-
roun, en deuxième lieu parce que celles-ci portent sur des questions de

délimitation aussi bien terrestre que maritime, et en troisième lieu parce
qu'à la demande relative à la délimitation terrestre et maritime vient
s'ajouter celle concerinant la responsabilité internationale du Nigéria. Il

s'agit également d'une affaire dont la Cour est saisie depuis plus de
huit ans, avec notamment une demande en indicati 2n de mesures conser-
vatoires, un arrêtsur la compétence et la recevabilité, et l'intervention de

la Guinée équatoriale concernant la délimitation niaritime.
3. Il ne fait aucun doute que, d'un côté comme de l'autre de la fron-
tière, des incidents s'accompagnant d'affrontemerits et de graves actes
d'hostilitése sont produits récemment. Cela étant, une séried'efforts ont

été menés aux plans régional et international pour résoudre ce différend
frontalier entre les Parties. On peut donc dire que la situation sur le ter-sive. Added to al1 this is the fact that Cameroon declared that there
are over three million Nigerians in Cameroon. There are about 150,000
Nigerians living in the Bakassi Peninsula alone. In a situation of this
nature and in a case of this kind, what is supposed to be the function
of the Court? The Court must primarily concern itself with its judicial
function and decide the Applications before it in accordance with its
Statute and with principles of international law.
4. At the same time, the Court must constantly remind itself of its
position and obligations as a principal organ of the United Nations
(Art. 7, para. 1, of the Charter). The Court must therefore ensure that it

has a cardinal duty to encourage, by itsjudgments, al1member States of
the United Nations to "refrain in their international relations from the
threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political inde-
pendence of any State, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Pur-
poses of the United Nations (Art. 2, para. 4, of the Charter). The para-
mount obligation of the Court is to give a decision that will do justice in
accordance with the maintenance of international peace and security in
any region of the world. The Court is constantly aware of this obligation,
for example, the Court took cognisance of resolutions 731 (1992), and
748 (1992) of the Security Council, in the cases of the Questions of Znter-
pretation and Application of the 1971 Montreal Convention arisingfrom
the Aerial Incident ut Lockerbie (Libyan Arab Jumahiriya v. United
Kingdom) (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya v. United States), when it refused
to order the interim measure requested by Libya. Indeed, in the present
case, at the interim measures stage,the Court ordered that "[bloth Parties
should lend every assistance to the fact-finding mission which the Secre-
tary-General of the United Nations has proposed to send to the Bakassi
Peninsula" (1.C.J. Reports 1996 (Z), p. 25). In performing this exerciseit
is part of the duty of the Court, in its application of international law, to
ensure that conflicting considerations are balanced between opposing

claims.

5. An aspect of the Award of Judge Max Huber in the Island of
Palmas case of October 1924 threw some light on such conflicting
interests:

"It is accepted that every law aims at assuring the coexistence of
interests deserving of legal protection. That is undoubtedly true also
of international law. The conflicting interests in this case, inonnec-
tion with the question of indemnification of aliens, are, on the one
hand, the interest of the State in the exercise of authority in its own
territory without interference or supervision by foreign States, and,
on the other hand, the interest of the State in seeing the rights of its
nationals in a foreign country respected and effectively protected."
(H. Lauterpacht, The Function of Law in International Community,
p. 121.)rain est tendue et explosive. S'y ajoute le fait qui:, selon le Cameroun,

plus de trois millions de Nigérians viventdans c:e pays, dont environ
cent cinquante mille dans la seule presqu'île de Bakassi. Dans une situa-
tion et une affairecoinme celles-ci,quelle est censé?êtrela fonction de la
Cour? La Cour doit avant tout s'attacher à sa fcnction judiciaire et se
prononcer sur les demandes qui lui sont présentéesconformément à son
Statut et aux principes du droit international.
4. Mais la Cour doit aussi avoir toujours préseiit à l'esprit sa placeet
ses obligations en tant qu'organe principal de l'organisation des Nations
Unies (paragraphe 1 de l'article 7 de la Charte). II lui faut donc veiller,
dans ses arrêts, à sa mission première, qui est d'inciter tous les Etats
Membres de l'organisation des Nations Unies à «s'abst[enir],dans leurs
relations internationales, de recourir à la menace ou à l'emploi de la

force, soit contre l'intégritéterritoriale ouI'indé1)endancepolitique de
tout Etat, soit de tolute autre manière incompatible avec les buts des
Nations Unies)) (par,agraphe 4 de l'article 2 de la Charte). L'obligation
essentielle de la Cour est de rendre une décisionqui fassejustice dans le
respect du principe di1maintien de la paix et de la sécuritéinternationales
dans toutes les régionsdu monde. La Cour a toujours été conscientede
cette obligation: ainsi a-t-elle pris acte des résolutions 731 (1992) et8
(1992) du Conseil de sécuritédans les affaires rt3lativesaux Questions
d'interprétation et d'application de la convention de Montréal de 1971
résultant de l'incident aérien de Lockerbie (Jarnuhiriyu arabe libyenne
c. Royaume- Uni) (Julmahiriya arabe libyenne c. Etats-Unis d'Amérique),
où elle a refusé d'iridiauer la mesure conservatoire demandée var la

Libye. Ainsi encore, en la présente espèce, a-t-elleindiqué,au stade des
mesures conservatoir~es,que «[Iles deux Parties prctent toute l'assistance
voulue à la mission d'enquêteque le Secrétairegénéralde l'organisation
des Nations Unies a proposé de dépêched rans la presqu'îlede Bakassi))
(C.I.J. Recueil 1996 ('I), p. 25). En procédant ainsi, le devoir de la Cour,
lorsqu'elle applique le droit international, est notamment d'assurer
un équilibreentre les intérêtstels qu'ils ressortent des demandes concur-
rentes.
5. L'un des points évoquésdans la sentence rendue par Max Huber en
l'affaire del'lle de Palmas apporte des éclaircissementssur ces conflits
d'intérêts:

«L'on admet que toute loi vise à assurer la coexistence d'intérêts
appelant une protection juridique. Nul doute qu'il en aille également
de mêmepour le droit international. Les intérits en conflit dans cette
affaire, qui touche à la question de l'indemriisation des étrangers,
sont d'un côté l'intérêt de'Etat a exercer son autorité sur son terri-
toire sans qu'il y ait ingérenceou contrôle de la partd'Etats étran-
gers et, de l'autre, l'intéted1'Etatà ce que Icsdroits de ses ressor-
tissants dans un pays étranger soient resp1:ctéset effectivement
protégés.» (H. L,auterpacht, The Function of Law in the Internatio-
nal Community, p. 121.) 6. The balancing of conflicting interests in a very sensitive case of this
nature is not strange to the Court and this has reflected in some of its
recent judgments, like the case concerning Maritime Delirnitation in the

Area between Greenland and Jan Mayen (Denmark v. Nor~vay)(1.C.J.
Reports 1993, p. 38), where equity played a major role to allow for a fair
and just allocation and delimitation of the maritime boundary; the case
concerning Maritime Delirnitation and Territorial Questions between
Qatar and Bahrain (1. C.J. Reports 2001, p. 40), a case decided in such a
manner as to ensure peace and stability between both parties, to the
extent that both felt satisfied with the Judgment of the Court; the

KasikililSedudu Island (Bots~vanalNumibia) case (1.C.J. Reports
1999 (II), p.1045), which encouraged both parties to settle their disputes
amicably.
7. In matters of land and maritime boundaries such balancing of con-
flicting interests or adjustment in cases involving different legal or con-
ventional titles cannot be considered as non-judicial. As will be men-

tioned later, these are cases where effectivitésor historical consolidation
have been given consideration over and above legal title. Some examples
were given by A. L. W. Munkman in her article:

"It is perhaps necessary to consider at this point the view that
arbitrators dispose of wider powers of adjustment or minor legisla-
tion, a greater discretion in taking account of the 'equities' of the
particular situation, than do strictlyjudicial tribunals, that is, perma-
nent courts. There seems to be no real basis for any suggestion that

the scope of considerations which judicial, as opposed to arbitral,
tribunals mav take account of is narrower: a wide range of uocial.
economic and geographical criteria were explicitly taken account
of in the An~"o-Nor~,e~i"n Fisheries and North Sea Continental
Shelf cases, and historical and cultural considerations were not of
themselves described as irrelevant in the Temple case. In the Jawor-

zina case, the Permanent Court explicitly invoked the notion of the
historic boundaries of the States in dispute, and the ethnographical
factors presuming in their favour." ("Adjudication and Adjust-
ment - International Judicial Decision and the Settlement of Ter-
ritorial and Boundary Disputes", British Yeur Book of International
Law, 1972-1973, p. 113.)

8. There are other cases decided by the Court or its predecessor, the

Permanent Court of International Justice, that may also be mentioned,
which lend credence to the fact that international permanent courts are
determined to ensure that at the end of the day both parties to such dis-
putes are happy about the decision and that it is not a case of givingjudg-
ment in favour of any of the parties considered to be the "title-holder".
Recently, the EritreaIEthiopia Boundary Commission gave its decision in FRONTIÈRE TERRESTRE ET MARITIME (OP. DISS.AJIBOLA) 540

6. Concilier des intérêtsantagoniques dans une affaire très sensible de
cette nature n'est pas chose nouvelle pour la Cour; on a pu le voir dans
certaines affaires récentes,comme celle de la Délimitation maritime dans
la régionsituée entre le Groenland et Jan Mayen (Danemark c. Norvège)

(C.I.J. Recueil 1993, p. 38), ou l'équitéa joué un rôle majeur pour per-
mettre d'attribuer et de délimiterde manière juste et équitable la frontière
maritime, ou encore celle de la Délimitationmarit,me et des questions ter-
ritoriales entre Qatar et Bahrein (C.I.J. Recue,l 2001, p. 40), affaire
régléed'une manière qui a permis d'assurer la paiv et la stabilité entre les
Parties, toutes deux s'étant déclarées satisfaitesde l'arrêt. Il y a enfin

l'affaire de l'lle de ~YasikililSedudu (BotswanalNzmibie) (C.I.J. Recueil
1999 (II), p. 1045), dans laquelle la Cour a encouragé les deux Parties 6
réglerleurs différends à l'amiable.
7. En matière de délimitation terrestre et marit me, la mise en balance,
ou la conciliation, d'intérêtsantagoniques dans des affaires où il existe

plusieurs titres juridiques ou conventionnels ne saurait êtrequalifiéede
non judiciaire. Comme il sera mentionné plus loin, dans certaines
affaires, les effectivitésou la consolidation histori lue se sont vu accorder
plus d'importance que le titre juridique. A. L. 'W. Munkman a donné
plusieurs exemples clans son article :

((Peut-êtreest-il nécessaire d'examiner à ce stade la thèse selon
laquelle les arbitres disposent, par rapport aiix tribunaux judiciaires
stricto sensu, c'est-à-dire aux juridictions pe -manentes, de pouvoirs

plus étendus, d'un rôle quasiment législatif,d'une plus grande lati-
tude pour tenir compte des ((droits acquis))dans chaque situation
particulière. Rien semble-t-il ne permet vérit2blement de dire que les
tribunaux arbitraux peuvent tenir compte d'iléments plus divers que
ne le peuvent les tribunaux judiciaires: un grand nombre de critères
sociaux, éconorniques et géographiques ont ité expressément pris en

compte dans les affaires des Pêcheries anglo-norvégiennee st du Pla-
teau continental de la mer du Nord, et les CO si dé rationhistoriques
et culturelles, dans I'affaire duTemple, ne furent pas considéréesen
tant que telles comme sans objet. Dans l'affaire de Jaworzinu, la
Cour permanente a expressément invoquéla notion de frontière his-
torique des Etats Parties au différend, les facteurs ethnographiques

étant présumésjouer en leur faveur.» (((Adjudicationand Adjust-
ment - International Judicial Decision itnd the Settlement of
Territorial and Boundary Disputes)), British Yeur Book of Inter-
national Law, 1972-1973, p. 113.)

8. D'autres affaires tranchées par la Cour ou sa devancière, la Cour
permanente de Justice internationale, confirment que les juridictions
internationales permanentes sont déterminéesà faire en sorte qu'au bout
du compte les deux ]Partiesà ces différendsse satkfassent de la décision et

qu'il ne s'agit pas alors en l'espècede se prononcer pour l'une des Parties
considéréecomme ((:détenantle titre». Récemmeiit, la commission fron-
talière ErythréeIEthiiopiea rendu sa décisiondans le différendportant surthe land boundary dispute which has for many years been the cause of
serious armed conflict between the two parties. On 14April 2002, when
the decision was delivered, both parties returned to their respective
capitals rejoicing that they were satisfied with thedecision of the Com-
mission.
9. Munkman went further to enumerate some other cases:

"In the British Guiana Boundary cases decisions on 'allocation' of
substantial portions of territory and on the 'delimitation' of the
boundary between the areas awarded to each party were com-
bined - as also in the Rann of Kutch award. In the Jaworzina
Boundary case, the Permanent Court in effect gave a decision on the
allocation and delimitation of a boundary on the basis of the status
quo ante. The North Atlantic Fisheries and Gulfof Fonseca cases (in
so far as they related to bays) and the Anglo-Norwegian Fisheries
case involved decisions on the allocation of sea areas and their
delimitation and, in the latter case, the technical problem of base-
line demarcation." (Op. cit., p. 115.)

10. In a case of this nature, the proper course for the Court to follow
is not only one of mere legal formalism in favour of one party. It must
weigh and balance the legal titles of both parties and take also intocon-
siderationthe situation on the ground, particularly in Lake Chad and the
Bakassi Peninsula. It will be difficult, if not impossible, for the Court not
to recognize the status quo. To overlook such a situation will not ensure
justice in this case. Such an oversight might have contributed to the pro-
tracted and judicially unsatisfactory course of the Hungarian Optants
dispute between Romania and Hungary of 1927. A learned author (who
was once a judge of this Court) offered a solution:

"But the course which is believed to be the proper one, and which
is suggested by the position adopted by international tribunals in
other cases, would be to evolve a legal rule constituting a judicial
compromise between the legally recognized claims ofterritorial sov-
ereignty, on the one hand, and the internationally recognized rights
of aliens, on the other hand." (H. Lauterpacht, The Function ofLaw

in the International Community, p. 122.)

11. As regards the Lake Chad Basin, 1voted against the decisions of

the Court as stated in paragraph 325 1 (A) and (B) of the Judgment,
because they fail to take into consideration the submissions of Nigeria
based on effectivités and historical consolidation; hence my decision to
write a dissenting opinion. Admittedly, the Thompson-Marchand Decla- FRONTIÈRE TERRESTRE ET MARITIME (OP. LICSS A.JIBOLA) 541

la délimitation terrestre, quiétaitdepuis denombri:uses années à l'origine
de graves affrontements armés entre les deux Parties. Le 14 avril 2002,
lorsque la décisiona étérendue, elles sont retournces dans leurs capitales
respectives en se félicitantde la décision de laconimission.

9. Munkman continue à énumérerd'autres affzires:

«Dans les affaires relativeà la frontièrede (aGuyane britannique,
il a été décid éla fois d'«attribuer» des portions considérablesde
territoire et de «délimiter» la frontière entre les secteurs attribués
chacune des Parties - comme dans la sentence relative au Rann de
Kutch. Dans l'affaire de Jaworzina, la Cou] permanente a décidé
d'attribuer des territoires et de délimiter une-rontièreen se fondant

sur le statu quo ante. Les décisions rendue:,dans les affaires des
Pêcheries deI'A~tlantiquenord et du Golje de Jonseca (dans la mesure
où elles serapportaient à des baies) ainsi que dans celles desPêche-
riesangle-norvégien nnesnotamment porté sur l'attribution et la dé-
limitation de secteursmaritimes et, dans la derièreaffaire, sur le pro-
blèmetechnique de la définition deslignesde base.» (Op. cit.p. 115.)

10. Dans une affaire de mêmenature comme celle qui nous intéresse,
la Cour ne doit pas simplement faire preuve de formalismejuridique en
faveur de l'une des Parties - elle doit également peser et mettre en
balance les titres juridiques des deux Parties et prandre en considération
la situation sur le terrain, en particulier au lac Tchad et dans la presqu'île
de Bakassi. Il semble difficile, voire impossible, Four la Cour de ne pas
prendre acte du statu quo. Méconnaître cette situition ne peut que faire
obstacle à la justice en l'espèce. C'estpeut-êtreen raison d'un tel oubli
que le règlementdu différendentre la Roumanie et la Hongrie relatif aux
optants hongrois (1927) s'est dérouléde manière si laborieuse et si peu
satisfaisante sur le plan judiciaire. Voici ce qu'un éminentauteur (autre-

fois membre de la Cour) a proposépour remédie- à cette difficulté:
«Mais la meilleure solution, ainsi qu'il ressortde la position adop-
téepar les tribunaux internationaux dans d7,iutresaffaires, semble-
rait êtred'élaborer une règle de droit constituant un compromis
judiciaire entre d'un côtéles revendications de souveraineté territo-
riale reconnues :surle planjuridique, et de l'autre lesdroits des étran-

gers reconnus sur le plan international» (H. I,auterpacht, The Func-
tion of Law in the Internationul Community, p. 121.)

11. En ce qui concerne le bassin du lac Tchad, -'ai votécontre lesdéci-
sions de la Cour telles qu'énoncées aux alinéas tz)et b) du point 1 du
dispositif (par.325), parce qu'elles ne tiennent pas compte des conclu-
sions du Nigériafondéessur leseffectivitésetla cclnsolidation historique:
c'est laraison pour laquelle j'ai décidéde rédiger uneopinion dissidente.ration of 1929-1930as incorporated in the Henderson-Fleuriau Exchange
of Notes of 1931 is relevant, but that is only one aspect (but not all) of
what the Court should consider in order to effect the necessary judicial
delimitation. In the Court's interpretation of the Declaration it must
effect the necessary adjustments of the boundary to give room for the
situation on the ground as recognized by international law.

12. The Court, in reaching its decision on Lake Chad, relied very
heavily or perhaps solely on certain instruments that formed the bedrock
of Cameroon's case. These instruments are:

- the Milner-Simon Declaration of 10 July 1919, with the annexed
Moisel map;
- the Thompson-Marchand Declaration of 1929-1930,as confirmed by
the Henderson-Fleuriau Exchange of Notes of 9 January 1931(para-
graphs 50 and 58 of the Judgment);
- the LCBC Reports and the agreements emanating from them.

13. The Court, in its Judgment, rejects Nigeria's claim to the 33 vil-
lages in Lake Chad which is based on effectiviT théeCourt examines
and relies on the Moisel map annexed to the Milner-Simon Declaration
of 1919 and the map attached the Henderson-Fleuriau Exchange of
Notes of 9 January 1931. It concludes that the co-ordinates of the
tripoint must be 14"04'59"9999 longitude east, rather than at approxi-

mately 14"05' longitude east, thus virtually reaching the same conclu-
sions as the LCBC (para. 57 of the Judgment) .On the question of the
location of the mouth of the Ebeji, the Court decides (paras. 58-60of the
Judgment) that it is located where the river bifurcates into two branches,
with the geographical co-ordinates of 14"12'03" longitude east and
12" 13'17"latitude north. However, the Court rejects the claim of Nigeria
based on the historical consolidation of its title (para. 62 of the Judg-
ment). Apparently, the Court rejects the contention of Cameroon that
the proposals of the LCBC as regards the tripoint and the location of
the mouth of the Ebeji constitutes an authoritative interpretation of the
Milner-Simon Declaration of 10July 1919and the Thompson-Marchand
Declaration of 1929-1930,as confirmed by the Exchange of Letters of
9 January 1931. Yet, it appears to me that the ultimate conclusion
reached by the Court amounts to a difference without distinction because

the Court, in finding the co-ordinates of the tripoint, reaches virtually the
same conclusions as the LCBC having taken into consideration the same
Moisel map and the Thompson-Marchand Declaration of 1929-1930,as
confirmed by the Henderson-Fleuriau Exchange of Notes of 9 January
1931.This opinion therefore touches on al1these instruments, the LCBC
Report and agreements emanating therefrom, as wellas the issue of effec-
tivitaé nd historical consolidation.
14. ln its Additional Application to the Court, dated 6 June 1994,
Cameroon asked the Court to confirm Cameroonian sovereignty over theLa déclaration Thoinson-Marchand de 1929-1930, telle qu'incorporée
dans I'échangede notes Henderson-Fleuriau de 1931, est certes perti-
nente, mais il ne s'agit la que d'un élémentparmi tous ceux que la Cour
doit prendre en considération afin d'effectuer la délimitation judiciaire

demandée.En interprétant la déclaration,la Cour doit, conformément au
droit international, procéderaux ajustements nécessairesde la frontière
pour tenir compte de la situation sur le terrain.
12. La décision prise par la Cour se fonde en grande partie, voire
exclusivement, sur des textes qui constituent l'armature mêmede la thèse
du Cameroun, à savoir:

- la déclaration Milner-Simon du 10juillet 1919,avec la carte Moisel y
annexée ;
- la déclaration Tkiomson-Marchand de 1929- 35130,telle que confirmée
dans l'échangede notes Henderson-Fleuriau du 9janvier 1930(arrêt,
par. 50 et 58);
- les rapports de la commission du bassin du lac Tchad (CBLT) et les
accords qui en sont le fruit.

13. LaCour, dans son arrêt,rejette la revendication du Nigériaconcer-
nant trente-trois villages du lac Tchad, revendication fondée sur des
effectivités.La Cour examine et retient la carte Moisel annexée à la décla-
ration Milner-Simon de 1919ainsi que la carte jointea l'échangede notes
Henderson-Fleuriau du 9 janvier 193 1. Elle conclut que les coordonnées
du tripoint doivent ètre 14O04'59"9999de longitude est, plutôt qu'envi-
ron 14O05'de longitude est, aboutissant ainsi quasiment aux mêmes
conclusions que la CBLT (arrêt.par. 57). Qual~t à l'emplacement de

I'embouchure de 17Ebedji,la Cour décide(arrêt,par.58-60)que celle-cise
trouve au point où la rivière se sépareen deux chenaux, dont les coor-
données géographiquessont 14"12'03" de longitiide est et 12O13'17" de
latitude nord. Elle rejette en revanche la thèse di1Nigériafondée surla
consolidation historique de son titre (arrêt,par. 62). Bien que la Cour
semble réfuter l'argument du Cameroun selon lequel les propositions de
la CBLT concernarit le tripoint et I'emplacemeiit de I'embouchure de
1'Ebedjiconstitueraient une interprétation faisant autorité de la déclara-
tion Milner-Simon clu 10juillet 1919et de la déclaration Thomson-Mar-
chand de 1929-1930telle que confirméepar I'échz nge de lettres du 9jan-
vier 1931,il me semble bien qu'il n'y a aucune différenceréelleentre ces
propositions et la conclusion finale à laquelle la Cour est parvenue puis-

que, en déterminant les coordonnées du tripoiiit après examen de la
déclaration Milner-!Simondu 10juillet 1919 et de la déclaration Thom-
son-Marchand de 1929-1930telle que confirméepar I'échangede notes
Henderson-Fleuriau du 9janvier 1931,elleaboutit quasiment aux mêmes
conclusions que la CLBT. Seront donc examinésclansla présente opinion
ces divers documents, le rapport de la CBLT et les accords qui en sont le
fruit, ainsi que la qulestiondes effectivitéset de la consolidation historique.
14. Dans sa requete additionnelle en date du 6 juin 1994,le Cameroun
a demandé à la Cour de confirmer sa souverainetésur la zone litigieusedisputed parcel in the area of Lake Chad. Cameroon failed to describe
with certainty what it described as the disputed area in the Lake Chad
region. However, in its submission, the claim was further amplified in
that itis seeking for sovereignty over the area of Lake Chad and, in par-
ticular, over Darak. In addition, Cameroon claims more specifically:

"that the land boundary . . takes the following course:
- from the point at longitude 14"04'59"9999 E of Greenwich and
latitude 13"05'00"0001N, it then runs through the point located
at longitude 34"12' 3 l"7005 E and latitude 12"32'17"4013N
(Reply of Cameroon, Vol. 1, p. 591, para. 13.01).(Translations

by the Registry.]
15. The nature of the dispute can partly be gleaned from the pleadings
of Cameroon :

"The instrument of conventional delimitation is not in dispute.
That instrument is the Exchange of Notes between Henderson and
de Fleuriau of 9 January 1931 ...,the validity of which is recognized
by Nigeria, even if it disputes its applicability to Lake Chad . . ."
(Ibid.,p. 101,para. 3.04.)
And that :

"Initially, the boundary was delimited by the Milner-Simon
Declaration of 10 July 1919 . .. However, this delimitation, while
undergoing no change in relation to Lake Chad, was rendered more
precise in 1931by the two governments concerned, on the basis of a
survey conducted by the two High Commissioners, the results of
which are set out in the Thompson-Marchand Declaration of
29 December 1929and 3January 1930 .. ." (Ibid.p. 102,para. 3.05.)

16. The position of Nigeria is reflected in its pleadings as follows:

"The purpose of the present Chapter is to demonstrate that there
has been no final determination of the boundary within Lake Chad
between Nigeria and Cameroon. This demonstration involves the
following elements :
First: the colonial boundary agreements of the period 1906to 1931
did not produce a conclusivedelimitation in the Lake Chad region.

Second: the uncertainties remained after the Independence of Nigeria
and Cameroon.

Third: the work of the Lake Chad Basin Commission did not
produce delimitation, which was final and binding on Nigeria."
(Counter-Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. II, p. 379, para. 16.1.)
17. What then is the nature of Cameroon's request to the Court? In
this area of the boundary, Cameroon is asking for a confirmation of its
sovereignty over Lake Chad and, in particular, Darak. In this case, goingdans la régiondu Lac Tchad. Le Cameroun n'a pas décrit avec précision
ce qu'il qualifie dezone litigieusedans la régiondu LacTchad. Toutefois,
dans sesconclusions, il élargitencore sa demande, puisqu'il revendiquela
souveraineté sur la zone du Lac Tchad, en particulier sur Darak. En
outre, le Cameroun prétendplus précisément

«que la frontière terrestre...suit le tracésui-~ant:
- du point de longitude 14"04'59"9999 à l'est de Greenwich et de
latitude13"05'00"0001 nord, ellepasse elsuite par le point situé

à 14"12'1l"'7005 de longitude est et 12O32'17"4013 de latitude
nord» (répliquedu Cameroun, livre 1,p. 591, par. 13.01).

15. La nature du différend peut être déduitede divers passages des
écrituresdu Cameroun :

« L'instrumenitde délimitation conventioniielle n'est pas contesté.
Il s'agit de l'échangede lettres Henderson-di: Fleuriau du 9 janvier
1931 ..dont le Nigériareconnaît la validité, même s'il en conteste
l'applicabilitéau lac Tchad ..» (Ibid.,p. 101,par. 3.04.)

«Dans un premier temps, la frontière est délimitéepar la déclara-
tion Milner-Sinion du 10juillet 1919.Mais cctte délimitation, qui ne
sera pas modifiéepour le lac Tchad, sera préciséeen 1931 par les

deux gouvernennents concernés surla base dvs travaux entrepris par
les deux hauts commissaires et consignésdar s la déclarationThom-
son-Marchand des 29 décembre 1929 et 31 janvier 1930.)) (Ibid.,
p. 102. par. 3.5).
16. La position (du Nigéria est exposéedan; son contre-mémoire,
comme suit :

«Le présent chapitre a pour but de démontrer que la frontière
dans le lac Tchad, séparant le Nigériaet le Cameroun, n'a pas été
définitivementdéterminée.Les élémentssuivants seront utiliséspour
étayer cettedénnonstration :

Premièrement: les accords relatifsà la front ère coloniale datant de
la période de 1906 à 1931n'établissentpas une délimitation défi-
nitive dans la~régiondu lac Tchad.
Deuxièmement. le doute subsiste après l'indépendancedu Nigéria et
du Cameroun.
Troisièmement. le travail de la commission du bassin du lac Tchad
n'a pas abouti à une délimitation définitivl:et contraignante pour
leNigéria. »(Contre-mémoiredu Nigéria,bol. II, p. 379,par. 16.1 .)

17. Quelle est donc la nature de la demande qiie le Cameroun adresse
a la Cour? Dans cette zone de la frontière, le Cameroun demande une
confirmation de sa souveraineté sur le lac Tchad, et en particulier surthrough the oral and written pleadings, there appears to be a disagree-
ment between the Parties on the issue of delimitation and demarcation.
The argument of Cameroon is that the area of Lake Chad had been
delimited and demarcated while, on the other hand, Nigeria asserts that
the area had neither been so delimited nor demarcated.
18. Cameroon simply bases its claim on the Milner-Simon Declaration
of 1919 and the Thompson-Marchand Declaration as confirmed by the
Henderson-Fleuriau Exchange Notes of 1931.These are the documents,
according to Cameroon that delimit the boundary in Lake Chad. Nigeria,
on the other hand, whilst accepting the relevance ofthose instruments in

principle, argues that the boundaryis not delimited by these instruments
as such. Nigeria goes further to state that these instruments relate only to
the land boundary between Lake Chad and Bakassi and do not apply to
the boundary in Lake Chad. In addition, Nigeria concludes that
"Thus, as at 1 June 1961, the date upon which Northern Came-
roons was incorporated into the independent Federation of Nigeria,
the process of delimitation and demarcation of the boundary in
Lake Chad was still at an embryonic stage." (Ibid V,ol. II, p. 376,

para. 15.99.)
Cameroon partially or tacitly agrees with this conclusion of Nigeria by
responding that :

"The observation [of Nigeria] is partially correct, concerning the
demarcation of the lake boundary, since Nigeria has not formally
accepted the result of the works carried out within the framework of
the LCBC. It is without foundation for the delimitation, which was
effected with satisfactory precision by the Exchange of Notes
of 9 January 1931, in a manner which was not in the least
'embryonic'." (Reply ofCameroon, Vol. 1,p. 103,para. 3.11.)

19. Unfortunately, al1the attempts made to effect a delimitation and
demarcation of the boundary in the Lake Chad area failed. Before World
War 1,al1the correspondence, notes, declarations and agreements entered
into between Great Britain and Germany failed to achieve the purpose
of delimitation. Similarly, al1 the attempts made between France and
Great Britain after World War 1 equally failed. Subsequent attempts
made at the beginning of World War II did not achieve the purpose of
delimiting the boundary, let alone demarcating it. The following are the
attempts:

Before World Wur I

(a) Agreement between Great Britain and Germany respecting Boun-
daries in Africa, signed at Berlin, 15 November 1893 (Counter-
Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. IV, Ann. 28);
(b) Convention between the French Republic and Germany for the
Delimitation of the Colonies of French Congo and of Cameroon FRONTIÈRE TERRESTRE ET MARITIME (OP.DISS. AJIBOLA) 544

Darak. En la présenteespèce,d'après les plaidoiries et les piècesde pro-
cédure,il semble exister un désaccordentre les Parties sur la question de
la délimitation et de la démarcation. Selon le Cameroun, la zone du

lac Tchad a étédélimitéeet démarquée,alors que le Nigéria affirmeau
contraire que cette zone n'a été ni délimiténei démarquée.
18. Le Cameroun se fonde simplement sur la déclaration Milner-
Simon de 1919 et la1déclaration Thomson-Marc land de 1931 telle que
confirméedans l'échangede notes Henderson-Fleuriau de 1931. Ce sont
les documents aui. selon le Cameroun. délimitent la frontière dans le
lac Tchad. Le Nigéria, de son côté,tout en accepiant en principe la vali-
ditéde ces instruments. fait valoir au'ils ne délimtent Dasen eux-mêmes
la frontière, et affirme qu'ils ne concernent que la frontière terrestre entre
le lac Tchad et Balcassi et ne s'appliquent pas à la frontière dans le
lac Tchad. En outre, le Nigériaconclut que:

«Ainsi, le le'juin 1961,date àlaquelle le (:ameroun septentrional
fut intégrédans la Fédérationindépendante (lu Nigéria,le processus
de délimitation et de démarcation de la frontière dans le lac Tchad
en étaittoujour!; au stade embryonnaire. »(Ccbntre-mémoiredu Nigé-

ria, vol. II, p. 376, par. 15.99.)
Le Cameroun accepte partiellement ou tacitement cette conclusion du
Nigéria en répondant que :

«L'observation [du Nigéria] estpartiellement exacte, s'agissant de
la démarcation de la frontière lacustre, puisque le Nigéria n'apas
formellement acceptéle résultat des travaux effectuésdans le cadre
de la CBLT. L'isbservation est sans fondeme it pour la délimitation,
effectuée avecune précisionsatisfaisante par l'échangede lettres du
9 janvier 1931 d'une manière qui n'avait rien d'«embryonnaire».»
(Répliquedu Cameroun, livre 1,p. 103,par. 3.11 .)

19. Malheureusement, toutes les tentatives pour effectuer une délimi-
tation et une démarcation de la frontière dans la zone du lac Tchad ont
échoué.Avant la première guerre mondiale, ni la correspondance, ni les
notes, ni les déclaral.ionset accords conclus entre la Grande-Bretagneet
l'Allemagne n'ont abouti à la délimitation proposlie. De même,toutes les

tentatives entreprise:$par la France et la Grande.Bretagne après la pre-
mière guerre mondiale ont égalementéchoué.Des tentatives ultérieures,
au début de la secoi~deguerre mondiale, n'ont pas réussi à délimiter la
frontière ni à plus forte raison a la démarquer. Ces tentatives sont les
suivantes :

Avant la première guerre mondiale
a) accord signéa Berlin le 15 novembre 1893entre la Grande-Bretagne
et l'Allemagne r'elatifaux frontières en Afrique (contre-mémoire du
Nigéria, vol.IV, ann. 28);

h) convention entre la République française et I'~1llemagnepour la déli-
mitation des colonies du Congo français et du Cameroun et des and of French and German Spheres of Influence in the Region of
Lake Chad, signed at Berlin 15 March 1894(Counter-Memorial of
Nigeria, Vol. IV, Ann. 29);
(c) Convention between the United Kingdom and France for the Delimi-
tation of their Respective Possessions to the West of the Niger, and
of their Respective Possessions and Spheres of Influence to the East
of that River, signed at Paris 14June 1898(ibid., Ann. 30);
(d) Anglo-German Agreement signed 12 December 1902 (ibid.,
Ann. 33);
(e) Anglo-German Protocol signed at Ullgo, Lake Chad, 24 February
1904(ibid., Ann. 34) ;

(f) Convention between the United Kingdom and France respecting
Newfoundland and West and Central Africa, signed at London,
8 April 1904(ibid., Ann. 35) ;
(g) Agreement between the United Kingdom and Germany respecting
the Boundary between British and German Territoriesfrom Yola to
Lake Chad, signed at London, 19 March 1906(ibid., Ann. 38);
(h) Convention between the United Kingdom and France respecting the
Delimitation of the Frontier between the British and French Posses-
sions to the East of the Niger, signed at London, 29 May 1906(ibid.,
Ann. 39);
(i) Convention between France and Germany confirming the Protocol
of 9 April defining the Boundaries between French Congo and the
Cameroons, signed at Berlin, 18April 1908(ibid., Ann. 40);
(j) Agreement between the United Kingdom and France respecting the
Delimitation of the Frontier between the British and French Posses-
sions East of the Niger (approved by Exchangeof Notes, 17May11July

191l), signedat London, 19February 1910(ibid., Vol. V, Ann. 43).
Since World War 1

(a) The PicotIStrachey Lines, February 1916 and the CreweICambon
Exchange of Notes, March 1916 (ibid., Vol. IX, Anns. 226, 228-
229).

20. If we leave for the moment the two crucial Declarations of 1919
and 1931, which failed to delimit the boundary, al1subsequent attempts
to effect the delimitation from 1931to 1938equally failed. Even by that
time, the Boundary Commission, under the Permanent Mandates Com-
mission did not make any tangible progress to effect the proposed task of
demarcation. Based on the prelinzinary study of the boundary that they
had provisionally dejned, it was in 1937 that the Joint Commission
started its work. However, the outbreak of World War II put a halt to
the Commission's work. A report of 15January 1942,communicated to

the Colonial Office by the Governor of Nigeria indicated that the com-
missioners had executed only 135 miles of the boundary out of a total
length of approximately 1,200 miles (ibid., Vol. IX, Ann. 371). FRONTIÈRE TERRESTRE ET MARITIME (OP. 1)ISS. JIBOLA) 545

sphères d'influerice française et allemande clans la région du lac
Tchad, signée à ]Berlinle 15 mars 1894(contra-mémoiredu Nigéria,
vol IV, ann. 29);

c) convention entre la Grande-Bretagne et la France concernant la déli-
mitation des po:;sessions a l'ouest du Niger et des possessions et
sphères d'influence à l'est du Niger, signée à Paris le 14 juin 1898
(ibid., ann. 30);
d) accord anglo-allemand en date du 12décembrz1902(ibid, ann. 33);

e) protocole anglo-allemand signé à Ullgo, la: Tchad, en date du
24 février 1904(ibid., ann. 34);
f) convention franco-britannique relative a Terri:-Neuve et à l'Afrique
occidentale et centrale, signàeLondres le 8avi.il1904(ibid.,ann. 35);

g) accord anglo-allemand relatif à la frontière entre les territoires entre
lesterritoires britanniques et allemands de Yold au lac Tchad, signà
Londres le 19 mars 1906(ibid , ann. 38) ;
h) convention entre la France et le Royaume-Unt relative à la délimita-
tion de la frontière entre les possessions brita iniques et françaiàes
l'est du Niger, signéeà Londres le 29 mai 1906(ibid., ann. 39);

i) convention entre la France et l'Allemagne confirmant le protocole du
9 avril définissanitles frontières entre le Cong~ français et le Came-

roun, signée à Berlin le 18 avril 1908(ibid., ann. 40);
j) accord entre la Firanceet la Grande-Bretagne ielatif à la délimitation
de la frontière entre les possessions françaises et britanniqueà l'est
du Niger (approuvépar l'échangede notes du 17mail le'juillet 1911)
signéà Londres 11219 février1910(ibid., vol.\',ann. 43).

Depuis lupremière guerremondiule

a) Les lignes PicotISitracheyde février1916et l'échangede notes Crewe-
Cambon de mars 1916(ibid., vol. IX, ann. 2245,228 et 229).

20. Si nous laissoi~sde côté pour l'instant les deux déclarations cru-
ciales de 1919et de 1931,qui n'ont pas délimitéla frontière, absolument
toutes les tentatives cledélimitation faitestérieurzment,de 1931 à 1938,
ont échoué. Même 51 cette époque, la commission de délimitation, qui
relevait de la commission permanente des mandats, n'a connu aucun pro-
grès tangible dans l'exécutionde la démarcation qui lui avait étéconfiée.
La commission mixte a commencéses travaux en 1937, à partir de l'étude
préliminaire de la frontière qui avait étédkfiniepr ~i~isoiremen. e début
de la seconde guerre mondiale devait toutefois le: interrompre. Un rap-
port du 15janvier 1942communiqué au ministèrr britannique des colo-
nies par le gouverneur du Nigériaindique que les c:ommissairesn'avaient

alors démarqué que 135 milles de frontière su. une longueur totale
d'environ 1200milles (ibid., vol. IX, ann. 271). 21. Going back to the 1919Milner-Simon Declaration, it is described
as an agreement

"to determine the frontier, separating the territories of the Cam-
eroons placed respectively under the authority of their Govern-
ments, as it is traced on the map Moisel 1 :300,000, annexed to the
present declaration and defined in the description in three articles
also annexed hereto" (Counter-Memorial of Nigeria, Vol.V,Ann. 50,
p. 481 ;emphasis added).

That boundary as described by the Milner-Simon Declaration is patently
inaccurate, unreliable and deficient. It is admitted by both Parties that
the Moisel map attached to the Declaration is unreliable, even as regards
the CO-ordinates (Le., latitude 13"05' N and longitude 14"05' E), which
was only drawn to approximation. In some aspects, the Agreement itself
is vague. It is no surprise that the Declaration anticipates "further local
delimitation". Article 2, paragraph 1, of the Declaration reads thus:

"It is understood that at the time of the local delimitation of the
frontier,where the natural features to befollowed are not indicated
in the above description, the Commissioners of the two Governments
will, usjar as possible, but without changing the attribution of the
villagesnamed in Article 1,lay down the frontier in accordance with
natural features (rivers, hills or watersheds).

The Boundary Commissioners shall be authorised to make such
minor modifications of the frontier line as may appear to them
necessary in order to avoid separating the villages from their agri-
cultural lands. Such deviations shall be clearly marked on special
maps and submitted for the approval of the two Governments.

Pending such approval, the deviations shall be provisionully recog-
nised and respected." (Ibid.,Vol. V, Ann. 50, p. 483; emphasis
added.)

22. In fact, with regard to this Declaration, the letter of Lord Curzon,
in its first paragraph, indicates that Great Britain only agreed with the
French Government as '>rovisional entry intoforce pending the dejinitive

settlement of'the régimeto be upplied in these territories" (ibid.,Vol. IX,
Ann. 239, p. 1865;emphasis added). Hence, by 27 May 1921,a sugges-
tion was made by France to Great Britain, that it was preferable to leave
the delimitation until after the mandates have been obtained from the
League of Nations. The letter of the British Ambassador of 23 October
1921, in its second paragraph, gave a very clear indication of the prob-
lems with the Milner-Simon Declaration. In that letter, he suggested that
Article 1 of the Draft Mandate should be recast to contain the following
provision :

"This line may, however, be slightlyaltered by agreement between 21. Pour revenir à la déclaration Milner-Simon de 1919, celle-ci est
décritecomme un alccord destiné à

((déterminer la frontière séparantles territoires du Cameroun respec-
tivement placés sous l'autorité de leurs gowernements ainsi qu'elle
est tracéesur la carte Moisel au 11300000joiriteà cette déclaration et
définie dans la description en trois articles également ci-jointe))
(contre-mémoire du Nigéria, vol. V, ann. 50, p. 481 ; les italiques
sont de moi).
Cette frontière décrite dans la déclaration Milncr-Simon est manifeste-

ment inexacte, peu Fiableet défectueuse. Les deux Parties reconnaissent
que la carte Moisel jointe à la déclaration n'est pas fiable, mêmepour ce
qui est des coordonnées (à savoir, 13'05' de latitude nord et 14'05' de
longitude est), etqu"ellen'avait ététracée que demanière approximative.
A certains égards, l'.accord lui-même est vague.Il n'est pas étonnant que
la déclaration prévoie une détermination ultérieure sur le terrain. Le
paragraphe 1 de I'article 2 de la déclaration préciseainsi:

((11est entenduqu'au moment de la détermination sur leterrain de
la frontièrelorsque l'indication des lignes naturelles à suivre ne sera
pus mentionnée dans la présente descriptior,, les commissaires des
deux gouvernements devront s'attacher, autant que possible, à déter-
miner le tracé par des accidents naturels de terrain (cours d'eau,
lignes de faîte ou crêtes).Ils ne sauraient chmger, toutefois, I'attri-
bution des villages mentionnés à l'article 1.
Les commissaires chargés de l'abornement seront, d'autre
part, autorisés<iapporter au tracé de la froitière les modifications
légèresqui a~p~araîtraientnécessairesen vue d'éviterde séparer les
villages de leurs terrains de culture; ces déviations devront être
indiquéesclairement sur des cartes spéciales et soumises à I'appro-
bation des deux gouvernements intéressés Toutefois, en atten-

dant qu'elles soient approuvées, elles seront,orovi.soirementvalables
et par suite respectées.)(Ibid.,vol. V, ann. 50, p. 483; les italiques
sont de moi.)
22. Et de fait, concernant cette déclaration, la lettre de lord Curzon
indique, à son premier paragraphe, que les Gou~rernements britannique
et français ont seulement acceptéson ((entréeen vigueur provisoire dans
l'attente du règlement définitif du régime Y applrquer à ces territoires))
(ibid.,vol. IX, ann. 239, p. 1865; les italiques sont de moi). Aussi, le

27 mai 1921,la France suggère-t-elle à la Grande-Bretagne de reporter la
délimitation jusqu'après la promulgation des marldats par la Sociétédes
Nations. La lettre de l'ambassadeur britannique en date du 23 octobre
1921, à son deuxièmeparagraphe, fait très clairenient étatdes problèmes
que pose la déclaration Milner-Simon. Il y est proposé de remanier
I'article premier du projet de mandatde manière à y faire figurer la dispo-
sition suivante
((Cette ligne peut, toutefois, être légèreinent modifiée par un547 LAND AND MARITIME BOUNDARY (DISSO. P.AJIBOLA)

His Britannic Majesty's Government and the Government of the
French Republic ivherean e'caminationof the localitiesshows that it
is undesirable, either itz tlze interests of the inhabitants or by reason
of any inaccuracies in tlzenzap (Moisel 1:300,000) a~znexedto the
declaration to adherestrictly to the line laiddoiin tlzerein.)"(Counter-
Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. IX, Ann. 243, p. 1881 ;emphasis added.)

23. The advice of the British Ambassador, Hardinge of Penshurst,
referred toabove, was accepted by the League of Nations in July 1922,in
order to effect the necessary amendments to the Milner-Simon Declara-
tion. There again, in Article 1 of the League of Nations instrument, the
interest of the inhabitants was to be taken into consideration as well as
correcting the inaccuracies of the Moisel map of 1 :300,000 scale, which
incidentally is relatively toosmall for boundary delimitation exercises.
The important point in al1this is that the Court fails to give considera-
tion to the interests of the Nigerian inhabitants in al133 villagesclaimed
by Nigeria in this sector of Lake Chad.
It can therefore be observed that even during the Mandate there is a
tacit consideration given to effectivités in terms of the interest of the
inhabitants in any of the localities where this is desirable.
24. The Thompson-Marchand Declaration was an improvement on

the Milner-Simon Declaration because it introduced an improved map
that was annexed to that Declaration. Furthermore, it mentioned the
identification of a straight line as far as themouth of the Ebeji. Here
again, we find that the process had not yet reached the delimitation stage,
letalone demarcation. In the same paragraph of the letter of de Fleuriau
of 9 January 1931, he remarked :
"Your Excellency will no doubt have received the text of same

Declaration and will certainly have observed that it concerns a
preliminary survey only. This is intended to describe the line to
be followed by the Delimitation Cornmi.ssion,more exactly than
was done in the Milner-Simon DecIaration of 1919." (Ibid., Vol. V,
Ann. 54, p. 538; emphasis added.)
In reply to de Fleuriau's letter, Arthur Henderson correspondingly replied
that a boundary commission would have to be constituted in order to
take over apreliminary survey that had been conducted in order to carry

out actuul delitnitution of the boundary.
25. Under the United Nations Trusteeship in 1946,attempts were also
made at delimiting the boundary in Lake Chad, which did not materialize
up to 1948, and after. The report presented by the United Kingdom
Trusteeship for the Cameroons touched on the boundary issues vis-A-vis
the Thompson-Marchand Declaration and States as follows:

"The Territory to which this Agreement applies comprises that
part of the Cameroons lying to the Westof the boundary defined by accord intervenant entre le gouvernement de Sa Majesté britan-
nique et le Gouvernement de la République française sur les points
où, soit dans l'intérêdtes habitants, soit par suite de l'inexactitude
de la carte (Moisel 1/300000/ annexée ù 10 décluration, l'examen
des 1ieu.xfkruit reconnaître cornme indésirablede s'en tenir exacte-

ment Li kz ligne indiquée.))(Contre-mémoir: du Nigéria, vol. IX,
ann. 243, p. 18131; les italiques sont de moi.:
23. Cette suggestion de l'ambassadeur de Grar de-Bretagne, Hardinge

of Penshurst, est acceptéepar la Société desNations en juillet 1922,afin
d'apporter les amendements nécessaires à la décaration Milner-Simon.
Là encore, à l'article.premier du texte adopté par la Société desNations,
il est prévude tenir compte de l'intérêt deshabitants ainsi que de corriger
les inexactitudes de la carte Moisel au 1/300000 échelled'ailleurs trop

réduitepour servir à une délimitation de frontière Mais ce qui ressort de
tout cela, c'est que l,dCour faitfides intérêtsdes habitants nigérians des
trente-trois villages revendiqués par le Nigéri;~dans ce secteur du
lac Tchad.
On notera donc que, mêmedurant la période du mandat, les effectivi-
tés,au regard des intérêtsdes habitants, furent tacitement prises en consi-

dération dans toutes les localitésoù cela était SOL haitable.
24. La déclaration Thomson-Marchand représente une amélioration
par rapport à la déclaration Milner-Simon parce qu'elle s'accompagne
d'une meilleure carte, jointe à la déclaration. EI~outre, elle décrit une
ligne droite jusqu'à l'embouchure de 1'Ebedji. Jne fois encore, nous
constatons que le processus n'a mêmepas atteint le stade de la délimita-

tion, ni à fortiori celui de la démarcation. Fleuriiu, dans le paragraphe
déjàcitéde sa lettre du 9 janvier 1931, indique:

((Votre Excellence a sans doute reçu le texte de la mêmedéclara-
tion et elle a ceirtainement observé qu'ilne s'agit là que d'une étude
préliminaire.Celle-ci est destinéeà donner à laidescription de la ligne
que devra suivre la commission de délimitutian plus de précisionque
ne l'a fait la déclaration Milner-Simon de 1919.)) (Zbid., vol. V,
ann. 54, p. 538: les italiques sont de moi.)

Arthur Henderson répond à la lettre de Fleuriau clu'ylaura lieu de dési-
gner une commission de délimitation afin de reprendre une étudepréli-
minuire qui avait été effectuée edte procéder à une véritable délimitation

de la frontiére.
25. Le régime de tutelle mis en place par les 'Vations Unies en 1946
s'accompagne égalernentde tentatives de délimitation de la frontière dans
le lac Tchad, qui elles non plus ne se matérialiselont pas avant, au plus
tôt, 1948. Le rapport relatif au Cameroun que le Royaume-Uni présente
au Conseil de tutelle:évoque les questions de frontière sous l'angle de la

déclaration Thomson-Marchand et précise:
«Le territoire auquel cet accord s'applique comprend la partie du

Cameroun qui se trouve à l'ouest de la frontiire établiepar la décla-548 LAND AND MARITIME BOUNDARY (DISS. OP. AJIBOLA)

the Franco-British Declaration of 10 July 1919, and more exactly
defined in the Declaration made by the Governor of the Colony and
Protectorate of Nigeria and the Governor of the Cameroons under
French mandate which was confirmed by the exchange of Notes
between His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom and the
French Government of 9 January 1931. This line may, however be
slightly modijied by mutual agreement between His Majesty's Gov-
ernment in the United Kingdom and the Government of the French

Republic where an examination of the localities shows that itis desir-
able in the interest of the inhabitants." (Counter-Memorial of
Nigeria, Vol. V, Ann. 56, pp. 579-581; emphasis added.)

26. One remarkably persistent issue that kept recurring in many of the
agreements just mentioned is the interest of the inhabitants, whenever

delimitation or even demarcation had to be effected. Unfortunately, this
modification has not been carried out till today. It started with the British
Ambassador in 1921 ;was engrafted into the League of Nations instru-
ments as Article 1 ;and was again contained in Article 1 in the Trustee-
ship Agreement of 13 December 1946,al1clearly expressing the need to
modify the boundary by "mutual agreement between His Majesty's Gov-
ernment in the United Kingdom and the Government of the French
Republic where an examination of the localities shows that it is desirable
in the interest of the inhabitants"(ibid,Ann. 56, p. 581).

27. Has this modification ever been carried out? Can that problem be
ignored or dismissed, especially now that Nigeria is claiming 33 villages
in Lake Chad? In any attempt to delimit this area of the boundary in the

Lake Chad area, should this not be taken into consideration? Yet the
Court fails to consider this claim of Nigeria regarding its inhabitants in
Lake Chad.

28. In effect therefore, the judicial assignment of the Court entails a
conclusive settlement of this dispute first, by interpreting the instruments
involved, then take into consideration the interest of the inhabitants'
effectivitésand historical consolidation. A similar assignment was per-
formed by this Court in the case concerning the Territorial Dispute
(Libyan Arab JamahiriyalChad) in 1994 on what constitutes the initial
task of the Court. The Court therein described its assignment thus:

"The Court willfirstconsider Article 3of the 1955Treaty, together
with the Annex to which that Article refers, in order to decide
whether or not that Treaty resulted in a conventional boundary
between the territories of the Parties.f the 1955 Treaty did result in
a boundary, this furnishes the answer to the issues ruised by the
Parties: it would be a response ut one and the same time to the
Libyan request to determine the limits of the respective territories of
the Parties and to the request ofChud to determine the course of the FRONTIÈRE TERRESTRE ET MARITIME (OP.I)ISS.AJIBOLA) 548

ration franco-britannique du 10 juillet 1910 et déterminée d'une
façon plus précisedans la déclaration faite par le gouverneur de la
colonie et du pr'otectorat du Nigériaet le gouverneur du Cameroun
sous mandat français et confirméepar l'échangede notes qui a eu

lieu le 9 janvier 1931 entre le gouvernement de Sa Majestépour le
Royaume-Uni et le Gouvernement français Cette ligne frontière
peut cependant Ptre légèrementmodifiée d'uncommun accord par le
gouvernement dt7Sa Majestépour le Royaunle-Uni et le Gouverne-
ment de la Républiquefrançaise, si l'examen des lieux montre qu'une
telle modzjîcution est souhaitable dans l'ivtérêtdes habitants.))
(Contre-mémoire du Nigéria, vol.V, ann. 56, p. 579-581 ;les ita-
liques sont de n-ioi.)

26. Il est un aspect qui revient avec une étorinante régularitédans
nombre des accords cités, àsavoir l'intérêdtes habitants chaque fois qu'il
s'agit de procéder à une délimitation, voire à une démarcation. Malheu-
reusement, la modification proposée n'a toujours pas été réaliséC e.ette
proposition, lancéepar l'ambassadeur de Grande-Bretagne en 1921, fut
reprise aux articles premiers des textes adoptéspar la Société desNations,
et figure aussi à l'article premier de l'accord de tutelledu 13 décembre

1946, tous ces textes exprimant clairement la nibcessitéde modifier la
frontière «d'un comrnun accord par le gouvernemc:ntde Sa Majestépour
le Royaume-Uni et le Gouvernement de la Républiquefrançaise, si l'exa-
men des lieux moni.re qu'une telle modification est souhaitable dans
l'intérêt deshabitants)) (ibid,ann. 56, p. 581).
27. Cette modification a-t-ellejamais étéréalisé:?Ce problème peut-il
être ignoréou écarté,surtout maintenant que le Nigéria revendique
trente-trois villages clans la régiondu lac Tchad? Ne conviendrait-il pas
d'en tenir compte dans toute tentative de délimite -ou démarquer ce sec-
teur de la frontière dans la zone du lac Tchad? Toujours est-il que la
Cour omet d'examiner la revendication du Nigériaportant sur ses ressor-

tissants habitant le lac Tchad.
28. Le rôle judiciaire de la Cour suppose bien un règlement finalde ce
différend,d'abord par l'interprétation des textes en question, puis par la
prise en compte des effectivités etde la consolitlation historique dans
l'intérêt deh sabitants. La Cour s'est acquittée c'une mission similaire
dans l'affaire duDifJérendterritorial (Jamahiriya arabe 1ibyennelTchad)
en 1994 - telle étaitsa mission première, qu'ellea aussi décrite:

«La Cour examinera tout d'abord l'article 3 du traitéde 1955et
l'annexe à laquelle cet article renvoie afin de décidersi une frontière
conventionnelle entre les territoires des Pariies résulte ou non du
traité.Si unefrontière en risulte, il est de ce fait réponduaux ques-
tions soulevées,var les Parties; et une répo~lseserait ainsi donnée
tout à lafois ù l,udemande de la Libye tendant à ce que soient déter-
minéesles limites des territoiresrespectifs des Parties et à la demande

du Tchad tendant à ce que soitfixé le trac6 tle lafrontière. La pre- frontier. The Court's initial task must therefore he to interpret the
relevant provisions of the 1955 Treaty, on ivhich the Parties lzave
taken divergent positions." (1C.J. Reports 1994, p. 20, para. 38;
emphasis added.)

29. In view of the claim of Nigeria over certain specific places, where
the inhabitants are affiliated to Nigeria and are being administered by
Nigeria, this provision in the Agreement ought to have been seriously
taken into consideration by the Court in its interpretation of the bound-

ary line, hence my disagreement with the decision of the Court.

30. The Parties' concept and arguments aside, it is important to deter-
mine the duty of the Court as regards the dispute in Lake Chad. Clearly,
the Court is not called upon to demarcate and, quite obviously, this is
outside the assienment of the Court. 1s this therefore a case of delimita-

tion or attributin for the Court? In a case of this nature, where there are
conflicting claims by the parties as to the location of the boundary and
disputed territorial sovereignty, the cardinal assignment of the Court is,
first to deal with the determination of the boundary by way of judicial
delimitation and subsequently to deal with the conflicting territorial
claims of the ~arties.
31. As indicated earlier, there are claims and counter-claims as to

whether the Lake Chad basin had been delimited or demarcated. Presum-
ably, if both Parties had definitivelyconcluded the agreements on delimi-
tation and afortiori demarcation, this Application might not be filed by
Cameroon. The preliminary objection of Nigeria on this point was rejected
by the Court. The duty of the Court here therefore is to determine
whether the boundary in Lake Chad had been delimited or not. If it had

not been delimited, it is the Court's duty to carry out such an exercise as
a judicial function. Even if the Court finds that it had already been
"delimited" by certain instruments, the Court will still need to examine
those instruments and then carry out its own definitive determination of
the boundary. The Court ought to ascertain the true legal line in terms of
interpreting those instruments in relation to the descriptive content of

such boundary which, inter alia, must relate not only to its toponomy,
geography, topography and human factors, but also apply the rules of
interpretation in accordance with the Vienna Convention on the Law of
Treaties of 1969, particularly its Article 31. With respect to this Conven-
tion, the Court is bound to take into consideration not only the ordinary
meaning of the instruments but also the conduct and practice of the
Parties which, unfortunately, the Court fails to do in the Judgment.

Lake Chad and the Work qf tlze LCBC

32. There is a curious turning point in the boundary dispute between
Cameroon and Nigeria which is quite remarkable and worthy of mention
here. The VIIIth Summit Meeting of the LCBC was held on 21-23 March mière tûche de la Cour consistera donc à intzrpréterles dispositions
pertinentes du ,traitéde 1955, sur la portée desquelles les positions
des Purties divergent.)) (C.I.J. Recueil 1994, p. 20, par. 38; les
italiques sont de moi.)

29. Compte tenu des revendications du Nigéri.-tsur certaines localités
déterminées,dont les habitants entretiennent des .ittaches avec le Nigéria
et sont administrés par lui, cette disposition de l'accord aurait dû sérieu-

sement êtreprise en considération par la Cour da-1sson interprétation de
la ligne frontiere - qu'elle ne l'ait pas fait explique que je ne souscrive
pas à sa décision.
30. Abstraction faite des vues et des argument; des Parties, il importe
de déterminer la mission de la Cour en ce qui concerne le différend relatif
au lac Tchad. La Cour n'est manifestement pas a >peléeà procéder à une

démarcation, et de toute évidencece ne serait pas de son ressort. S'agit-il
donc pour la Cour d'une affaire de délimitation ou d'attribution? Dans
une affaire de cette nature, où les thèses des Parties sur l'emplacement de
la frontiere divergent et où la souveraineté terri:.oriale est contestée, la
mission essentielle de la Cour consiste à procéder d'abord à la détermina-
tion de la frontière par voie de délimitation jtdiciaire et à examiner
ensuite les revendica~tionsterritoriales concurrent1:s des Parties.

31. Comme il a étéindiqué précédemment,le oint de savoir si le bas-
sin du lac Tchad a étédélimitéou démarquéa fait l'objet de prétentions
contradictoires. On peut penser que, si les deux Parties avaient bien
conclu des accords sur la délimitation et à fortiori sur la démarcation, le
Cameroun n'aurait pas déposéde requête.L'exception préliminaire du
Nigéria sur ce point. a étéécartéepar la Cour. 1.a tâche de la Cour est
donc ici de déterminer si la frontière dans le lac Tchad a été délimitéoeu

non. Si elle ne l'a pas été,ilincombe à la Cour de le faire, dans le cadre
de ses fonctions judiciaires. Mais mêmesi elle coristate que la frontière a
déjà été ((délimitée))par certains textes, encore faut-il qu'elle examine
ceux-ci, puis détermine elle-mêmela frontière de manière définitive. La
Cour doit déterminer le véritable tracé de cette frontière en droit, par
l'interprétation de ces textes en rapport avec les éléments descriptifsde

cette frontière, c'est-à-dire, entre autres, non seulement sur la base de la
toponymie, de la géographie, de la topographie et des facteurs humains,
mais aussi au vu des règlesd'interprétation telles qu'elles découlent de la
convention de Vienne sur le droit des traités de 1969,en particulier de son
article 31: ainsi la Cour doit-elle prendre en comidération, outre le sens
ordinaire des termes de ces instruments, le compsrtement et la pratique
des Parties. ce qu'elllen'a malheureusement pas fiit dans son arrêt.

Le lac Tclzadet les travaux de la CBLT

32. Le différend frontalier entre le Cameroun et le Nigéria a connu un
curieux tournant. qui est tout à fait remarquable et mérite d'êtrerelevé
ici. La huitième réuniionau sommet de la CBLT eut lieu du 21 au 23 mars550 LAND AND MARITIME BOUNDARY (DISS. OP. AJIBOLA)

1994in Abuja, Nigeria. At the meeting, the four Heads of State including
that of Cameroon were present. The decision of the Summit echoes the
consensus reached as follows :
"A. Boundary demarcation

- to approve the technical document on the demarcation of the
international boundaries of member States in the Lake Chad, as
endorsed by the national experts and the Executive Secretariat of
the LCBC.
- that each country should adopt the document in accordance with
its national laws.

- that the document should be signed latest by the next summit of
the Commission.
- to instruct statellocal administrations of each country to mount
social mobilization campaigns to educate the local populations
on the demarcation and their rights and privileges on the Lake.

- congratulated the Commissioners, the national experts, the
Executive Secretariat and the Contractor IGN-France for a job
well done." (Counter-Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. II, pp. 407-408,
para. 16.57.)

33. Yet, precisely five days after this apparently cordial meeting of
Heads of State in Abuja, where they expressed the view that the work of
the LCBC had been satisfactorily carried out, Cameroon filed the Appli-
cation for the confirmation of its sovereignty over certain areas of Lake
Chad and over Darak. This was the same area of boundary that the
Cameroonian Head of State, along with his Nigerian counterpart had,
only recently, endorsed.

34. The second unfortunate aspect of this litigation is that the LCBC,
its Executive Secretary, members, experts and the IGN laboured from
1983to 1994to ensure the final determination of the border in this sector
between Cameroon and Nigeria. However, it appears that this has now
become an exercise in futility - much ado about nothing - with colos-
sal waste of time, effort and money, since neither Nigeria nor Cameroon
ratified the boundary agreement (Cameroon later ratified in 1997).Cam-
eroon has now applied to the Court to start de novo what was close to

an agreement between the Parties. Must Cameroon approbate and rep-
robate? The findings of the LCBC are not binding either directly or indi-
rectly on the Court and neither is the LCBC bound by whatever may be
the decision of the Court on this area of the boundary. The jurisdiction
of the Court is consensual and it cannot bind other members of the
LCBC, such as Niger and Chad, who are not parties before the Court
(Art. 59 of the Statute of the Court). The Court is entitled to deal with

the bipoint between Cameroon and Nigeria but not the tripoint between
Cameroon, Chad and Niger. FRONTIERE TERRESTRE ET MARITIME (OP. DISS. AJIBOLA) 550

1994 a Abuja, au Nigéria. Les quatre chefs d'Etat, y compris celui du
Cameroun, assistaient a la réunion. La décisionadoptée à l'issue de ce

sommet se fait l'échodu consensus obtenu:
«A. La démarcation desfrontières:
- d'approuve]- le document technique de la démarcation des fron-

tièresinternationales des Etats membres dans lelac Tchad comme
présentépar les experts nationaux et le sxrétariat exécutifde la
CBLT ;
- que chaque pays adopte ledocument conformément a sespropres
lois;
- que le docuirnentsoit signéau plus tard lclrsdu prochain sommet
de la commission;
- de donner clesinstructions aux administrations locales des Etats

membres pour qu'elles mènent des actions de sensibilisation en
direction des populations riveraines du lac Tchad pour le respect
des frontières et notamment des droits, obligations et privilèges
qui s'y rattachent;
- ont félicitéliescommissaires, les experts riationaux, le secrétariat
exécutif etl'entrepreneur IGN-France pour le travail accompli. »
(Contre-mémoire du Nigéria, vol.II, p. 407-408, par. 16.57.)

33. Et pourtant, exactement cinqjours aprèscette réunionen apparence
cordiale des chefs d'Etat à Abuja, ou ils avaient exprimél'avis que le tra-
vail de la CBLT ava~itétémené à bien de manière satisfaisante, le Came-
roun déposait la requêtepar laquelle il demanda t la confirmation de sa

souveraineté surcertains secteurs du lac Tchad et sur Darak. Il s'agissaitlà
du mêmesegment dl-la frontière que celui que le chef de 1'Etatcamerou-
nais et son homologue nigérian venaient tout récemment d'entériner.
34. Le second aspect regrettable de ce litige est que la CBLT, son
secrétaire exécutif,ses membres, ses experts et 1'ISN avaient travailléde
1983 A 1994 pour établirde manière définitivece segment de la frontière
entre le Cameroun et le Nigéria. Il semble pourtilnt qu'ils aient travaillé
en pure perte - beaucoup de bruit pour rien , qu'il y ait eu 1i un gas-

pillage colossal de temps, de travail et d'argent,piiisque ni le Nigériani le
Cameroun n'ont ratifié l'accord de frontière (le Cameroun l'a ratifié
plus tard, en 1997). Le Cameroun a maintenant demandé Ala Cour de
reprendre à zéro ce qui était très près de faire l'objet d'un accord
entre les Parties. Le Cameroun devait-il revenir sur ce qu'il avait approu-
vé? Les conclusions de la CBLT n'engagent ni directement ni indirec-
tement la Cour et la CBLT n'est pas tenue non plus par la décisionque
peut prendre la Cour sur ce secteur de la front ère. La compétence de

la Cour est consensuelle et ne saurait engager (l'autres membres de la
CBLT, comme le Niger et le Tchad, qui ne son' pas parties a un litige
devant la Cour (art. 59 du Statut de la Cour). La Cour est habilitée à
traiter du bipoint entre le Cameroun et le Nigéria,mais non du tripoint
entre le Cameroun, le Tchad et le Niger. 35. The Court had already expressed its view and made some obser-
vations during the jurisdictional phase of this case as regards the dispute
between both Parties in the Lake Chad area. It is pertinent to refer to the
observations of the Court herein before we proceed further:

"the Court notes that, with regard to the whole of the boundary,
there is no explicit challenge from Nigeria. However, a disagreement
on a point of law or fact, a conflict of legal views or interests, or the
positive opposition of the claim of one party by the other need not

necessarily be stated expressis verbis. In the determination of the
existence of a dispute, as in other matters, the position or the atti-
tude of a party can be established by inference, whatever the pro-
fessed view of that party. In this respect the Court does not find
persuasive the argument of Cameroon that the challenge by Nigeria
to the validity of the existing titles to Bakassi, Darak and Tipsan,

necessarily calls into question the validity as such of the instruments
on which the course of the entire boundary from the tripoint in Lake
Chad to the sea is based, and therefore proves the existence of a dis-
pute concerning the whole of the boundary." (1.C. J. Reports 1998,
p. 315, para. 89.)

36. The assignment given to the LCBC's Sub-Committee on Boundary
Matters, which started in 1983, was completed in March 1994. IGN of

France was engaged to carry out the work which it completed in July-
1993 and submitted to the Executive Secretary; eventually al1the experts
of the member States signed the report. Subsequently, at the meeting of
Heads of State in Abuja in March 1994, al1 the Heads of State present
signed the boundary documents, subject to ratification by each member
State. Cameroon did not ratify until 1997and Nigeria has not ratified to

date. The IXth Summit of Heads of State was held in Chad in 1995. At
that time, the Application of Cameroon was already pending before the
Court and both Cameroon and Nigeria were absent from the Meeting.
37. What then is the legal effect of the work of the LCBC, with its
report and documents not ratified byal1 the member States before the

IXth Summit of Heads of State in 1995?Although al1the Heads of State
present during the VIIlth Summit signed it, each country still had to
adopt it in accordance with its own national laws. The document had to
be ratified no later than the next Summit of the Commission in 1995, in
order to give it legal force. Cameroon and Nigeria failed to ratify before
the "next Summit", even though Cameroon ratified subsequently. Since
the other two countries, Niger and Chad, are not before the Court they

are not bound by the decision of the Court. This is a fundamental prin-
ciple that the Court has pronounced upon many occasions. In the juris-
dictional phase of the case, this principle was once again reiterated thus:

"The Court recalls that it has always acknowledged as one of the
fundamental principles of its Statute that no dispute between States 35. Au cours de la phase portant sur la compétence, la Cour a déjà
exprimé son avis et fàit quelques observations au sujet du différendentre
les deux Parties conc~rrnantla régiondu lac Tchad. Avant d'aller plus loin,
il n'est pas inutile de rappeler les observations alors formulées par la Cour:

«la Cour relèvera que le Nigéria ne conteste pas expressément
l'ensemble de la.frontière. Mais un désaccord sur un d ointde droit

ou de fait, un c~onflit,une opposition de thès:s juridiques ou d'inté-
rêts oule fait aue la réclamation de l'une ties Parties se heurte a
l'opposition manifeste de l'autre ne doivent pas nécessairement être
énoncés expves.risverbis.Pour déterminer l'eristence d'un différend,
il est possible, comme en d'autres domaines, d'établir par inférence
quelle est en réalitéla position ou l'attitutle d'une partie. A cet

égard, la Cour ne trouve pas convaincante la thèse du Cameroun
selon laquelle la contestation par le Nigéria de la validité des titres
existants sur Bakassi, Darak et Tipsan met nécessairement en cause
la validité en tant que telle des instruments sur lesquels repose le
tracé dela totalité de la frontière depuis le tripoint dans le lac Tchad
jusqu'i la mer t:t prouve ainsi l'existence d'un différend concernant

l'ensemble de cette frontière.))(C.I.J. Recuei,'1998, p. 315, par. 89.)

36. Le mandat confié à la sous-commission de la CBLT chargéede la
démarcation, commencé en 1983, s'est terminé en mars 1994. L'IGN
(France), chargéd'exécuterle travail, l'a achevéerijuillet 1993et présenté
au secrétaire exécutif;tous les experts des Etats rncmbres ont signéle rap-
port. Par la suite, lors de la réunion des chefs d Etat tenue à Abuja en
mars 1994,tous les chefs d'Etat présentsont signéle document relatif àla

frontière, sous réserve de sa ratification par chilque Etat membre. Le
Cameroun ne l'a ratifiéqu'en 1997, et le Nigéria le l'a pas encore ratifié
à ce jour. La neuvième réunion au sommet des chefs d'Etat s'est tenue au
Tchad en 1995. A l'époque,la requêtedu Cameroun était déjà devant la
Cour; ni le Cameroiun ni le Nigéria n'ont participé à cette réunion.
37. Quelle est doric la valeur juridique des travaux de la CBLT, de son

rapport et du docunient, qui, lors de la neuvième réunionau sommet des
chefs d'Etat en 1995, n'avait pas été ratifié par l'ensemble des Etats
membres? Bien que signépar tous les chefs d'Et.tt présents au huitième
sommet, le document devait encore, pour prendre effet, êtreadopté par
chaque Etat conforrnément à ses propres lois, et ratifiéau plus tard pour
la «prochaine» réunion au sommet de la commission, en 1995.Le Came-

roun et le Nigéria ine l'avaient pas ratifié avant le «sommet suivant)),
même si le Carnerloun l'a par la suite ratifié. Etant donné que les
deux autres Etats, le Niger et le Tchad, ne soiit pas parties au litige
devant la Cour, ils rie sont pas liéspar la décisioride la Cour. Il s'agitlà
d'un principe fondamental que la Cour a énoncéc.nmaintes occasions, et
qu'elle a réitéréau stade de la compétence dans la présente affaire:

«La Cour rappelle qu'elle a toujours recor nu comme un des prin-

cipes fondamentaux de son Statut qu'aucun iifférend entre Etats ne552 LAND AND MARITIME BOUNDARY (DISS .P. AJIBOLA)

can be decided without their consent to its jurisdiction (Monetary
Gold Removed from Rome in 1943, Judgment, 1. C. J. Reports 1954,
p. 32). Nevertheless, the Court has also emphasized that it is not
necessarilyprevented fromadjudicating when thejudgment it is asked
to give might affect thelegal interests of a State which is not a party
to the case; and the Court has only declined to exercisejurisdiction

when the interests of the third State 'constitute the very subject-
matter of the judgment to be rendered on the merits' (Certain Phos-
phate Lands in Nauru (Nauru V. Australia), Preliminury Objections,
Judgment, 1.C.J. Reports 1992, p. 61, para. 55; East Timor (Portugal
v.Australia), Judgment, 1. C.J Reports 1995, pp. 104-105,para. 34)."
(1C.J. Reports 1998, p. 312, para. 79.)

38. In the above circumstances, and as the Court rightly decided, the
Agreement is not opposable to Nigeria and hence Nigeria is not bound
by it. Similarly, it cannot beaid that this Agreement must be recognized
by al1the member States of the LCBC. In the minutes of the VIIIth Sum-
mit of the Heads of State and Government in Abuja 1994,the decision
reached was:

"- that each country should adopt the document in accordance
with its national laws.
- that the document should be signedlatest by the next summit of
the Commission" (Counter-Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. X,
Ann. 285, Decision No. 5, p. 13).

In the absence of any evidence that these decisions have beencarried out
by Cameroon and Nigeria, the document obviously will not be binding
on the Parties in this case.

39. Article 46of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties is rele-
vant here. Although al1 the Heads of State signed the documents in
Abuja in 1994(which Article 7 seeks to protect and validate), it is clear
from their decision that before the Agreement could enter into force, it
must be adopted and ratified by al1the LCBC member States.

40. The task of the LCBC, which involves its Executive Secretary, the
members and experts from member States, covered the period from 1983
until 1994.The establishment of the LCBC was prompted by the distur-
bances in that region during the year 1983,which necessitated the con-
vening of the meeting of its members in Lagos from 21 to 23 July 1983.

The Sub-Committee on the Delimitation of the Borders was saddled with
the responsibility of the boundary determination. Necessary logistical
problems (including funding) delayed the exercise until 1988 when the
contract for the demarcation was signed between the LCBC and IGN
International of France on 26 May 1988.

41. Cameroon puts emphasis on the stage of the work of the contrac-
tor in 1990. It referred to the Report on the Marking-Out of the Inter-553 LAND AND MARITIME BOUNDARY (DISS . P.AJIBOLA)

national Boundaries in Lake Chad.. The experts of the LCBC introduced
this Report in the following terms:

"We the undersigned,
experts from the Member States of the CBLTILCBC (Cameroon,
Niger, Nigeria and Chad), duly designated by our States to supervise
and monitor the work on the demarcation of our boundaries in
accordance with resolution No. 2 adopted by Our Governments at
theirSixth Summit Meeting held in N'Djamena on 28 and 29 Octo-
ber 1987.

.............................
have proceeded, from 13 June 1988 to 12 February 1990, to effect
the delimitation and marking-out of the said boundaries und submit
to the approvalof the respective Governments the following descrip-
tion of the boundaries that we marked out." (Counter-Memorial of
Nigeria, Vol. II, p. 403, para. 16.50;emphasis added.)

42. The argument of Cameroon as stated above can be faulted on five
grounds: firstly, the document completed and to be submitted is a mere
report and not a binding agreement; secondly, not al1the experts from
member States signed; thirdly, the Report was still incomplete; fourthly,
the Report itself states that it was being submitted to the Heads of State
for approval; and, fifthly, the task of the experts was not to approve the
work of IGN of France: they were only mandated to supervise and moni-
tor the work. As regards the nature of the document as a report, even the
Memorial of Cameroon referred to above expressly described it as such.

It was introduced as the Report on the Marking-Out of the International
Boundaries and no more.

43. The task of the Commission on the Boundary was not concluded
in 1990 but continued through 1991, 1992and 1993. This was because
IGN International of France had not completed the technical task and
the expert of Nigeria and, at another stage, the expert ofhad, were not
satisfied with the Report and they insisted on some technical amend-
ments. The comment of Nigeria on this point is very illuminating:

"At a meeting of LCBC Experts in January 1992, Nigeria indi-
cated that it was now ready to implement the resolution of the 39th
Meeting and to sign the 'report on demarcation' (NP0 75). The
Commission noted the intention of the experts to implement the
resolution by June 1992(page 715 of NP0 75). At the 41st Session
of the Commission in April 1993 (see extracts of Minutes at
NC-M 284), it was reported that the experts has gone back to the
field, finalized the technical aspects of the job and al1 signed the
demarcation document. However, because of a dispute regarding the
location of Beacon VI on the ChadICameroon boundary, the Chad
Commissioner stated that he was unable to endorse that aspect oflac Tchad. Les experts de la CBLT présentent 1tprocès-verbal de bor-
nage des frontières internationales dans les termes suivants:

((Nous soussignés,
experts des Etats membres de la CBLT (Cami:roun, Niger, Nigéria et
Tchad), dûment désignéspar nos Etats pour la supervision et le
contrôle des travaux de démarcation de ncs frontières conformé-
ment àla résolutionno 2 de nos gouvernements à leur sixièmesom-
met tenu à N'Djamena les 28 et 29 octobre 987.

.............................
avons procédédu 13juin 1988 au 12 février1990 à l'exécution des
travaux de délimitation et de bornage desditzs frontièreset soumet-
tons à l'approbation des gouvernements respectifs la description sui-
vante des frontières que nous avons bornées » (Contre-mémoire du
Nigéria,vol. II, p. 403, par. 16.50; les italiques sont de moi.)

42. Il peut être reprochécinq failles a I'argumcntation du Cameroun,
exposéeci-dessus: premièrement, le document destiné à être soumis à
l'approbation des gouvernements est un simple rapport, et non un accord
contraignant; deuxikmement, tous les experts des Etats membres ne l'ont
pas signé; troisièmement,le rapport était encore incomplet; quatrième-
ment, le rapport lui-mêmeprécisait qu'ilserait soumis aux chefs d'Etat
pour approbation; cinquièmement, la mission (les experts n'était pas
d'approuver le travail accompli par IGN France, ils avaient seulement

pour mandat de superviser et de contrôler les tra\ aux. Quant à la nature
du document, il s'agit d'un rapport, et le mémoire du Cameroun lui-
mêmele qualifie expressémentcomme tel. Ce rapport fut présenté comme
le procès-verbal de bornage des frontières internationales, et rien de plus.
43. La tâche de la sous-commission chargée de la démarcation ne
s'acheva pas en 1990,mais se poursuivit en 1991, 1992et 1993.En effet,
IGN France International n'avait pas totalement menéa bien le travail
technique, et l'expert du Nigéria ainsi que, à uii autre stade, celui du
Tchad sedéclarèrent insatisfaitsdu rapport et récllmèrent certains amen-
dements techniques. Le commentaire du Nigéri;~sur ce point est très
clair:

«Lors d'une réuniondes experts de la CBLT en janvier 1992, le
Nigériaindiqua qu'il étaitdisposé à finaliser lzs travaux prescrits par
la résolution de la trente-neuvième session et à signer le procès-
verbal de bornage des frontières (annexe 75 ,iux exceptions prélimi-
naires du Nigéria). La commissionprit note d: l'intention des experts
de mettre en cx:uvrela résolution pour juin 1992 (annexe 75 aux
exceptions préliminairesdu Nigéria,p. 715). Lors de la quarante et
unième sessionde la commission, en avril 1993(voir extraits du pro-
cès-verbal,jointsa l'annexe CMN 284), il fut déclaréque les experts

étaientret0urné.ssur le terrain, qu'ils avaien réglé leaspects tech-
niques de leur imissionet qu'ils avaient tou: signéle document de the work, and as a result of there being a lack of consensus, it was
resolved that the 'documents regarding the demarcation exercise'be
signed by the Executive Secretary and made available to the Com-
missioners for presentation to their Governments so that the issue
could be finalised at the next Summit." (Counter-Memorial of
Nigeria, Vol. II, p. 406, para. 16.54.)

44. As reflected in the memorandum of Nigeria in November of 1990
at the 39th meeting of the Commissioners,the Nigerian delegation refused
to sign the report for the reason that was expressed thus:

"In November 1990, at their 39th meeting, the Commissioners
resolved that the national experts should go back to the fieldto com-
plete some specificjobs relating to two intermediate beacons . . In
the course of the discussions of the relevant subcommission, the
position of the Nigerian delegation as recorded in the Minutes was
as follows . . .
'For its part, the fourth delegation, i.e. that of NIGERIA, con-
sidered that the project was not fully completed (the failure to

number beacon 11-111.1,substandard quality of numbering by
LCBC, non-demolition of beacon II-V.1 which was wrongly
erected, non stabilisation of GPS and Azimuth station on lines
1-11and II-V and disappearance of two GPS stations on line 1-11).'

In consequence, Nigeria refused to sign the Report of the experts
on the beaconing. At a June 1991meeting of experts, Nigeria rejected
this resolution of the 39th Meeting . . ." (Zbid V.,l. II, p. 405,
para. 16.52.)

45. As referred to earlier, the experts of member States were not man-
dated to sign the final agreement for or on behalf of the Governments or
Heads of State. They were instructed to prepare and submit a report for
the approval of the Heads of State at their Summit, which they did at the
VTIIth Summit, for their signature. That precisely was their undertaking
as stated in the Report. They unequivocally expressed the duty that they
were called upon to carry out - "to supervise and monitor". Therefore,
whatever was signed by the experts of member States cannot bind the
Parties in this case. Ttcannot, therefore be said that the mission entrusted
to the LCBC and the manner in which it was carried out resulted in the
recognition by the LCBC member States that a delimitation in the Lake

Chad area already existed. The Commission was not so mandated. The
ultimate decision lies with the Heads of State. In 1994, the Report was
accepted and approved by the Heads of State signing the document that
was to be subsequently ratified. That ratification did not happen, at least démarcation. Cependant, en raison d'un différend concernant
l'emplacement de la borne VI sur la frontiére entre le Tchad et le
Cameroun, le commissaire du Tchad indiqua qu'il ne serait pas en
mesure d'approuver cette partie du rappoit. En l'absence d'un
consensus en faveur de l'adoption de celui-CI,il fut décidéque les
documents relatifs aux travaux de démarcatio 1seraient signéspar le
secrétaire exécutif etseraient distribués aux t:ommissaires afin que

ceux-ci les transmettent a leurs gouvernemelits et que la question
puisse êtrerégléelors du sommet suivant.)) (Contre-mémoire du
Nigéria, vol.II, p. 406, par. 16.54.)
44. Comme l'indique la note du Nigéria de nokembre 1990 lors de la
trente-neuvième sessi'ondes commissaires, la délégation nigériane refusa
de signer le procès-verbal au motif suivant:

«En novembre 1990, lors de la 39" session de la CBLT, les com-
missaires décidèrent que les experts nationaux devaient reprendre
leurs travaux sur le terrain pour accomplir des tâches précisesconcer-
nant deux bornes intermédiaires ...Lors des débats au sein de la
sous-commission correspondante, la délégation nigériane émit l'avis
suivant, exposédans le procès-verbal...

«Pour sa part, la quatrième délégation à savoir le Nigéria,
estime que les1.ravauxne sont pas entièremelitachevés (laborne II-
III. 1 n'a paéiténumérotée,les travaux réaliséspar la CBLT sont
de qualité inférieure, la borne II-V.l qui était mal implantée n'a
pas étédétruite, les points GPS et Azimut des lignes 1-11et II-V
n'ont pas été stabilisés, deuxpoints GPS d: la ligne 1-11ont dis-
paru).»
En conséquence,le Nigérias'abstint de sigrer le procès-verbal de
bornage. Lors de la réuniondes experts tenue en juin 1991, le Nigé-
ria rejeta la résolution no 10 de la 39' sess on...» (Ibid., vol. II,

p. 405, par. 16.5.7.)
45. Ainsi que je l'ai déjà indiqué, les expert!; des Etats membres
n'étaientpas mandatéspour signer un accord définitifau nom ou pour le
compte des gouvernements ou des chefs d'Etat. II:.devaient élaborer un
rapport et le soumettre a l'approbation des chefs fl'Etat réunisau som-
met, ce qui fut fait au huitième sommet. Telle étaitprécisément leurmis-
sion telle qu'énoncéedans le rapport, mission qu'ils décrivirent sans équi-
voque comme étant de «supervision »et de «contr jle».Aussi, quels que

soient les documents isignéspar les experts des Etats membres, ceux-ci ne
sauraient engager les Parties en l'espèce.On ne sa lrait donc dire que la
mission confiée A la (IBLT et la façon dont elle f lt menée à bien aient
débouchésur la reconnaissance, de la part des Etats membres de la
CBLT, d'une délimitation préexistante dans la réglondu lac Tchad. Tel
n'étaitpas le mandat de la commission. La décision finale appartenait
aux chefs d'Etat. En 1994,le rapport fut acceptéet .rpprouvépar les chefs
d'Etat qui signérentles documents destinés à ratif cation. Cette ratifica-as far as Nigeria is concerned. Hence my view is that the Court ought to
ignore the report and agreement of the LCBC. Tacitly, therefore, the
decision of the Court to reject Cameroon's submission that the Parties
are bound by the LCBC's Report is valid. However, the Court ought to
have taken into consideration other factors, such as effectivitésand
historical consolidation inorder to come to a determination on the delimi-
tation of Lake Chad.

Delimitation and Delnarcation

46. Reading through the oral and the written pleadings in this case one
must admit that there is a degree of misunderstanding or even confusion
in the use of the words delimitation and demarcation. Perhaps, for the
purpose of elucidation and to clear the apparent convolution, we may
borrow a definition of these two terminologies from a textbook on inter-
national law :

"The distinction sometimes made between artificial and natural
boundaries is geographical rather than legal, for so-called natural
boundaries, making use of natural features such as rivers or moun-
tains usually need further definition in order to produce a precise
boundary line. The common practice for land boundaries is, in a
boundary treaty or award, to describe the boundary line in words,
i.e. to 'delimit' it; and then to appoint boundary commissions,
usuallyjoint, to apply the delimitation to the ground and if necessary
to mark it with boundary posts or the like, i.e. to 'demarcate' it."
(Oppenheim's Internnrional Law, 9th ed., Vol. 1 (Peace), Parts 2-4,
Sir Robert Jennings and Sir Arthur Watts (eds.), p. 662.)

47. The claim of Cameroon is that the LCBC has delimited the bound-
arv with the aid of the relevant instruments alreadv mentioned. The view
of~i~eria is that nothing has been delimited or deharcated conclusively.
Nigeria agrees that certain instruments are relevant for the purpose of
delimitation but that the area of Lake Chad is not part of it. Cameroon
argues that the demarcation had been fully and finally effected by the
LCBC and the same sanctioned by the Heads of State. For the reason
already given above, 1 disagree with Cameroon, as the Court has also
done. However, since delimitation precedes demarcation, and delimita-

tion in this case is not just simplyconfirming the instruments that delimit,
but these instruments must be givenjudicial interpretation having regard
to the conflicting viewof the Parties, the Courtis therefore called upon to
determine the issue of delimitation, whilst the Parties will undertake that
of demarcation. But in doing so the Court fails to take into consideration
factors other than the instruments. FRONTIÈRE TERRESTRE ET MARITIME (OP.L)ISSA. JIBOLA) 555

tion n'a jamais eu lieu en ce qui concerne le Nigéria.La Cour se devait
donc d'ignorer le rapport et l'accord de la CBLT. La décisionde la Cour
de rejeter lesconclusions du Cameroun selon 1esqut:llesles Parties seraient
liéespar le rapport de la CBLT est par conséquentimplicitement valide.

La Cour aurait touitefois dû, pour procéder à la délimitation du lac
Tchad, prendre en considération d'autres facteurs, tels que les effectivités
et la consolidation historique.

Délimitation et démarcation

46. A la lecture des piècesde procédure et des plaidoiries dans la pré-
sente affaire, il faut reconnaître qu'il existeunriain malentendu, voire
une certaine confusion, dans l'emploi desmots délimitation et démarca-
tion. Peut-êtrepourrioiis-nous, pour éluciderles concepts et en démêler
lescomplexitésapparentes,emprunter une définiticnde ces deux termes à
un manuel de droit international :

«La distinction que l'on fait parfois entre frontière artificielle et
naturelle est d'ordre géographique plutôt quejuridique, car les fron-
tières dites naturelles, qui utilisent descar~ctéristiques topogra-
phiques telles que des cours d'eau ou des montagnes, appellent
généralementun complémentde définitionpour qu'un tracéprécis
puisse êtreétabli. Dans un traité de frontière ou une sentence
arbitrale, l'usage:courant, s'agissant de frontières terrestres, est de

rédiger unedescription de la frontière, c'est-à-dire de la «délimiter»;
on désigne ensuite des commissions de frmtière, généralement
mixtes, pour appliquer la délimitationsur leterrain et, si besoin est,
la marquer à l'aidede bornes frontièreou d'auires moyens analogues,
c'est-à-dire la «démarquer». » (Oppenheim's lnternationul Luit., sir
Robert Jennings et sir Arthur Watts (dir. l)ubl.), 9' éd., vol. 1,
parties2 à 4, p. 662.)

47. La thèse du Cameroun est que la CBLT a délimité lafrontière à
l'aide desinstruments pertinents déjà mentionnés.1,aposition du Nigéria
est que rien n'a étédélimitéou démarquéde minière concluante. Le
Nigériaconvient que certains instruments sont pertinents aux fins de la
délimitation. mais que la zone du lac Tchad n'est pas concernée. Le
Cameroun affirme de son côtéque la démarcation a été effectuép ear la
CBLT de manière complète et définitive,et que es chefs d'Etat y ont
donnéleur assentiment. Pour les motifs que j'ai dijà exposés,je suis en
désaccord avecle Carneroun, ce qui est également 1-cas de la Cour. Tou-
tefois, puisque la délimitationprécède ladémarcation et que, en l'espèce,
elle ne consiste passiimplement àconfirmer les instruments qui en sont à
l'origine, maisà donner une interprétation judiciaire de ceux-ci compte
tenu des points de vue opposésdes Parties, c'est ce tequestion de la déli-

mitation que la Cour étaitappelée à trancher, les Parties devant quantà
elles s'attacheà celle de la démarcation. Mais en menant cette tâche à
bien, la Cour n'a pris encompte aucun facteur auti e que les instruments. Lake Chad Basin: Effectivitésand Historical Consolidation

48. As mentioned earlier, and based on the evidence presented to the
Court by both Parties on this matter and particularly Nigeria, 1 am
strongly of the view that the issue ofeffectivitéand historical consolida-
tion ought invariably to be given consideration in this case. My reason
for saying so has been partly explained in the introductory part of this
opinion and partly in the sector on Bakassi Peninsula below. Here refer-
ence must be made to thejurisprudence of the Court, in the Frontier Dis-
pute (Burkina FasolRepublic of Mali) case, particularly in terms of the
pronouncement of the Court with regard to the position of efictivités in

relation to legal title. Thereis enough reason and justification for the
Court to take these legal principles of historical consolidation and effec-
tivitésinto consideration. It has been established that in so many areas in
Lake Chad, the Milner-Simon Declaration of 1919 with the annexed
Moisel map and the Thompson-Marchand Declaration of 1929-1930,as
confirmed by the Henderson-Fleuriau Exchange of Notes of 9 January
1931,are not sufficiently precise and in most cases inaccurate to present
a clear picture of delimitation in LakeChad. The boundary thus requires
adjustments and clarifications which can only be taken care of by effec-
tivitésand historical consolidation.

49. The Lake Chad basin isconstantly in a state of fluxas to its waters
and its inhabitants kept moving with the receding waters from time to
time. Some of the settlements and villages have been there for over
40 years. Undoubtedly, this is a situation where effectivitéhas an impor-
tant role to play. In theIsland of Palmas case, Max Huber held that the
island ought to be attributed to the Netherlands on the ground that:

"the establishment of Netherlands authority, attested also by exter-
na1signs of sovereignty, had already reached such a degree of devel-
opment that the importance of maintaining this state of things ought
to be considered as prevailing over a claim possibly based either on
discovery in very distant times and unsupported by occupation, or
on mere geographical position" (H. Lauterpacht, The Function of

Law in International Community, p. 120).

Added to al1these uncertainties in the area of Lake Chad is the fact
that there has never been any definitive delimitation, let alone demarca-
tion. A clear picture of the situation in Lake Chad is that the inhabitants
have been living at large regardless of where the boundary lies, and some

of them have been there for many years. It isprecisely a situation like this
that calls for justice in favour of these inhabitants, most of whom owe
allegiance to Ngala local government in Nigeria and their Nigerian Bula- FRONTIÈRE TERRESTRE ET MARITIME (OP.DISS.AJIBOLA) 556

Le bassin du lac Tchad - les effectivités et la cînsolidation historique

48. Ainsi que nous l'avons précédemmentind qué,et sur la base des

élémentsde preuve présentés à la Cour par les deux Parties sur ce point,
notamment par le bligéria,je suis résolument d'avisque la question des
effectivités et de la consolidation historique aurit absolument dû être
prise en considération dans cette affaire. Mes raisons sont exposéesdans
la partie introductive de la présenteopinion ainsi que, plus avant, dans la
partie consacrée à la presqu'île de Bakassi. Il con\ ient de se reporteràici
la jurisprudence de la Cour en l'affaire duDiffér~wdfrontalier (Burkina
Fu.solRépubliquedu Mali), et notamment à la ~)ositionde la Cour eu
égard la place des effectivitésenrapport avec le titre juridique. Il existe
suffisamment de raisons pour que la Cour prenne ces principes juridiques

de la consolidation historique et des effectivitéseri considération. Il a été
établique, dans de trèsnombreuses zones du lac Tchad, ni la déclaration
Milner-Simon de 1919 et la carte Moisel y annexée ni la déclaration
Thompson-Marchand de 1929-1930,telle que confirméepar l'échangede
notes Henderson-Fleuriau du 9 janvier 1931, ne <ont suffisamment pré-
cises et sont le plus souvent impropresà assurer Lne description correcte
de la délimitation dans le lac Tchad. La démarcation reauiert Dar consé-
quent des mises au point et des éclaircissementsqiie seules les effectivités
et la consolidation historiaue sont en mesure de 1)ermettre.

49. Le niveau du bassin du lac Tchad est en constante évolution,ce qui
explique que ses habitants se déplacent régulièrementen fonction de la
baisse des eaux. Certains établissements et vi1lagc:sremontent à plus de
quarante ans. Il s'agiitsans aucun doute d'une situation où les effectivités
ont un rôle important à jouer. Dans l'arbitrage rc:latà 1'11ede Palmas,
l'arbitre Max Huber a estiméque celle-ci devait êtreattribuée aux Pays-
Bas au motif que:

((l'établissement de l'autorité des Pays-Bas attesté aussi par les
signes extérieursde la souveraineté, avait déjàun tel degréde déve-
loppement, que l'importance du maintien de cet étatde choses doit
êtreconsidéréecomme l'emportant sur une éclamation éventuelle-
ment basée soit sur la découverte à une époque très reculée etnon
appuyéepar l'occupation, soit sur la simple position géographique))

(arbitrage relatifà l'/le de Palmus, Cour permanente d'arbitrage,
sentence du 4 avril 1928, Nations Unies, Recueil des sentences arbi-
trales,vol. II, p. 852 (traduction française: Ch. Rousseau, Revue
généralede dro~tinternational public, t.XLII, 1935, p. 180)).

A toutes ces incertitudes dans la régiondu lac Tchad s'ajoute le fait
qu'il n'y a jamais eu de délimitation définitive etencore moins de démar-
cation. Le fait que l'ensemble des habitants ait vécusans tenir compte de
la position de la frontière et que la présence de certains d'entre eux
remonte à de nombr~eusesannéesdécritparfaitemmt la situation dans le
lac Tchad. C'est précisémentune situation comme celle-ci qui appelle à
l'équité en faveurde ces habitants, dont la majorité estime relever demas (chiefs). This spread of inhabitants in Lake Chad is not unusual, we
have similar examples in the area of the land boundary between Nigeria
and Cameroon where, for example, in the Nigerian village of Koja, the
Nigerian inhabitants have spread over into the Cameroonian side of the
boundary. Again, in the Cameroonian village of Turu, the inhabitants
have spread into the Nigerian territory. The Court in its wisdom has

decided to allow the Parties to resolve these incursions themselves bv
peaceful settlement. The arbitrator in the Island of Palmas case estab-
lished the general rules which ought to guide the judge in deciding
matters of this nature by weighing the relative merits of the titles claimed.
He said:

"International law, like law in general, has the object of assuring
the coexistence of different interests which are worthy of legal pro-
tection. If, as in the present instance, only one of two conflicting
interests is to prevail, because sovereignty can be attributed to but
one of the Parties, the interest which involves the maintenance of a
state of things having offered at the critical time to the inhabitants of
the disputed territory, and to other States, a certain guarantee for
the respect of their rights ought, in doubt, to prevail over an interest
which - supposing it to be recognized in international law - has

not yet received any concrete form of development." (H. Lauter-
pacht, op. cit., pp. 119-120.)
In my view, this statement of Max Huber is reflected in the Frontier Dis-
pute (Burkina FasolRepublic of Mali) case, that:

"ln the event that the effectivité does not co-exist ioith any legal
title, it must invariably be taken into consideration. Finally, there are
cases where the legal title is not capable of showing exactly the ter-
ritorial expanse to which it relates. The eflectivitéscan then play an
essential role in showing how the title is interpreted in practice."

(1.C.J. Reports 1986, p. 587,para. 63 ; emphasis added.)

50. In this particular case therefore, it is ejyectivité that can assist in
fully complementing the content of the legal title. This definitely is not a
case of ejyectivitécontra legem, but one that must invariably be given rec-
ognition and consideration. Quite patently, the Frontier Dispute (Burkina

FasolRepublic of Mali) case is the authority on this point. The Court
cannot interpret a part of paragraph 63 of the Judgment in that case, and
leave the other part uninterpreted. After all, Cameroon in effect accepted
the overwhelming evidence of eflectivitksput forward by Nigeria.
51. Nigeria strongly and extensively pinpoints the obvious deficiencies
in many of these instruments. Cameroon also agrees with many of the
deficiencies as highlighted by Nigeria. One example is the Moisel map asl'autorité des pouvoirs locaux de Ngala au Nigéra et de celle des Bula-
mus (chefs) nigérians. Cette tendance des habiiants du lac Tchad à
étendre leur emprise territoriale n'est pas inhabituelle: il existe des
exemples similaires dans le secteur terrestre de la iTontièreentre le Nigé-

ria et le Cameroun ou, par exemple, dans le village de Koja au Nigéria,
les habitants nigérians ont débordédu côté cainerounais de la fron-
tière. De la mêmefaçon, dans le village camerouliais de Turu, les habi-
tants se sont étendu:;en territoire nigérian. La Cour, dans sa sagesse, a
décidéde permettre aux Parties de résoudre elle:;-mêmes cessituations
par un règlement pacifique. Dans l'arbitrage rel<rtifà l'lle de Palmas,

l'arbitre a poséles règlesgénéralesqui doivent permettre aux juges de se
prononcer dans des affaires de cette nature en pesant les mérites res-
pectifs des titres invoqués. Selon lui:

((Le droit international, comme tout le droit en général, apour
objet d'assurer la coexistence des différents iitérêtsqui sont dignes
de protection juridique. S'ils'agit, comme dans l'instance actuelle, de
ne faire prévaloiirqu'un seul des deux intérêt3 en conflit, puisque la
souveraineté ne peut être attribuée qu'à l'me des deux Parties,

l'intérêqt ui implique le maintien d'un état di: choses ayant offert à
l'époque critique aux habitants du territoire contesté et aux autres
Etats une certaine garantie pour le respect de leurs droits doit,
dans le doute, l'emporter sur un intérêtq~i - à supposer qu'il
doive être reconnu en droit international -- n'a pas encore reçu
une forme concrète de développement.» (Ibitl)

Selon moi, l'arrêt rendu en l'affaire du Dzfférertdfrontalier (Burkina
FasolRépublique du Muli) fait parfaitement écho à cette déclaration de
Max Huber:

«Durz.sl'éventualitéou l'«effectivité» ne coexiste avec aucun titre
juridique, elle doit inévitablement être prisecpnconsidération. Il est

enfin des cas où le titre juridique n'est pas de nature à faire appa-
raître de façon précisel'étendue territoriale siir laquelle il porte. Les
cefY;Jctivités»peuvent alors jouer un rôle essentiel pour indiquer
comment le titre est interprétédans la pratique. » (C.I. J. Recueil
1986, p. 587, par. 63; les italiques sont de moi.)

50. Dans la présente instance, ce sont par consécuent les effectivitésqui
peuvent venir compléter le contenu du titre juridique. Il ne s'agit manifes-
tement pas là d'effectivitéscontra legem, mais d'effixtivitésqui ne peuvent

qu'êtrereconnues et prises en compte. L'affaire (lu DiJférendfrontalier
(Burkina F~zso/Rkpuhliquedu Mali) fait indiscuta1)lement autorité sur ce
point. La Cour ne saurait interpréter qu'une parti.: du paragraphe 63 de
l'arrêtrendu en cette affaire. Après tout, le Camc:roun n'a pas résistéà
l'écrasante valeurprobante des effectivitésmises e i avant par le Nigéria.
51. Le Nigérian'a eu de cesse d'insister sur les insuffisances présentées

par beaucoup de ces instruments. Le Cameroun reconnaît nombre de ces
insuffisances relevéespar le Nigéria. Un exemple en est la carte Moiselwell as the map attached to the 1931 Declaration. Another problematic
area is the mouth of the Ebeji. The difficulties encountered by the LCBC
throughout the duration of their work on the Lake Chad boundary is not
unconnected with the problems of inaccuracies, uncertainties and incon-
gruities when it comes to delimitation and demarcation.

52. The role of effectivité which deals majorly with the conduct and
practice of the parties and has its legal basis founded on some of the pro-
visions of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties of 1969, par-
ticularly its paragraph 31, has as its advantage, the need to ensure stabil-
ity along the boundaries of two States. Short of invalidating a legal title

that bears no relation to the situation on the ground, effectivitécomes in
to play the role of sustaining complementarily the boundary based on the
practice and conduct of the parties over the years which, in effect, is simi-
lar to the principle of uti possidetis juris (defacto).Consequently, effec-
tivitécomes in to adjust, Varyor amend such boundary as may be struc-
turally established by the legal title.
53. This view is not strange to the Court. Apart from certain infer-
ences made by it on a similar matter in the KusikililSedudu Island (Bot-
swanalNumibiu) case, an illustration of such a principle was made in the
Advisory Opinion of 1971in the case concerning the Legal Consequences
for States of the Continued Presence of'South Africa in Namihiu (South
West Africa) notwithstunding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970),
where the Court States :

"This procedure followed by the Security Council, which has con-
tinued unchanged after the amendment in 1965 of Article 27 of the
Charter, has been generally accepted by Members of the United
Nations and evidences a general practice of that Organization."
(I.C.J. Reports 1971, p. 22, para. 22.)

54. Similarly, in 1962, the Court had another opportunity to pro-
nounce on the conduct and practice of the parties with regard to a map
which the Court considered to have been accepted as the outcome of the
work on delimitation between Cambodia and Thailand in the case con-
cerning the Temple of Preah Vihear. In that case the Court decided that :

"Thailand in 1908-1909did accept the Annex 1map as representing
the outcome of the work of delimitation, and hence recognized the
line on that map as being the frontier line, the effect of which is to
situate Preah Vihear in Cambodian territory. The Court considers
further that, looked at as a whole, Thailand's subsequent conduct
confirms and bears out her original acceptance, and that Thailand's
acts on the ground do not suffice to negative this. Both Parties, by
their conduct, recognized the line and thereby in effect agreed to

regard it as being the frontier line."(I.C.J. Reports 1962, pp. 32-33;
emphasis added.)ainsi que la carte jointeà la déclaration de 1931. Un autre problème est
celui posé par la région de l'embouchure de 1'Ebedji. Les difficultés
éprouvéespar la CBLT pendant ses travaux sur la frontière dans le lac
Tchad ne sont pas isans rapport avec les inexactitudes, incertitudes et
incongruités quisurgissent lorsqu'il s'agit de procéder àla délimitationet
à la démarcation.
52. L'intérêt deseffectivité- sous forme, essentiellement, du compor-
tement et de la pratique des Parties-, intérêd tont le fondement juridique
est constitué par certaines des dispositions de la convention de Vienne sur
le droit des traités de1969,en particulier le paragraphe 31, est d'assurer la

stabilitédes frontière:; entredeux Etats. Sans aller~squ'àinvalider un titre
juridique qui n'a aucun rapport avec la situation siir le terrain, les effecti-
vitésinterviennent pour jouer un rôle de confirmation complémentaire de
la frontièresur la base de la pratique et du comportement des Parties au fil
des ans, ce qui les rapproche du principeutipossidetis juris (defacto).Par
conséquent,les effectivitésinterviennent pour adapter, modifier ou amen-
der une frontière stru.cturellementétabliepar un tiire juridique.
53. Ce point de vue n'est pas nouveau pour la COur.En dehors de cer-
taines conclusions qui'elleen a tiréesdans une situ2~tionsimilaire, l'affaire
de I'Zle de Kasikilil:iedudu,elle avait déjà illustréce principe en 1971
dans son avis consultatif sur les Conséquencesju:idiques pour les Etuts
de la présence continue de l'Afrique du Sud en Namibie (Sud-Ouest

ufricuin) nonobstant lu résolution 276 (1970) du Conseil de sécurité, en
déclarant :
«La procédure suivie par le Conseil de sécurité,qui est demeurée
inchangéeaprès l'amendement apporté à l'article 27 de la Charte en

1965, a été généralemenatcceptée par les Membres des Nations
Unies et constitue la preuve d'une pratique i,énéralede I'Organisa-
tion.» (C.I.J. Recueil 1971, p. 22, par. 22.)

54. De même, en11962l,a Cour a eu une autre occasion de se pronon-
cer sur le cornportenlent et la pratique des Partie; à l'égardd'une carte
dont elle a considéri: qu'elleavait été acceptée à l'issue des travaux de
délimitation réalisésentre le Cambodge et la Thaïlande dans l'affaire du
Ternple de Préah Viliéur. Dans cette affaire, la Cour a décidéque:

«En 1908-1909la Thaïlande a bien acceptt- la carte de l'annexe 1
comme représentant le résultatdes travaux de délimitationet a ainsi
reconnu la ligne tracéesur cette carte comme étantla frontière dont
l'effet estde situerréahVihéardans le territoire du Cambodge. La
Cour estime d'autre part que, considéréeclans son ensemble, la
conduite ultérieure de la Thaïlande a confirmé et corroboré son
acceptation initiale et que lesactes accomplis par la Thaïlandesur les
lieux n'ont pas suffi à lunnuler. Les deux Parties ont par leur
conduite reconnu la ligne et, par là même,elles sont effectivement
convenues de la considérercommeétantla frontière. » (C.Z.J.Recueil
1962, p. 32-33; llesitaliques sont de moi).In this case, Nigeria relies very heavily on effectivitésto justify its claim
over the 33 villages mentioned in its Counter-Memorial and filed bundles
of documents in support of it, which clearly show its uninterrupted occu-
pation of such places over the years.

55. Nigeria describes with particularity that the settlements are not
heavily populated, and are headed by Bulatnas. The houses are generally
built of grass and mud. Fishing and farming are practised on the avail-
able fertile land and water. The people there are Nigerians and are pre-
dominantly of Nigerian tribes, Le., Hausa, Fulani, Kanuri, and in some
cases Ibo, Yoruba, Shuwa Arabs and Sara. They also have in some places
Malians, Cameroonians and Chadians who, even though few, also pay
community taxes to Nigerian Local Government Authorities (Ngala and
Marte Local Government Authorities).

56. According to Nigeria, some of these villages were established as
far back as 1959. Documentary evidence in support of Nigeria's ej'ec-
tivitésin the Lake Chad basin was rather overwhelming. Nigeria's activi-
ties in these villages, viz., the appointment of Bulamas, general and local
administration, health services, education, collection of taxes, holding of
elections, conducting census, proof of the affiliation of the local inhabi-
tants to Nigeria and aid to inhabitantsfor agricultural purposes were al1
heavily pleaded and presented. Nigeria claims to have carried on these
activities continuously in al1 these villages, undisturbed and uninter-
rupted by Cameroon over the years. Cameroon recognizes these facts.
Cameroon persistently referred to a "long list" of documents presented
by Nigeria. At a juncture counsel for Cameroon stated during the oral
proceedings :

"Nigeria hus presented you with a very long list of its alleged effec-
tivités.Many of them do not qualify as proper effectivités, for the
reasons 1 have already outlined and for others 1 shall mention
shortly. Still, superficially, it is a lolist .ameroon's is shorter.
Deliberately so, however." (CR 200214(Mendelson), p. 45, para. 23;
emphasis added.)

57. In Cameroon's presentation of its own effectivités, it claims that
Nigeria occupies 18Cameroonian villages. Most of the claims and activi-
ties of Cameroon date from about 1983-1987.Cameroon has visited only
12 of these villages between 1982and 1990.It claims to have carried out
a census in 1983in 14villages including Sagir, which it admits belongs to
Nigeria. Cameroon claims to have collected taxes from eight villages
between 1983and 1993.It also claims to have designated chiefs in 12vil-
lages. Although Cameroon did not claim to have held elections in any of
the villages, nevertheless it claims to have installed polling stations in six
villages, conducted election tours in four villages and given notice ofec-
tions in seven villages. Cameroon further claims to have been in controlEn la présenteespèce,le Nigériase fonde très lardement sur les effectivi-
téspour étayersa revendication concernant trente-trois villagesmention-
nésdans son contre-mémoire: la masse de docuinents au'il a dé~osés à
l'appui fait clairement ressortir une occupation ininterrompue de ces
localitéssur des périodesde plusieurs années.
55. Le Nigériadécriten détailces hameaux faiblement peuplés,ayant

à leur tête des Bui'amas (chefs). Les huttes sont généralementfaites
d'herbe et de terre.Les terres fertiles, les riches étvndueslacustres y auto-
risent la pratique de l'agriculture et de la pêche.population, nigériane,
appartient surtout a des tribus nigérianes, c'est-à-dire haoussa, fulani,
kanuri et, dans certains cas, ibo, yoruba, arabes shuwa et Sara. On y
trouve également desMaliens, des Camerounais et des Tchadiens qui,
bien que peu nombreux, versent aussi des impô s locaux aux autorités
nigérianes (collectivités localesde Ngala et Marte).
56. Selon le Nigéria, l'existence de certains de ces villages remonteà
1959. Les élémentsde preuve documentaires présentés à l'appui des
effectivitésdu Nigéi-iadans le bassin du lac Tcf ad sont écrasants. Les

activitésdu Nigériadans ces villages - nomination de Bulamas, admi-
nistration généraleet locale, services de santé,in:,truction publique, col-
lecte des impôts, organisation des élections etrecimsements -, ainsi que
les preuves de l'affiliation deshabitants au Nigériaet de l'aide accordée
à l'agriculture, ont toutes étélonguement plaidées et présentées. Le
Nigéria affirme qu'il a exercéces activités de manière continue dans
l'ensemble de ces villages, sans intervention ni interruption de la part du
Cameroun au courij des ans. Le Cameroun lui-mêmeen convient. Il
a constamment évoqué une((longue liste)) de documents présentés
par le Nigéria. Le conseildu Cameroun a mêmedéclaréau cours de la
plaidoirie:

«le Nigéria volts a soumis une très longue liste de ses prétendues
effectivités.Noimbre d'entre elles ne présent~ntpas le caractère de
véritableseffectivitéspour les raisons que j'ai déjàénoncéeset pour
d'autres quej'évoqueraidans un instant. Leur liste n'en demeure pas
moins longue, du moins en apparence. Celle quefournit le Cameroun

est plus courte-- mais c'est là chose délibéree . (CR 200214,p. 45,
par. 23 (Mendelson); les italiques sont de moi.)
57. Lorsque le Cilmeroun fait état de ses pro xes effectivités,il pré-
tend que le Nigériaoccupe dix-huit villages camei.ounais. La plupart des
revendications et activitésdu Cameroun datent de 1983 à 1987environ.

Le Cameroun n'a viisitéque douze de ces village; entre 1982 et 1990. Il
prétend avoir effectué un recensement en1983dans quatorze villages, y
compris Sagir, dont il reconnaît qu'il appartient au Nigéria. Le Came-
roun prétend avoir perçu des impôts auprès de huit villages entre 1983et
1993. Il affirme aussi avoir désignéles chefs de douze villages. Bien qu'il
n'ait prétendu avoir organisé des électionsdan: aucun des villages, il
affirme avoir installit des bureaux de vote dans six d'entre eux, effectué
des tournées électoi-alesdans quatre villages et annoncé les électionsof markets, thereby banning illegal trading in four villages, and distrib-
uted provisions to nine villagesin 1985.Cameroon intervened through its
gendarmeri eetween 1984and 1986in three criminal cases in three vil-
lages, and in 1982 organized cultural and folk activities in four villages.
However, Cameroon concedes that six of these villages are actually
within Nigerian territory; these are: Koloram, Sabon Tumbu, Jribril-
laram, Doron Mallam, Kirta Wulgo and Sagaya.

58. From the above report it can be seen that Cameroon'effectivités
are admittedly very scanty, few, vague, mostly unsubstantiated and
restricted to a limited period and cannot be compared with the over-
whelming evidence of ejyectivi presented by Nigeria before the Court.
As Cameroon pointed out, Nigeria's claim to the 33 villages and the
justification foruch a claim based on effectiv istél1 contained in
Nigeria's pleadings. Nigeriaeffectivi anéshistorical consolidation in
Lake Chad are sufficientlysignificant to be accorded recognition. But the
Court unfortunately rejects al1these claims.

59. It will be necessary in this opinion to dwell on another angle
concerning the issue of title which Cameroon is relying on. Counsel for
Cameroon added at the oral proceedings:
"For the legal reasons have already put before you Cameroon,

as the party with the title, needs to prove very little (if anything) by
way of corroboration of its title. Soit has deliberately refrained from
playing Nigeria's game, considering itquite inappropriate to go
down the path of amassing one example after another." (CR 200214
(Mendelson), p. 45, para.3.)

1wish to refer to yet another admission by Cameroon with regard to the
overwhelming evidence of effectiv iresented by Nigeria before the
Court, where counsel for Cameroon stated:
"So it will not do for Nigeria to pile up instance after instance of
allegedeffectivi téone pan of the scales, so to speak, and then

point out that Cameroon has cited fewer. The law requires this
Court to tilt the scales of justice in favour of the title-holder, and it
will require a great deal to displace that(Ibide..39, para.11.)

Here again Cameroon can be faulted with regard to its so-called "legal

title" and its claim as "title-holder". In the first case, it must be clear that
the effectivi oféNigeria in the Lake Chad basin is not meant to displace
the conventional titlElfectiv istéresented by Nigeria in this case will
only Vary or adjust the conventional title boundary. It will not tilt the
scale of justice one way or the other, but merely recognizes the that
by the acts of the Parties through their conduct and practice they have FRONTIÈRE TERRESTRE ET MARITIME (OP.DISS.AJIBOLA) 560

dans sept villages. Le Cameroun prétend aussi qu'il contrôle les marchés,

interdisant ainsi le:; commerces illicites dans quatre villages, et qu'il
aurait distribué des vivres à neuf villages en 1985. Le Cameroun est
intervenu dans trois affaires d'ordre pénalpar l'intermédiairede sa gen-
darmerie dans trois villages entre 1984et 1986; eii 1982,il a organisédes
activités culturellesirtfolkloriques dans quatre villages. Il reconnaît tou-
tefois que six de ces villages se trouvent en fait sur le territoire nigérian,
à savoir: Koloram, Sabon Tumbu, Jribrillaram Doron Mallan, Kirta
Wulgo et Sagaya.
58. De ce qui précède,il ressort que les effecti\ritésdu Cameroun sont
en effettrèssommaires, rares, vagues, non confirinéespour la plupart, et
restreintesà une périodelimitée,et qu'elles ne saliraient se comparer aux

effectivités considériiblesque le Nigériaa présenées à la Cour. Comme
l'a fait observer le Cameroun, la revendication du Nigériaconcernant les
trente-trois villages et lajustification de cette reveridication, fondéesur les
effectivités,ont toutes étéexposéesdans les plaijoiries du Nigéria. Les
effectivitéset la consolidation historique du titre du Nigéria dans le lac
Tchad sont suffisamment importantes pour êtreri:connues. Mais la Cour
rejette malheureusernent toutes ces revendication:;.
59. Il convient ici de revenir sur un autre élémentde la question du
titre sur lequel s'appuie le Cameroun. Le conseil (lu Cameroun a indiqué
lors des plaidoiries:

«Pour les raisons d'ordre juridique que je ~~ousai déjàexposées,le
Cameroun, en :;a qualité de détenteurdu titie, a très peu à prouver
(si tant est qu'il ait quelque chose prouver) pour corroborer celui-
ci. C'est pourquoi il s'est délibérément gaidé de jouer le jeu du
Nigéria,jugeant totalement hors de propos d'aligner comme lui un

exemple après l'autre.» (CR 200214,p. 45, pu. 23 (Mendelson).)
Mais, je voudrais rappeler un autre aveu de la part du conseil du Came-
roun au sujet du poildsécrasantdes effectivitésprésentées à la Cour par le
Nigéria :

«Par conséquent, il ne suffira pas au Nigiria d'entasser exemple
sur exemple de prétendues effectivitésdans un des plateaux de la
balance, pour aiinsidire, puis de faire remarquer que ceux qu'apporte
le Cameroun sont moins nombreux. Le droit exigede la Cour qu'elle
fasse pencher la balance de lajustice en faveur du titulaire du titre, et
il faudra beaucoup peser sur le fléaupour dr:placer ce titre))(Ibid.,

p. 39, par. 11.)
Le Cameroun ne peut, là encore, manquer d'être prisen défaut quant
a ses prétentions à être«titulaire» d'un «titre juridique)). Tout d'abord,
il doit êtrebien clair que les effectivités du Nigér,adans le bassin du lac
Tchad ne sont pas censées remplacer le titre conv~:ntionnel. Les effectivi-

tésdont le Nigériafait étaten la présente espèceii'auraient eu pour effet
que de modifier ou rlcctifierla frontiére tellequ'établiepar le titre conven-
tionnel. Elles n'auraient pas fait pencher la balance de la justice dans un"recognized" the necessary adjustments in an otherwise inaccurate con-
ventional title boundary.

60. It is true that in this area of Lake Chad (as well as in the Bakassi
Peninsula), Cameroon has fewer evidence of eflctivité.This presumably
isbecause they have never occupied these areas which Nigeria has proved
to be under its occupation al1 along. However, and quite erroneously,

Cameroon is relying on what it terms "legal title" by referring to itself as
"title-holder".

61. Again, Cameroon gives the impression of being a title-holder,
which it has repeated many times. Cameroon has referred to al1those
relevant instruments as the exclusivedeciding factor in this case. Nigeria
equally presents its case in a similar manner to that of Cameroon.
Nigeria accepts in principle that al1those instruments are relevant to the
determination of the delimitation and demarcation of the Lake Chad
basin, but, in addition, Nigeria says that this boundary described by inac-
curate maps and incomplete or defective instruments must be interpreted
in order to give an effective and legal boundary delimitation. Further-
more, Nigeria contends that other principles of delimitation must be
taken into consideration as decided by the Chamber of this Court in the
Frontier Dispute (Burkina FasolRepublic of Mali) case. Hence, Nigeria
is saying that historical consolidation and effectivitéare al1relevant fac-

tors that are to be taken into consideration in the interpretation of the
delimitation of the Lake Chad Basin. Contrary to the decision of the
Court, this effectivitéwill serve a corrective or amending role in this case
by modification, adjustment and variation as the case may be in al1the
relevant places.
62. In other words, the position of Nigeria could simply be perceived
thus: that despite the endorsement of al1the relevant instruments and
declarations in the early part of the twentieth century, movement of
people within and around the Lake Chad area has never been static. In
the absence of any conclusive and proper delimitation and demarcation
in these places, settlements have been recognized by both Parties and this
must be read into these instruments, if the same have to be interpreted in
the year 2002, a period of well over 80 years. The Court must recognize
the status quo ante in order to do justice and steer a path of peace and
stability of relations in theregion.

63. As regards the Bakassi Peninsula (including the land boundary),
the Court relies on

the two agreements between Great Britain and Germany dated
(11 March 1913and 12 April 1913respectively); FRONTIÈRE TERRESTRE ET MARITIME (OP. DISS.AJIBOLA) 561

sens ou dans l'autri:, mais simplement conduit à reconnaître que, par
leurs actes, leur comportement et leur pratique, les Parties -avaient
«reconnu» l'ajusterrient qu'ily avait lieu d'apporter à une frontière issue
d'un titre conventioinnel qui aurait, sinon, étéinexacte.
60. Il est bien vrai que, dans cette zone du lac l'chad (ainsi que dans la
presqu'île de Bakassi), le Cameroun a moins d'élémentsde preuve d'effec-
tivités,ce qui sans (doute s'explique par le fait qu'il n'a jamais occupé

toutes ces régions,d~ontle Nigériaa prouvé qu'il1:s avait lui-même occu-
péespendant toute cette période. Cependant, et parfaitement à tort, le
Cameroun se fonde sur ce qu'il appelle le ((titre juridique)) en se quali-
fiant de ((titulaireu titre».
61. Encore une fois, le Cameroun donne l'imp-ession d'êtredétenteur
d'un titre. 11l'a souvent répétéI.l a présentéces instruments pertinents
comme constituant le seul facteur décisifen 1'espèc;eL.'argumentation du
Nigéria n'estpas éloignéede cette stratégie du Cameroun. Le Nigéria
admet en principe que tous ces instruments sont pertinents pour la déli-
mitation et la démarcation du bassin du lac Tcliad, mais il ajoute que
cette frontière,reprksentée par des cartes inexactes et des descriptions
incomplètes ou erronées, doit être interprétée afin de produire une déli-

mitation de frontière valide. Le Nigéria affirme en outre que d'autres
principes de délimitation doivent être prisen considération, ainsi que la
Chambre de cette Cour en avait décidédans l'affaire du Différendfron-
talier (Burkina FasolRépublique du Mali). Il fiit donc valoir que la
consolidation historiaue et les effectivitéssont alitant de facteurs ~erti-
nents qui doivent être pris en compte pour l'interprétation dela délimita-
tion du territoire du lac Tchad. Contrairement a ;e au'a décidéla Cour.
ces effectivitésvaient un rôle rectificatià jouer en la présenteespèce,ce
aui se serait traduit iJar des modifications. des rectifications ou des amen-
dements, seion ies clis, partout où ily avait lieu tle le faire.
62. Autrement dit, la position du Nigériapeut se résumerainsi: malgré
l'adoption, au débutdu XXe siècle, des diversinstrumentset déclarations

pertinents, les populations dans la région du lzc Tchad et autour de
celui-ci n'ont jamais étéstatiques. En l'absence d'une délimitation et
d'une démarcation adéquates et concluantes dans cette zone, des villages
ont étéreconnus par les deux Parties. et ce fait de{ait être prisen compte
dans l'interprétatiori de ces instruments en 200:!, soit plus de quatre-
vingts ans après. La Cour devait reconnaître le itatu yuo si elle voulait
faire preuve d'équiti:et emprunter la voie menant vers la paix et la sta-
bilité desrelations dans la région.

63. S'agissant de la presqu'île de Bakassi (et noamment de la frontière
terrestre), la Cour se fonde sur:

les deux accord:; conclus entre la Grande-Bretagne et l'Allemagne
(l'un datant du 1 1 mars 1913, l'autre du 12 a~ril 1913);- the 1946Order in Council;
- the Yaoundé Declaration of 14 August 1970;

- the Kano Agreement of September 1974;
- the Maroua Declaration of June 1975;
- the Yaoundé II Declaration of 4 April 1987;
- the League of Nations Mandate Agreements; and

- the United Nations Trusteeship Agreements.

64. In its Judgment, particularly in paragraph 325 III (A), (B) and (C),

the Court fails to take into consideration the situation on the ground in
the Bakassi Peninsula, despite the fact that no one is left in doubt that at
the moment this territory, and indeed since independence, is occupied
and firmly in possession of Nigeria and inhabited by Nigerian people;
hence my reason for voting against the decision of the Court. This is an
artificial decision that fails blatantly to take into consideration, contrary
to al1the accepted principles of international law and practice, that effec-
tivitésmust invariably be given consideration in a matter of this nature.

Furthermore, the Court fails to take into account the submission of
Nigeria based on historical consolidation, which the Court now refers to
as mere theory. It is my strong view that, if the principle of historical con-
solidation is a theory, it is one that the Court, over the years in its judg-
ments (as will be shown later), has given its approval and support. The
decision of the Court, in my view, is rather a political decision than a
legal one.

65. Both Cameroon and Nigeria present very strong arguments over
their respective claims to the Bakassi Peninsula and both urge the Court
to "adjudge and declare" that sovereignty over the Bakassi Peninsula
belongs to it. In itsApplication instituting the proceedings (para. 20 (a)),
Cameroon asks the Court "to adjudge and declare: that sovereignty over
the Peninsula of Bakassi is Cameroonian, by virtue of international law,
and that that Peninsula is an integral part of the territory of Cameroon".
In its pleadings, Nigeria requests the Court "as to the Bakassi Peninsula

. .. to adjudge and declare that sovereignty over the Peninsula . . .is
vested in the Republic of Nigeria" (Counter-Mernorial of Nigeria, Vol. III,
Submissions, p. 834).

66. Cameroon's case virtually stands on one leg, which it strongly pre-
sented, to the effect that what governs this claim is no other legal instru-
ment than the Agreement of 11 March 1913 concluded between Great
Britain and Germany. Ttconsiders the other leg of its argument, which is

uti possidetis juris and ejfectivitt., to be secondary and supportive of its
main claim. Cameroon bases its view on what it perceives as the position
of international law in relation to treaties, relying very heavily on the
Judgment of the Chamber of the Court in the case of the Frontier Dis-
pute (Burkina FusolRepublic of Mali), particularly its paragraph 63 FRONTIÈRE TERRESTRE ET MARITIME (OP. DISS.AJIBOLA)

- l'ordonnance adioptéeen conseil de 1946;
- la déclaration de Yaoundé en date du 14 aoirt 1970;
- l'accord de Kano de septembre 1974;
- la déclaration de Maroua de juin 1975;

- la déclaration de «Yaoundé II» en date du 4 avril 1987;
- les accords de mandat conclus dans le cadre dc:la Société desNations;
et
- les accords de tutelle conclus dans le cadre d':s Nations Unies.

64. Dans son arrêt,et en particulier aux paragraphes 325 III A) B) et
C) de celui-ci, la Cour négligede tenir compte dc:la situation concrète à
Bakassi, bien qu'il ne subsiste aucun doute qumt au fait qu'à l'heure
actuelle, et d'ailleurs depuis l'indépendance, ce telritoire est occupépar le

Nigéria, qu'il se trouve indiscutablement en sa possession, et qu'il est
habité par des Nigérians; telle est la raison pour laquelle j'ai votécontre
la décisionde la Cour. Il s'agit là d'une décision artificiellequi, contrai-
rement à tous les principes généralementreconnus du droit international

et de la pratique de!;Etats, méconnaît totalement le fait que les effectivi-
tés doivent toujours êtreprises en compte daris des affaires de cette
nature. La Cour ne prend pas davantage en considération la consolida-
tion historique plaidéepar le Nigéria, qu'elle ravale maintenant au rang

de simple théorie. Mais je ne crois pas me tromper en affirmant que, si le
principe de la consolidation historique n'est qu'urie théorie,c'en est pour-
tant une que la Cour n'a cessé,au fil des ans, d'ivaliser et de confirmer
dans ses arrêts(con-imeil sera démontrépar la si ite). Selon moi, la déci-
sion de la Cour est d'ordre davantage politique que juridique.

65. Le Cameroun et le Nigéria avancent l'un comme l'autre de très
solides arguments à l'appui de leurs demandes respectives concernant la
presqu'île de Bakassi. Ils prient tous les deux la Cour de «dire et juger))
que la souveraineté sur la presqu'île de Bakassi I1:urappartient. Dans sa

requête introductive d'instance (par. 20 a)), le Cameroun demande à la
Cour «de dire et juger ...que la souveraineté sur la presqu'île de Bakassi
est camerounaise, el1vertu du droit international, et que cette presqu'île
fait partie intégrante du territoire de la République du Cameroun)). Dans
ses pièces,le Nigériademande quant à lui à la Ccur, «en ce qui concerne

la presqu'île de Balcassi, de dire et juger ... que la souveraineté sur la
presqu'île ... appartient à la République fédéraledu Nigérian (contre-
mémoire du Nigéria~v ,ol. III, conclusions, p. 834).
66. La thèse du Cameroun, comme l'a réaffirn-é avec force celui-ci, ne

repose pour ainsi dire que sur un pilier unique: le traitédu 11 mars 1913
conclu par la Grande-Bretagne et l'Allemagne, le seul instrument juri-
dique à l'appui de sa thèse. 11estime que l'autre ~ilier de sa thèse, consti-
tué par l'uti possideti,~juris et les effectivités, est secondaire et n'est là

que pour confirmer ses arguments principaux. Le Cameroun fonde son
opinion sur ce qui est à ses yeux la position d~ droit international au
regard des traités, et s'appuie très largement s lr l'arrêt rendu par la
Chambre de la Cour en l'affaire du Differend fri~ntalier (Burkina Fasol563 LAND AND MARITIME BOUNDARY (DISS .P. AJIBOLA)

(Z.C. Je.ports1986, p. 586). Cameroon strongly contends that once it
can lay claim to a legal title, then as title-holder, the Bakassi Peninsula is
part of its territory. In particular, it relies mainly on Articles XVIII-XXII
of the Agreement of 11March 1913. Quite obviously, Cameroon's case is
not strong on effectivi tésich will be examined later), and hence it

stands or falls mainly on its claim to legal title, which the Court, in my
view, upholds, quite erroneously.

67. Nigeria rests its own case on four legs: first, it claims original title
evidenced by the Treaty of 1884 between Great Britain and the Kings
and Chiefs of Old Calabar; second, it relies very heavily oejfectivités,
which it overwhelmingly substantiates; third, it claims the long and un-
interrupted occupation and administration of the Bakassi Peninsula, as
indicating the pattern of "conduct and practice" of the Partiesvolving
historical consolidation; and, fourth, Nigeria also claims title to the
peninsula based on the acquiescence by Cameroon over many years.

68. The case presented by Cameroon to the Court is that the Agree-
ment of 11 March 1913 between Great Britain and Germany is not only
significant but that it is the Agreement that determined the boundary of
the Bakassi Peninsula, ceding it to Germany. As far as Cameroonis con-
cerned, it is the 1913Agreement that ultimately determines the boundary
although, according to Cameroon, there were a series of agreements
before that date locating the boundary at theouth of the Rio del Rey.
These agreements are dated 29 April 1885,27 July 1886, 1July 1890and
15 November 1893. Cameroon States further that the Agreement of
16April 1901 is of considerable significancebecause it was the first time
that the boundary was located on the Akwayafe River, thus placing the
Bakassi Peninsula within German territory. Nigeria disagrees with this
view and strongly denies that the 1901 Agreement ever changed the
boundary from the Rio del Rey to the mouth of the Akwayafe. What

counsel for Nigeriasaid during the oral proceedings about the 1901Agree-
ment is that:
"Far from these propositions being accepted 'without hesitation',
theycal1for the utmost hesitation. As a fact, the two Governments
did not reach agreement on those matters. And in law, no mere pro-
posals or reports, no agreements which have not entered into force,

can be held to constitute an acknowledgment of, or agreement to,
whatever it is that is being proposed. What the local officiais in
Nigeria and Cameroon may have agreed was, when referred back to
these capitals, not approved by their Governments." (CR 200218
(Watts), p. 53, para. 62.)

69. It appears to me that Nigeria is right on this point, because,

according to Cameroon's pleadings regarding the Protocol of theRkpuhlique du Mali), en particulier sur son paragraphe 63 (C.1.J. Recueil
1986, p. 586). Il soutient avec insistance que le fzit de pouvoir se préva-
loir d'un titrejuridique l'autorise, dèslors qu'il en est le titulaire, à consi-
dérer la presqu'île dle Bakassi comme faisant partie de son territoire. Il

invoaue surtout les articles XVIII à XXII du tratté du 11 mars 1913. A
l'évidence, la thèsedu Cameroun se fonde moins sur les effectivités(qui
seront examinées plus tard), et repose donc principalement sur sa reven-
dication d'un titre juridique. Que la Cour ait conf rmé son titre constitue,
selon moi. une sravi- erreur.
"
67. La thèse du bligériarepose quant à elle sur quatre piliers: premiè-
rement, le titre originel, qu'il prétend déteniraux termes du traitéde 1884
conclu par la Grande-Bretagne et les rois et cbefs du Vieux-Calabar;
deuxièmement, les effectivités qu'il invoque abondamment avec des
preuves écrasantes à l'appui; troisièmement, I'occlpation et I'administra-
tion, anciennes et ininterrompues, de la presqu'île ce Bakassi, attestant une

((conduiteet pratiquie)) systématique des Parties, c:tnotamment la conso-
lidation historique; et, quatrièmement, l'acquiescement du Cameroun à
la présence du Nigériasur la presqu'île pendant de nombreuses années.
68. La thèse exposéepar le Cameroun devant la Cour est que le traité
du 11 mars 1913 conclu par la Grande-Bretagne t.t l'Allemagne non seu-
lement est déterminant, mais encore délimite la ~resqu'île de Bakassi en

opérant sa cession à1l'Allemagne. Pour le Cameioun, c'est ce traité qui
détermine de manière définitive la frontière, bien que, selon lui, il ait été
précédé d'une séried'accords plaçant la frontière à l'embouchure du Rio
del Rey, accords qui datent du 29 avril 1885, du 27 juillet 1886, du
1" juillet 1890et du 15novembre 1893.Le Camer 3un fait en outre obser-
ver que l'accord du 16 avril 1901 revêt uneimportance considérable, en

tant qu'il fut le premier à situer la frontière l'embouchure de la rivière
Akwayafé, plaçant ainsi la presqu'île de Bakassi en territoire allemand.
Le Nigéria réfute ce point de vue et conteste vhrement que l'accord de
1901 ait déplacéla frontière de I'en~bouchure du Rio del Rey à celle de
1'Akwayafé.Voici l'argumentation développéep;lr le Nigéria lors de la
procédure orale à propos de l'accord de 1901:

«Loin de pouvoir être acceptées «sans hi:sitation», ces affirma-

tions réclament un maximum d'hésitation. Ilans les faits, les deux
gouvernements n'ont pas abouti à un accord sur ces questions. Et en
droit, on ne peut considérer que de simples propositions, de simples
rapports, ou encore des accords non entrés cn vigueur reviennent à
reconnaître tacitement ce qui est proposé ou à y adhérer. Quelles
qu'aient étéles dispositions arrêtéesd'un commun accord par les

autorités locales au Nigéria et au Cameroun, quand elles ont été
transmises aux deux capitales, elles n'ont pzs étéapprouvées, par
aucun des deux gouvernements. »(CR 200218,p. 53, par. 62, (Watts).)

69. 11me semble que le Nigériaa raison sur ce point car le Cameroun,
se référantdans ses écrituresau protocole de la c)mmission de délimita-Southern Nigeria-Cameroon Boundary Commission signed in April 1906,
which was signed by Captain Woodroffe, the then British Commissioner
and Captain Herrmann, the then German Commissioner, reference was
made to the "abortive Moor-Puttkamer Agreement of 16 April 1901"
(Memorial of Cameroon, Vol. 1,pp. 69-70, para. 2.52).
70. It seems to me that, prima facie, both Parties recognize the signifi-
cance of the Agreement of 11March 1913.However, whereas Cameroon
asserts thatal130 Articles should be given their full effect, Nigeria is ask-

ing the Court not to give any legal effect to Articles XVIII-XXII pertain-
ing to the Bakassi Peninsula.
71. The reason why Nigeria is asking the Court not to enforce the pro-
visions of Articles XVIII-XXII of the Agreement of 1913, is that it holds
an original title, which it considers to be earlier in time and, for that mat-
ter, superior to the conventional title claimed by Cameroon on this part
of the boundary. Prior est tempore, prior est jure.On the other hand, if
the Court upholds the view of Cameroon regarding the effect of these
Articles, as it does, then its effect would be that the Agreement of 1913
concerning the boundary along the Bakassi Peninsula is binding between
Great Britain and Germany. However, the view of Nigeria is that what-
ever is the effect of those Articles, it cannot bind the Kings and Chiefs of
Old Calabar and for that matter Nigeria, after independence.
72. Cameroon stated that Nigeria cannot pick and choose, and that if
the Agreement is valid and binding, it must be so as a whole, and not
truncated. Cameroon went further to state that the argument of Nigeria

with regard to the five Articles in the 1913 Agreement cannot hold,
because of the effect of the provisions of Articles 44, 60 and 62, para-
graph 2 (a), of the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties.
Although the Court declines to deal with this issue,in my opinion 1con-
sider it important that al1these Articles be examined and interpreted in
relation to the 1913 Agreement. But before this exercise can be under-
taken, 1 must refer briefly to the claim of Nigeria as regards its original
title based on the Treaty of 10 September 1884 between the Kings and
Chiefs of Old Calabar and Great Britain. The stand of Nigeria is that
Great Britain, having signed a treaty of protection with the Kings and
Chiefs of Old Calabar in 1884,was incapable of ceding the Bakassi Penin-
sula to Germany in 1913. Nigeria argues that Great Britain had neither
the right nor the capacity to do so,thatsuch transfer was invalid, nul1and
void and that Great Britain was obviously in breach of its obligations to
the Kings, Chiefs and people of Old Calabar which weremerely to "pro-
tect" them, and not to alienate their land. Nemo dut quod non hubet.

Severability of Articles XVIII-XXII of the 1913 Agreement

73. Article 62,paragraph 2 (a), of the Vienna Convention on the Law
of Treaties should be treated first. This paragraph reads: "A fundamental
change of circumstance may not be invoked as a ground for terminating
or withdrawing from a treaty." In my view, this provision is not appli-tion de la frontière entre le Cameroun et le Nigérraméridional signépar
le capitaine Woodroffe, commissaire britannique, et le capitaine Herr-
mann, commissaire allemand, a utilisé l'expressior «[tlraitéavorté Moor-
Puttkamer du 16 avril 1901 ))(mémoiredu Cameroun, livre 1, p. 69-70,
par. 2.52).
70. Il me semble qu'a première vue les Parties reconnaissent l'une et
l'autre le caractère déterminant de I'accord du 11 mars 1913. Cependant,
alors que le Cameroun fait valoir que les trente articles sont tous valides,
le Nigéria demande à la Cour de ne pas accordcr d'effet juridique aux
articles relatifà Balcassi,c'est-à-dire aux articles XVIII a XXII.

71. Si le Nigéria demande à la Cour de ne pas donner effet aux
articles XVIII àXXII de I'accord de 1913,c'estparce qu'il estle détenteur
du titre originel, lequel est selon lui antérieur et de ce fait supérieur au
titre conventionnel revendiqué par le Cameroun pour cette partie de la
frontière: prior est teinpore, prior est jure.De te que la Cour ait fait
sienne la thèse du Cameroun concernant l'effet 5 donner à ces articles,
il découle que l'accord de 1913 relatif à la froniière dans la presqu'île
de Bakassi liait la Grande-Bretagne et l'Allemagne. Pour le Nigéria,
quel que soit l'effet de ces articles, ils ne sauraient lier ni les rois et
chefs du Vieux-Calabar, ni, après l'indépendance,le Nigéria.

72. Le Cameroun affirme que le Nigériane saLrait faire un tri et que,

si letraitéest valide et obligatoire, c'estdans son ensemble et non dans sa
version tronquée. Le Cameroun ajoute que l'argument du Nigéria relatif
aux cinq articles de I'accord de 1913 ne tient pas au vu des dispositions
des articles 44, 60 et 62, paragraphe 2, alinéa a 1,de la convention de
Vienne de 1969 sur le droit des traités. Bien que II Cour refuse d'exami-
ner cette question, il importe selon moi d'exami ler et d'interpréter ces
trois articles en rapport avec I'accord de 1913.Il convient toutefois, avant
de se livrer à cet exercice, de s'arrêterbrièvement sur le titre originel
revendiqué par le Nigéria sur le fondement ju traité du 10 sep-
tembre 1884conclu ]parla Grande-Bretagne et les rois et chefs du Vieux-
Calabar. La position du Nigéria estque la Grandi:-Bretagne, ayant signé
un traitéde protection avec les rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar en 1884,ne
pouvait céder Bakassi à l'Allemagne en 1913. Le Nigéria affirmeque la

Grande-Bretagne n'avait ni le droit, ni la capacité de le faire, que cette
cession est frappée denullité, etque la Grande-Bretagne a manifestement
manqué a l'obligation dont elle était tenue vis-à-fis des rois et chefs du
Vieux-Calabar, qui était seulement de les «protisger», et non d'aliéner
leurs territoiresnenio dut quod non huhet.

Dii~isihilitt.des articles XVIII-XXIIde I'c~ccordde 1913

73. Il conviendra en premier lieu d'examine] l'alinéa a) du para-
graphe 2 de l'article152de la convention de Viennc sur le droit des traités,
qui est ainsi libellé: «[u]n changement fondamental de circonstances ne
peut pas être invoqué commemotif pour mettre fin à un traité ou pourcable to the request of Nigeria that these five Articles in the 1913Agree-
ment ought to be expunged. Nigeria is not asking for the withdrawal or
termination of the Treaty. In fact, Nigeria's position regarding the
1913 Treaty can be divided into three.

74. First, Nigeria observes that there are certain anomalies, inaccura-

cies or defects in the Agreement that need to be "cured" by the Court
through interpretation, but Nigeria does not say that these provisions, if
considered relevant in another segment, may be rendered unenforceable
or terminated.
75. Second, there is the sector of the boundary from Pillar 64 to
Pillar 114, which both Nigeria and Cameroon accept as valid and which

neither calls for withdrawal nor termination. However, Nigeria contends
that the inherent defects in the five Articles in question render them un-
enforceable. Article 62, paragraph 2 (a), refers to "fundamental change7'.
This is not a case of fundamental change, but one of "fundamental
defect" that cannot be cured because Great Britain was not only in
breach of its obligations to the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar but also

incapable of contracting any agreement of this nature, especially where
the agreement negates its obligations under the 1884 Treaty.

76. Third, this act of Great Britain also translated into an act that it
had no mandate to perform: res inter alios acta alteri nocere non dehet.
77. Article 44 of the Vienna Convention needs also to be examined
thoroughly in view of the opposing positions of the Parties. Its relevant
part reads :

"1. A right of a party, provided for in a treaty arising under
article 56, to denounce, withdraw from or suspend the operation
of the treaty may be exercised only with respect to the whole treaty

unless the treaty otherwise provides or the Parties otherwise agree.

2. A ground for invalidating, terminating, withdrawing from or
suspending the operation of a treaty recognized in the present Con-
vention may be invoked only with respect to the whole treaty except
as provided in the following paragraphs or in article 60.

3. If the ground relates solely to particular clauses, it may be
invoked only with respect to those clauses where:

(a) The said clauses are separable from the remainder of the treaty
with regard to their application;
(b) It appears from the treaty or is otherwise established that
acceptance of those clauses was not an essential basis of the
consent of the other party or Parties to be bound by the treaty
as a whole; ands'en retirer)). A mon avis, cette disposition est dtnuée de pertinence au
regard de la demandle du Nigériatendant a ce quc ces cinq articles soient
séparésdu reste de l'accord de 1913. Le Nigé4a ne cherche ni a se
retirer du traité, ni à y mettre fin. En fait, sa position concernant le
traitéde 1913peut s'analyser en trois parties.
74. Tout d'abord. s'ilfait observer que l'accord contient certaines ano-
malies, inexactitudes ou imperfections auxquelles la Cour devrait «remé-
dier)) par voie d'interprétation, le Nigéria neditI>asque ces dispositions

doivent êtredéfinitivement privées d'effetou abrogées, au cas où elles
seraient jugéespertinentes pour un autre segment.
75. Se pose ensuite la question du segment (Lela frontière entre la
borne 64 et la borrie 114, que le Nigéria consitlère avec le Cameroun
comme valide, et qui n'appelle ni retrait ni abrogation. Le Nigéria n'en
soutient pas moins que les imperfections inhérent:^à ces cinq articles les
privent d'effet. L'alinéau) du paragraphe 2 de l'irticle 62 de la conven-
tion de Vienne sur II:droit des traités évoquedes «changement[s] fonda-
menta[ux] ».Or il nes'agit pas en l'espèced'un czs de ((changementfon-
damental)) mais d'lune ((imperfection fondameritale)) à laquelle il ne
saurait êtreremédié puisque laGrande-Bretagne non seulement a man-
qué aux obligations dont elle était tenue vis-à-~is des rois et chefs du

Vieux-Calabar, mails encore n'avait pas la capacité de conclure le
moindre accord de cette nature, et encore moins un accord qui viderait
de leur substance ses obligations découlant du traitéde 1884.
76. Enfin, en agissant de la sorte, la Grande-Bietagne a outrepassé ses
droits: res inter ulios ucta ulteri nocere non dehe,.
77. Quant a l'article 44 de la convention de Vienne, les positions diver-
gentes des Parties en appellent un examen minutieux. La partie pertinente
de cet article est ainsi libellée:

<(1. Le droit pour une partie, prévudans un traitéou résultant de
I'article 56, de dénoncer le traité, de s'enre:irer ou d'en suspendre
l'application ne peut être exercé qu'à l'égard de l'ensemble du
traité,à moins que ce dernier n'en dispose ou que les parties n'en
conviennent autrement.
2. Une cause de nullité oud'extinction d'un traité, de retrait d'une
des parties ou de suspension de l'application du traité reconnue aux
termes de la présente convention ne peut êtr-invoquéequ'à l'égard
de l'ensemble du traité, sauf dans les conditions prévuesaux para-

graphes suivants ou à l'article 60.
3. Si la cause en question ne vise que certaies clauses déterminées,
elle ne peut êtreinvoquéequ'à l'égard dece: seules clauses lorsque:
u) ces clauses sont séparables du reste du tiaité en ce qui concerne
leur exécution;
h) il ressort du traité ou il est par ailleurs itabli que l'acceptation
des clauses en question n'a pas constitui~pour l'autre partie ou

pour les autres parties au traité une hase essentielle de leur
consentement êtreliéespar le traitédans son ensemble; et566 LAND AND MARITIME BOUNDARY (DISS. OP.AJIBOLA)

(c) Continued performance of the remainder of the treaty would
not be unjust."

78. Because the Article refers to treaties arising under Article 56, it
means that it is only relevant to treaties without denunciation, with-
drawal or termination provision, as is the case in the Agreement in ques-
tion. Therefore there is no doubt that this Article is very pertinent. Para-

graph 1of the Article deals with circumstances of denouncing, withdraw-
ing or suspending the whole treaty. Since both Parties have expressed
their position that the Agreement is applicable, at least in part, then this
paragraph is inapplicable to the 1913 Agreement.

79. Therefore, the relevant paragraphs are paragraphs 2 and 3,because
they deal with the conditions of separability. Although paragraph 2 men-

tions Article 60, this Article is also not relevant because it deals with
cases of breaches, which is not the matter in this case. However, there are
three conditions that could allow for separability.

80. The first condition Dertains to cases where the clauses are seDar-
able. It is clear in the present case that the clauses we are dealing with in

Articles XVIII-XXII, pertaining to the Bakassi Peninsula, are separable.
The Articles dealing with Bakassi Peninsula are separate and independent
in this sector, which has been so treated by Cameroon and Nigeria.
Indeed, the Peninsula was the only independent sector filed in the first
Application that relates to the Agreement of 11 March 1913.
81. The second condition is that acceptance of those clauses was not
an "essential" basis of the consent of the other Party. This cannot be

because the Agreement determines a long stretch of the boundary between
the European Powers. Although the negotiation resulting in the determi-
nation of this sector of the boundary took many years to conclude,
because the Parties were undecided as to whether the boundary should be
located east of the Rio del Rey or on the Akwayafe, the problem is one of
location and there is nothing "essential" about the sector.

82. The third condition is that the continued performance of the
remainder of the Agreement would not be unjust. Here the provision of
the paragraph 3 (c) is unclear and to some extent vague. The question is,
to whom would it be unjust? 1sit to one of the Parties; or both Parties?

The subparagraph ought to have been drafted in a more specific and
elegant manner. However, whichever way we look at it, it may be suffi-
cient to consider the use of the word unjust as referring to any of the two
Parties. Here it is absolutely clear that invoking the provision of the five
Articles would be unfair to Nigeria because it claims original title, and
having regard to the fact that Great Britain could not give away the ter-
ritory that it did not own and which it did not possess as a colony, either

through conquest or treaty. Concluding this view, 1 see no reason what- c) il n'est pas injuste de continuer à exécuter ce qui subsiste du
traité.»

78. Cet article vise les traités relevant de l'article 56, ce qui veut dire
qu'il n'a de pertinence qu'à l'égard de ceux qui ne comportent pas de
clause de dénonciation, de retrait ou d'extinction, comme c'est le cas de

l'accord qui nous intéresse.Cet article est donc or ne peut plus pertinent.
Son paragraphe 1 vise les conditions dans lescluelles une partie peut
dénoncer un traitédans sa totalité, s'en retirer ou en suspendre I'applica-
tion. La position de l'une et l'autre des Parties ét2nt que le traité de 1913
est applicable, du moins partiellement, ce paragraphe est sans effet a
l'égardde celui-ci.
79. Les paragraplhes pertinents sont par consécluentles paragraphes 2

et 3,en tant qu'ils traitent des conditions de divisibilité des clauses d'un
traité. Bien que le paragraphe 2renvoie à l'article 60, ce paragraphe n'est
pas non plus pertinent car il concerne les cas ou le traitéa été violéc,e qui
ne s'est pas produit en I'espèce.La séparabilitédes clauses d'un traitéest
toutefois subordonniéea trois conditions.
80. La première est que les clauses puissent êtrcshéparées.Il est clair en
l'espèceque les clauses qui nous intéressent, les articles XVIII à XXII

relatifsa la presqu'île de Bakassi, sont bien sépa-ables: ils sont distincts
et ne concernent que ce secteur; en outre, le Carleroun et le Nigéria les
ont traités comme tels. Par ailleurs, la presqu'île étaitle seul secteur indé-
pendant mentionné dans la requêteinitiale à êtrevisépar le traité du
1l mars 1913.
81. La deuxième condition est que l'acceptation des clauses en ques-
tion ne doit pas avoir constitué une base «esseniielle)) du consentement
de I'autre Partie.Or l'acceptation de ces quelques clauses ne pouvait être

essentielle car le traitédélimitait, d'une manière gcnérale,une longue par-
tie de la frontière eritre les puissances européennes. Bien que les négocia-
tions ayant conduit à la délimitation de cette région aient duré de nom-
breuses années en raison de l'indécision des Parties quant a savoir s'il
fallait placer la froritièrel'est du Rio del Rey ou sur I'Akwayafé,il ne
s'agit en I'espèceque d'un problème de localisation, et ce secteur n'a rien
((d'essentiel.

82. La troisième condition est que l'exécutioncontinue de ce qui sub-
siste du traité ne doit pas être injuste.La disposition contenue dans I'ali-
néa c) du paragraphe 3 est ici imprécise, voire même vaguedans une
certaine mesure. La question qui se pose est: injuste pour qui? Pour l'une
des Parties ou pour les deux? L'alinéaaurait dû êtrerédigéde manière
plus précise et plus soignée.Quoi qu'il en soit, il suffit de considérer que
le mot «injuste» vise I'une ou I'autre des Parties. En l'espèce,il est tout a

fait clair qu'invoqu<:r les dispositions des cinq ar1.iclesserait injuste pour
le Nigéria puisque celui-ci revendique le titre originel et que la Grande-
Bretagne ne pouvait céder un territoire qui n'éta tni I'une de ses posses-
sions, ni l'une de ses colonies, que ce soit par voie de conquêteou par
voie de traité. Pour conclure sur ce point, il n'y a pour moi absolumentsoever why Articles XVIII-XXII should not be separated from the remain-
der of the Articles which both Nigeria and Cameroon agree are generally
enforceable and can be invoked to determine the remainder of the bound-
ary in this sector.
83. The Court in its conclusions refuses to consider the arguments
advanced by the Parties as to the severability (or non-severability) of
some of the treaty provisions (para. 217 of the Judgment), i.e., whether
Articles XVIII-XXII are severable or not from the remainder of the
1913Agreement. This is ari agreement with 30 Articles, of which Nigeria
is urging the Court to separate these five Articles. As earlier stated,
separating these Articles will not in any way prevent the remainder of

the provisions from being implemented by way of delimitation of the
boundary .
84. The remaining provisions of the Agreement are untouched by
those expunged, sincethey are provisions standing on their own and their
application and implementation are not dependent on the five Articles,
thus, the remainder of the Articles can remain in force and binding on the
Parties where necessary.

The 1884 Treaty

85. On 11 March 1913, Great Britain concluded an agreement with
Germany apparently recognizing Germany's sovereignty over the Bakassi
Peninsula. In my view, Great Britain had no authority to conclude such
an agreement with either Germany or any other State after it had entered
into a binding international treaty about 29 years before then, with the
Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar. As a matter of îact and law Great
Britain was under an obligation not to enter into such an agreement with

Germany; and such an act was a breach of agreement to which Great
Britain was actionably liable in international law.

86. Firstly, the Bakassi Peninsula is part of the territory of the Efik
and Efut peoples of the Old Calabar, having settled first in Creek Town
and Duke Town, then extending to the entire Bakassi Peninsula.
87. Secondly, over the years, particularly after 1884, the British
adopted extensive trading links with the Kings and Chiefs of Old Cala-
bar. Counsel for Nigeria stated at the hearings that:

"The political and legal personality of the Kings and Chiefs of Old
Calabar were recognised in the treaty making of the British Crown.
Thus, in the period 1823-1884no fewer than seventeen treaties were
made between the British Government and the Kings and Chiefs of
Old Calabar." (Counter-Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. 1, p. 71,
para. 5.11; emphasis added.)
Thus, Great Britain in 1884entered into a treaty ofprotection only with

the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar.
88. Thirdly, Great Britain thus recognized the territory of the Kingsaucune raison de ne pas séparer les articles XVIlI à XXII du reste des
articles qui, comme le Nigériaet le Cameroun en conviennent, sont exé-
cutoires et peuvent ktre invoquéspour délimiter le reste de la frontière
dans ce secteur.
83. Dans ses conclusions, la Cour refuse de considérer les arguments

formuléspar les Parlies quant à la séparabilité(oiià la non-séparabilité)
de certaines des dislpositions du traité (arrkt, par. 217), c'est-&-dire la
question de savoir si les articlesVlII à XXII petivent ou non être sépa-
résdu reste de l'acisord de 1913. De cet accord qui comporte trente
articles, le Nigeria demande instamment a la Cour d'en séparer cinq.
Or, comme il a déjà étédit, cela n'aurait nullement pour effet d'en-
traver l'application des dispositions restantes pcur ce qui concerne la
délimitation de la frontière.
84. Les dispositions restantes de l'accord ne sul)issent aucun préjudice
du fait de la séparationde ces cinq articles, care~x-cisont indépendants
et ne conditionnent ni l'application, ni l'exécutioiide celles-là. Aussi les
autres articles peuvent-ils rester en vigueur et, lecas échéant,continuer de
lier les Parties.

Le traite de 1884

85. Le 11 mars 1913. la Grande-Bretagne curicluait un accord avec
l'Allemagne par lequel était reconnue la souveraineté allemande sur la
presqu'île de Bakassi. A mon sens, la Grande-Bretagne n'avait aucune-
ment le pouvoir de conclure un tel accord avec l'Allemagne ou tout autre
Etat, ayant signé, quielquevingt-neuf ans plus tôt. un traitéinternational
ayant force obligato,ireavec les rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar. Du point
de vue du droit et des faits, la Grande-Bretagne avait pour obligation de
ne pas conclure un tel traitéavec l'Allemagne; cetacteconstituant la vio-
lation d'un accord, il pouvait en être tirégrief al regard du droit inter-

national.
86. Premièrement, la presqu'île de Bakassi fait partie du territoire des
peuples efik et efut du Vieux-Calabar, venus d'abord s'installer à Creek
Town et à Duke Town, puis dans toute la presqL'île.
87. Deuxièmement, au fildes ans, en particuliei après 1884,les Britan-
niques établirent des liens commerciaux solides avec les rois et chefs du
Vieux-Calabar; comme l'a rappeléle Nigériadans ses écritures:

«La personnalité politique et juridique des rois et chefs du Vieux-
Calabar fut reconnue dans les traitésconclus par la Couronne bri-
tannique. C'est ainsique, entre 1823et 1884 pas moins de dix-sept
truitésfurent conclus entre le Gouvernemeni britannique et les rois
et chefs du Vieux-Calabar.)) (Contre-mémoire du Nigéria, vol. 1,
p. 71, par. 5.11;les italiques sont de moi.)

C'est dans ce contexte qu'en 1884un traitéde protection fut conclu entre
la Grande-Bretagneet les rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar.
88. Troisièmemenit,la Grande-Bretagne ayant ainsi reconnu le terri-and Chiefs of Old Calabar including the Bakassi Peninsula as its protec-
torate but not as itscolony, and dealt with the City States of Old Calabar
as such de facto and de jure from 1884 till the time of independence of
Nigeria in 1960. Great Britain throughout this period (and even after
1913) referred to the territory of the City States of Old Calabar as
"Protectorate".

89. Fourthly, Great Britain (in many treaties with the Kings and
Chiefs of Old Calabar and other European Powers such as Germany)
recognized and treated the City States of Old Calabar including the

peninsula of Bakassi as its area of influence only, which was indicatively
and factually one of its African markets for commerce.

90. Fifthly, Great Britain at no time acquired sovereignty over the ter-
ritory of the Kings, Chiefs and people of Old Calabar other than the obli-
gation of protection. If the 1913Agreement is considered valid and bind-
ing, a fortiori the prior Treaty of 1884 should be equally valid and
binding pactu sunt servundu.
91. Sixthly, the territory of the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar,
which includes the Bakassi Peninsula, is not terra nulliuand Great Brit-
ain had no mandate or authority at any time to transfer to Germany the
territory of the City States of Old Calabar, thus the principle nemo dut
quod non Ilabet.
92. Seventhly, the 1884Treaty, being a public international treaty, is
deemed to be within the knowledge of Germany. Hence, Germany could
not claim ignorance of the Treaty of Protection between Great Britain

and the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar. Thus it is clear that Germany
and for that matter Cameroon could not claim sovereignty over the
Bakassi Peninsula.
93. The Court agrees with Cameroon in that it does not accept the
submission of Nigeria that the City States of Old Calabar have interna-
tional legal personality. As far as Cameroon is concerned, this is a myth
or a kind of mirage. It argues that the City States of Old Calabar cannot
claim any international legal entity separate from the State of Nigeria.
During the oral proceedings counsel for Nigeria argued about the City
States of Old Calabar thus: "These City States were the holders of an
original historic title over the cities and their dependencies, and the
Bakassi Peninsula was for long a dependency of Old Calabar." (Counter-
Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. 1,p. 67 para. 5.2.)

94. Although Cameroon accepts that "[wlithout doubt, Efik trading
took place over a vast area of what is now south-eastern Nigeria and
western Cameroon" (Reply of Cameroon, Vol. 1,p. 247, para. 5.24), yet

it asserts that there were otherethnic groups in that area of the Bakassi
Peninsula, which at that time showed a "complex pattern of human
settlement" (ibid.,Vol. 1, p. 247, para. 5.24). FRONTIERE 'TERRESTRE ET MARITIME (OP.TIISSA. JIBOLA) 568

toire des rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar, y cornpris la presqu'île de
Bakassi, comme constituant l'un de ses protectorz ts, et non l'une de ses
colonies, c'està ce titre, autandejure que defactc', qu'elle traita avec les
cités-Etatsdu Vieux-Calabar de 1884 jusqu'à l'indépendancedu Nigéria
en 1960. La Grande-Bretagne, pendant cette période (et même après

1913),désignaitle territoire des cités-Etatsdu Vieux-Calabar par le terme
de ((protectorat ».
89. Quatrièmement, la Grande-Bretagne (dan: de nombreux traités
conclus avec les roi:, et chefs du Vieux-Calabar et d'autres puissances
telles que l'Allemagne) reconnaissait et traitait les cités-Etats du Vieux-
Calabar, y compris la presqu'île de Bakassi, comne faisant simplement
partie de sa zone d'influence, c'est-à-dire, conci.ètement, comme l'un
de ses marchés comnlerciaux en Afrique.
90. Cinquièmemerit, a aucun moment la Grande-Bretagne n'acquit de
souveraineté sur le tlcrritoire des rois, des chefs er du peuple du Vieux-
Calabar: elle avait seulement l'obligation de les protéger. Si l'accord de

1913 doit être considéré commv ealide et obligato re, il en va de même a
fortiori pour celui de 1884 - pacta sunt servanda.
91. Sixièmement, le territoire des rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar, qui
comprend la presqu'île de Bakassi, n'était pas tejAranullius,et à aucun
moment la Grande-Biretagne ne fut habilitée à cédcra l'Allemagnece ter-
ritoire- nerno dut quod non habet.

92. Septiémement. le traité de protection co~iclu en 1884 entre la
Grande-Bretagne et les rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar étant un instru-
ment international public, l'Allemagneétaitcenséeen avoir connaissance
et ne pouvait donc affirmer en ignorer l'existence. Dèslors, l'Allemagne
ne pouvait manifestement pas revendiquer la soiiveraineté sur la pres-

qu'île de Bakassi, pas davantage que le Cameroun ne le peut aujourd'hui.
93. La Cour se rallie aux vues du Cameroun lcrsque celui-ci réfutela
conclusion du Nigéria selon laquelle lescités-Eiats du Vieux-Calabar
jouissaient de lapers'onnalitéjuridique internationde. Pour le Cameroun,
ces cités-Etatssont un mythe ou une sorte de mirase. Il fait valoir que les
cités-Etatsdu Vieux--Calabarne pouvaient se pré faloir d'une personna-
litéjuridique internationale indépendamment du 'uigéria.Voici en quels
termes le Nigéria,loi-sde la procédure orale, a fait valoir sa thèsesur les
cités-Etatsdu Vieux-Calabar :«[clescités-Etatsdéienaientle titre originel
ou historique sur lescités et leursdépendances,et la presqu'île de Bakassi
étaitdepuis longtemps une dépendance du Vieux-Calabar)) (Contre-mé-

moire du Nigéria, vol. 1, p. 67, par. 5.2).
94. Si le Camero~in reconnaît que, ~[slans aucun doute, des activités
commerciales efik se sont dérouléessur une vaste zone de ce qui est
actuellement l'est du Nigéria et l'ouest du Caineroun)) (réplique du
Cameroun, livre 1, p. 247, par. 5.24), il n'en affirme pas moins que
d'autres groupes ethniques vivaient dans cette régionde la presqu'île de
Bakassi, caractérisée à l'époque par «un canevas ethnique complexe >)
(ibid.). 95. In deciding whether the City States of Old Calabar is an interna-
tional legal entity, one should look to the nature of the Treaty entered
into between Great Britain and the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar in
1884.In the first place, thiss not the first treaty of this kind signed by the
Kings and Chiefs. As 1 have already mentioned, Great Britain signed
altogether 17treaties of this kind with the Kings and Chiefs of Old Cala-
bar. Secondly, Great Britain referred to it not as a mere agreement, a dec-
laration or exchange of Notes, but as a treaty - "Treaty with the Kings
and Chiefs of Old Calabar, September 10, 1884"(Counter-Memorial of
Nigeria, Vol. IV, Ann. 23,p. 109).How then could Great Britain sign a
document, and cal1 it a treaty if it were not so? It would have been
described as an "ordinance" had it been a document involving a colony
of Great Britain. There is therefore no doubt that the City States of Old
Calabar have international legal personality.

96. Cameroon's contention regarding the territorial extent of the City
States of Old Calabar is that Nigeria did not present a clear-cut picture,
or the extent of the territory. In effect, this is how Cameroon puts it in its
pleadings :

"As regards the territorial questions, Nigeria wants to have it both
ways. On the one hand, it States in its Counter-Mernorial that
Bakassi was situated 'within the domains of the Kings and Chiefs of
Old Calabar' and,on the other, that 'the Efut country about the Rio
del Rey" was covered by the declaration of the 'Kings and Chiefs of
Efut' . ..Incidentally, it also maintains that the 1888Treaty covered
not only the region around Rio del Rey but also 'territory even
further to the East' . . .It is regrettable that Nigeria has refrained
from specifying the dividing line between the territory falling under
the authority of 'Old Calabar' in accordance with its claim, and the
territorybelonging to Efut, and therefore pertaining to the Schedule

to the Treaty as it interprets it." (Reply of Cameroon, Vol. 1,p. 253,
para. 5.45.)

In addition, Cameroon contends that Nigeria is not forthcoming about
the nature and authority of Old Calabar and its title to the Bakassi
Peninsula (ibid Vo,l.1,p. 254, para. 5.48). Further, it refers to the 1884
Treaty of Protection, which does not specifically mention the Bakassi
Peninsula.
97. In my view, answers to al1these queries are contained in the plead-
ings, particularly those filed by Nigeria. First, Nigeria referred to the
works of many authors and what was said about the link of the City
States of Old Calabar to the Bakassi Peninsula and the surrounding area.
In this regard reference was made to the pre-colonial era in Bakassi.
Mention was made of the establishment of these City States like Duke
Town, Creek Town and Old Town (Obutong). A very vivid description 95. Pour déterminiersi les cités-Etatsdu Vieux-Calabar jouissaient de
la personnalité juridique internationale, il y a lieu de se pencher sur la
nature de l'accord conclu entre la Grande-Bretagre et les rois et chefs du
Vieux-Calabar en 18'84.Tout d'abord, il ne s'agitpas du premier traitéde
cette nature signépar les rois et chefs. Comme je l'ai déjà évoquél,a

Grande-Bretagne a signéentout dix-sept traités de ce type avec les rois et
chefs du Vieux-Calabar. Ensuite, la Grande-Bretagne qualifiait ce traité
non pas de simple accord, de déclaration ou d'éch mge de notes, mais bel
et bien de traité, un ((traitépréliminaire conclu avecles rois et chefs du
Vieux-Calabar, signéle 10septembre 1884))(contre-mémoiredu Nigéria,
vol. IV, ann. 23, p. 109). Comment la Grande-l3retagne aurait-elle pu
signer un document et le qualifier de traitési ce document n'avait pas été
un traité? Ce document aurait été qualifié d'«ordonnance» s'il avait
concerné l'une des colonies britanniques. Il nl: fait dès lors aucun
doute que les cités-Etatsdu Vieux-Calabar jouissr~ientde la personnalité
juridique internation.ale.
96. S'agissant de l'étendue territoriale des cité:;-Etatsdu Vieux-Cala-
bar, le Cameroun fait valoir que le Nigérian'a pas présentéun tableau

trèsclair sur ce point. Ainsi affirme-t-il dans ses~ièces:

«En ce qui concerne la question territoriale, le Nigéria veuttout et
son contraire. Il'une part, il déclaredans son contre-mémoire que
Bakassi se situait«within the domains of the ~(ingsand Chiefs of Old
Calabar» et, d',autre part, que«the Efut country about the Rio del
Rey» était couvertpar la déclarationdes « Kirzgsund Chiefs of Efut))
(contre-mémoiredu Nigéria,vol. 1,p. 94, par. 6.33). Incidemment, il
affirme aussi que le traité de 1884 ne couvrait pas seulement la
région situéeautour du Rio del Rey, mai:. aussi ((territory even
further to the East» (ibid.). Il est regrettable que le Nigériase soit
gardéde préciserla limite entre le territoire relevant d7« Old Cula-

bar)) tel qu'il le revendique, et le territoire faisant partie d7Efut, et
donc, relevant de l'annexe au traitétel qu'il 'interprète.))(Réplique
du Cameroun, livre 1,par. 5.45.)

Le Cameroun fait valoir en outre que le Nigéria n'a pas répondu aux
questions qui se posent quant à la nature etàl'emprisedu Vieux-Calabar
et à la réalitéde son titre sur la presqu'île de Bakassi (ibid.,p. 254,
par. 5.48). Par ailleiirs, il se réfèreau traitéde piotection de 1884,dans
lequel la presqu'île de Bakassi n'est pas expressérl~enmt entionnée.
97. A mon avis, lesréponses à toutes cesquesti~~nsse trouvent dans les
écritures,et en particulier dans cellesdu Nigéria.l'out d'abord, ce dernier
fait étatdes travaux de nombreux auteurs et de c: qui a étédit à propos
des liensentre lescitks-Etats du Vieux-Calabar, d'une part, et la presqu'île

de Bakassi et les territoires environnants, d'autre)art. Est ainsi mention-
née lapériode précoloniale à Bakassi, ainsi que la fondation de cités-
Etats telles que Diike Town, Creek Town et Old Town (Obutong).of the federation of these City States was given by Dr. Kannan K. Nair
thus :

"The political system of Calabar might be thought of as a federa-
tion or conglomeration of loosely-knit towns. Each town was a
political unit with a territorial basis, its head havingsdiction over
his own town or house and representing the founding ancestors of
his particular family. Each maintained its own administration and
had the right to enforce sanction[s] on others. Both these factors

point to the fact that each of the towns was recognized to be politi-
cally equivalent. The relations between the major towns - Duke
Town, Creek Town and Old Town - were in the order of inter-
town dealings. Thus, they were in their political relations similar to
European nation states in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
Political power was ultimately resident in the segments rather than
in a central government. (Politicsand Society in South Eastern
Nigeria 1841-1906, 1972,pp. 2-3)." (Counter-Memorial of Nigeria,
Vol. 1,p. 67, para. 5.1.)

Nigeria also refers to some historical link of the Kings and Chiefs of
Old Calabar with the entire area of Bakassi as recorded in some of the
books (already put in evidence) of authors like Captain J. B. Walker and
E. O. Efiong-Fuller.
98. Further relevant evidence are the maps presented by Nigeria,
which are annexed to its Counter-Memorial, particularly maps 13-22in
the Atlas. A careful study of map 13 shows that Old Calabar (otherwise

called Cross River) covers the area where the Efiks and the Efuts had
settled even before 1888. It clearly shows that their area of authority
extends as far as the Rio del Rey, while indicating the boundary between
Old Calabar and the German area of influence.The definition of the area
under German influence was described by the independent Kings and
Chiefs in the Agreement between Kings Akwa and Bell and Woermann
and Jantzen & Thormahlen as follows,

"the Country called Cameroons situated on the Cameroons River,
between the River Bimba on the North side, the River Qua-Qua on
the South side and up to 4'10'North lat. Hence, the extent of the
area covered by 'Old Calabar' goes as far as the territory to the West
of the area claimed by Kings Akwa and Bell. In other words, the
entire area of Bakassi Peninsula is within the territorial domain of
the City States of Old Calabar. This is illustrated in the map 'Old
Calabar River'." (Ibid, Atlas Map No. 27.)

99. Here 1 must stress the evidential value of these maps. Many of
them date back to the seventeenth century and indicate clearly the extent
of the territory of the Old Calabar people. In fact, the 1888 map of
H. H. Johnson, then the Vice-Consul of Oil Rivers, of the Niger Delta, FRONTIÈRE TERRESTRE ET MARITIME (OP. DISS.AJIBOLA) 570

M. Kannan K. Nair donne une description très vivante de cette fédéra-
tion de cités-Etats:

«Le systèmepolitique de Calabar pourrait être considéré comme
une fédérationciu un conglomérat de villes qui entretenaient entre
elles des rapports lâches. Chaque ville étaituiie unité politique avec
une assise territoriale, son chef avait autorité sur sa propre ville ou
maison et représentait les ancêtresfondateurs de sa famille. Chaque
ville conservait son autonomie administrative et avait le droit de
prendre des sanctions contre une autre. Ces deux élémentsmettent

en évidence que les villes étaient placées sui un pied d'égalitéau
niveau politique. Les relations entre 1:s villes principales
- Duke Town, Creek Town et Old Town - étaient de type inter-
communal. Ainsi, elles entretenaient des re1;itions politiques sem-
blables à celles qu'avaient entre eux les Etats-nations européens aux
XVIII" et XIXe siècles. En dernière analyse, le pouvoir politique
étaitéclateet non pas détenu par un gouverni%mentcentral.» (K. K.
Nair, Politics und Society in South Eastern Niyeriu 1841-1 906, 1972,
p. 2-3; contre-mémoire du Nigeria, vol. 1,p. 57, par. 5.1 .)

Le Nigériafait égalementétatde certains liens hktoriques qu'ont entre-
tenus les rois et chef!$du Vieux-Calabar avec l'ensemble de la régionde
Bakassi, tels que relatés dans les ouvrages (qu'il a produits) d'auteurs
comme le capitaine J. B. Walker ou E. O. Efiong-Fuller.

98. Parmi les autres élémentsde preuve pertinents figurent les cartes
déposéespar le Nigéria enannexe à son contre-niémoire, en particulier
les cartes no" 13à 22 de l'atlas. Un examen attentif de la carte no 13per-
met de voir que le 'Vieux-Calabar (aussi dénomméCross River) com-
prend le territoire où s'étaient installes Efiket les Efut, dèsavant 1888.
Elle montre clairement que le territoire sur lequel s'exerçait leur autorité
s'étendaitjusqu'au Rio del Rey, et place à cet endroit la frontière entre le
Vieux-Calabar et la zone d'influence allemande. Cette zone fut décrite
par les rois et chefs indépendants dans l'accord conclu par les rois Akwa
et Bell avec les établissements Woermann et Jantzen & Thormahlen,

c'est-à-dire au
«pays dit Cameroun, situésur la rivière Canieroun entre la riviere
Bimbia au nord., la riviere Kwakwa au sud el jusqu'à 4"10'de lati-
tude nord. Aussiila régiondu «Vieux-Calabar n s'étend-ellejusqu'au

territoire situà l'ouest de la région revendiquéepar les rois Akwa et
Bell. Autrement dit, l'ensemble de la presqu'î'e de Bakassi se trouve
à l'intérieurdu domaine territorial des cités-Etatsdu Vieux-Calabar.
C'est ce que montre la carte intituléecrivièrc du Vieux-Calabar)). ))
(Ibid., carteno 2:7de l'atlas.)

99. Je me dois ici d'insister sur la valeur probante de ces cartes.
Nombre d'entre elles remontent au XVIIe siècleet indiquent clairement
l'emprise du territoire occupé par la population du Vieux-Calabar. De
fait, en 1888,H. H. .lohnston, alors vice-consul dc la région des Rivièresindicates quite clearly that Old Calabar and the territory covered by the
Efut people went beyond the Rio del Rey and far to the east of that estu-
ary. It is fascinating to see these maps, many of which date from a period
between 1662 and 1888 (i.e., 1662, 1750-1772, 1729, 1794, 1822, 1871,
1879 and 1888), distinctly depicting the territory occupied by the Efiks
and Efuts and locating many of the important towns already mentioned.
Map 18 of the Atlas Map of Nigeria's Counter-Memorial, prepared by
H. H. Moll, indicates very clearly that it was the Rio del Rey that sepa-
rates the territory of what he called "Kings City Callebar and Old Cal-
lebar" from "Afany Villages Old Camerones". During the oral proceed-
ings it was argued by counsel for Nigeria (and undenied by Cameroon)
that when the then British Consul, Mr. Hewett, was reporting about the
1884Treaty to the British Foreign Secretary he said: "The Chiefs of Tom
Shot country, of Efut, the Country ubout the Rio del Rey and of Indombi,
the country about the River Rumby, made declarations that they were
subject to Old Calabar." (CR 200218(Watts), p. 45, para. 31.)

100. This is a statement emanating from the proper source, i.e., the
person who directly signed the 1884Treaty with the Kings and Chiefs of
Old Calabar. The extent of the territory of the City States of Old Calabar
is thus clear and definite to the extent that it runs to the mouth of the Rio
del Rey. Equally there is later evidence in 1890by the then British Con-
sul, Johnston, that :
"The trade and rule of the Old Calabar Chiefs extended, in 1887,

considerably further to the east than the Ndian River . ..The left or
eastern bank of the Akwayafe and the land between that river and
the Ndian is under the rule of Asibon or Archibong Edem III, a big
Chief of Old Calabar . . ." (Ibidp. 41, para. 13.)

Johnston concluded that the Old Calabar had withdrawn from the lands
east of Ndian. Counsel for Nigeria stated that:

"So Johnston's report was, in effect,that whilethe territory beyond
the Ndian might only arguably be Old Calabar's, territory to the
west belonged 'undoubtedly' to Old Calabar. Bakassi, and the Rio
del Rey, are demonstrably to the West of the Ndian: Bakassi,
Mr. President and Members of the Court, was part of Old Calabar's
heartlands." (Ibid.,p. 41, para. 13.)

101. The view of Cameroon is that Nigeria's claim in terms of the
extent of the territories of the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar is not
clear, but Cameroon agrees with Nigeria that three separate groups of
Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar signed the Treaty of 10 Septem-
ber 1884. This is highlighted in the Treaty itself (Counter-Memorial of
Nigeria, Vol. IV, Ann. 23).
102. Although Cameroon stated that the Bakassi Peninsula was not FRONTIERE TERRESTRE ET MARITIME (OP.IIISS.AJIBOLA) 571

à huile, indiqua très,clairement sur sa carte du delta du Niger que le
Vieux-Calabar et le territoire des Efut s'étendaient au-dela du Rio del
Rey et bien a I'est de cet estuaire. Il est fascinant (le constater que le ter-

ritoire occupé par les Efik et les Efut ainsi que bon nombre des villes
importantes déjà mentionnées figurent de manière bien visible sur ces
cartes élaboréesentrt: 1662et 1888(c'est-à-dire en 1662, 1750-1772, 1729,
1794, 1822, 1871, 1879 et 1888). La carte no 18 de l'atlas cartographique
du contre-mémoire clu Nigeria, élaboréepar H. H. Moll, montre à I'évi-

dence que c'est le Rio del Rey qui séparait le terrib~ire de ce qu'il appelait
les((cités-Etatsde Callebar et du Vieux-Callebarn des ((villagesAfany du
vieux Camerone)). Lors de la procédure orale, le Nigéria a affirmé
- propos non réfutéspar le Cameroun - que, lorsque M. Hewett, le
consul britannique, fit part du traité de 1884 au sxrétaire d'Etat britan-

nique aux affaires étrangères, il indiqua que «les chefs des régions de
Tom Shot, d'Efut, la région uu.u al~ntours du Ri( del Rey, et d'Idombi,
près de la riviére Rumby, ont déclaréêtresouniis au Vieux-Calabar))
(CR200218, p. 45, par. 31 (Watts)).
100. C'est là une déclaration émanant de la source la plus fiable, à

savoir la personne qui signa directement le traité de 1884 avec les rois et
chefs du Vieux-Calabar. Il est donc bien établi que le territoire des cités-
Etats du Vieux-Calabar s'étendait jusqu'à I'emboiichure du Rio del Rey.
De même,les propos tenus ultérieurement. en 1890, par le consul britan-
nique Johnston attestent que:

«Le commerce et l'autorité des chefs du Vieux-Calabar s'éten-
daient en 1887 beaucoup plus a I'est que la riviére Ndian ... la

rive gauche, o~i orientale, de 1'Akpayaféet les terres entre cette
riviére et la Ndian relèvent de l'autorité d'fisibon, ou Archibong,
Edem III,un grand chef du Vieux-Calabar ..))(Ibid., p. 41, par. 13
(Watts).)

Johnston concluait qluele Vieux-Calabar s'était retiré desterres à I'est de
la Ndian. Le conseil du Nigéria a préciséque:

«Le rapport de Johnston disait donc, en substance, que s'il était
uniquement plausible que le territoire situi au-dela de la Ndian
appartienne au Vieux-Calabar, celui qui était situéà l'est lui appar-

tenait «sans aucun doute possible)). Bakassi et le Rio del Rey se
trouvent manifestement à l'ouest de la Ndian: Bakassi, Mon-
sieur le président, Madame et Messieurs de la Cour, faisait partie du
noyau territorial du Vieux-Calabar. ))(Ibid., 3.41, par. 13 (Watts).)

101. Le Cameroun juge imprécise la thèse clu Nigéria concernant
l'étenduedes territoires des rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar, mais convient
avec le Nigéria que trois groupes distincts de rois et chefs du Vieux-Ca-

labar avaient signéle traité du 10 septembre 1884, ce que montre parfai-
tement le texte proprement dit du traité (contre-mémoire du Nigéria,
vol. IV, anri. 23).
102. Bien que le Cameroun affirme que la presqu'île de Bakassi n'étaitspecificallymentioned in the Treaty, it referred to the three Declarations
of the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar that appended their signature to
the Treaty. These are the Kings and Chiefs of Tom Shot, Efut and
Idombi. Furthermore, Mr. E. H. Hewett, the then British Consul, who
signed the Treaty of 1884 with the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar,
attested to the fact that "[tlhe Chiefs of Tom Shot country, of Efut, the
country about the Rio del Rey, and of Idombi, the country about the
River Rumby, made declarations that they were subject to Old Calabar"
(Counter-Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. 1, p. 94, para. 6.33).
103. In addition, the letter of Mr. Johnston, who took over as Consul
from Mr. Hewett, was more revealing and quite explanatory. His letter of
23 October 1890to the Foreign Officerevealed that the extent of the rule
of the Old Calabar Chiefs went as far as the base of the Cameroons and
beyond the Akwayafe River. The trade and rule of the Kings and Chiefs
of Old Calabar extended to the east of the Ndian River until Mr. John-
ston advised the Chiefs to limit their claim to the Ndian River. Upon

further advice, the Chiefs withdrew their claim for damages against the
German Government for the destruction of their settlements, and it was
obvious that they would not be prepared to yield over more territory in
favour of the Germans.

104. The Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar exercisedcontrol over their
people through cultural, social and economic links. Many of the Kings
and Chiefs were traders, and were served by many of their subjects.
Cohesive control was ensured through the Ekpe Shrine. The main activ-
ity of the Kings and Chiefs was to secure the effective administration of
justice, develop resources for their territories andnsure peace and secu-
rity in their domains, with the CO-operation and assistance of their
people, and in partnership with the British Government.

105. As regards the territorial claim to the Bakassi Peninsula, itis the
Treaty of 1884that Nigeria relies upon essentially and preponderantly. It
is the viewof Nigeria that this Treaty, which is valid and binding, has the
legal binding force and effect to render the provisions of the fiveArticles
(Le., Arts. XVIII-XXII) in the 1913 Agreement between Great Britain
and Germany invalid and unenforceable against Nigeria. In other words,
with the 1884Treaty remaining valid until the time of independence, the
five Articles mentioned above are not opposable to Nigeria. The Treaty
of 1884 clearly confirms the Bakassi Peninsula as the territory of the
Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar, and at no time was it alienated to
Great Britain or any other colonial Power.

106. The Court, in its Judgment, does not agree with Nigeria's claimpas mentionnée de nianière spécifiquedans le traité, il n'en cite pas moins
les trois déclarations des rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar ayant apposé leur
signature sur le traité. Il s'agit des rois et chefs de Tom Shot, Efut et
Idombi. De plus, le consul britannique, Hewett, signataire du traité de
1884avec les rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar, deva~tpeu après attester que

«les chefs des régioinsde Tom Shot, d'Efut, la régionaux alentours du
Rio del Rey, et d7I,dombi, près de la rivière Rilmby, ont déclaréêtre
soumis au Vieux-Calabar)) (contre-mémoire du Nigéria, vol. 1, p. 94,
par. 6.33).
103. Mieux, une lettre du consul Johnston, sLccesseur de Hewett au
poste consulaire, est particulièrement révélatriceet éclairante. Dans sa
lettre adressée le23 octobre 1890 au Foreign Office, Johnston indique

que l'autorité des chefs du Vieux-Calabar s'exerce aussi loin que les
confins du Cameroun britannique, au-delà de la rivière Akwayafé. Les
activités commerciales et l'autorité des rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar
s'étendent alorsjusqu'à l'est de la rivière Ndian, cela avant que Johnston
ne conseille aux chefs de limiter leur revendication aux territoires cir-
conscrits par la rivikre Ndian. A la suite d'un nouveau conseil prodigué

par Johnston, les chefs résilièrentleur demandc: en réparation à I'en-
contre du Gouvernement allemand pour destruction de leurs établisse-
ments, mais il était clair qu'ils n'étaient pas prêtsà céderdavantage de
territoires aux Alleniands.
104. Les rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar exer~aient leur contrôle sur
leur peuple par le biais de liens culturels, sociaux et économiques. Ces
rois et chefs étaient souvent des marchands, et un grand nombre de leurs

sujets travaillait pour leur compte. La cohésion (lu contrôle ainsi exercé
étaitassuréepar l'intermédiaire du sanctuaire Ek-3e.L'activitéprincipale
des rois et chefs consistait à veiller à la bonne administration de lajustice,
à assurer l'exploitation des ressources de leurs tei.ritoires et à garantir la
paix et la sécuritédans ces territoires en coopéra.ion avec leur peuple et
en partenariat avec le Gouvernement britannique.

105. S'agissant de la revendication territoria e sur la presqu'île de
Bakassi, c'est principalement sur le traité de 1884 que se fonde le Nigéria.
La thèse de ce dernier est que ce traité, qui estvalide et lie les Parties, a

comme effet juridique d'invalider les dispositions (lescinq articles (XVIII-
XXII) de l'accord de 1913 conclu entre la Grande-Bretagne et ]'Alle-
magne et de les rendre non obligatoires à l'tgard du Nigéria. En
d'autres termes, le traité de 1884 étant restévalide jusqu'au moment de
l'indépendance, les cinq articles précités ne scnt pas opposables au
Nigéria. Le traitéde 1884confirme clairement que la presqu'île de Bakassi
faisait partie du territoire des rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar, et à aucun

moment ce territoire n'a ététransféréà la Grande-Bretagne, ni à quelque
autre puissance coloniale que se soit.
106. Dans son arrêt,la Cour rejette la thèse du Nigéria fondée sur lebased on the Treaty between the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar and
Great Britain of 10 September 1884, historical consolidation or effec-
tivité.
107. Of al1these instruments relied on by the Court, the earliest and
perhaps the most important isthe Anglo-German Agreement of 11March
1913and, in particular, its Articles XVIII-XXII that spell out the bound-
ary within the Bakassi Peninsula. This is what Cameroon considers as its
legal title. As against this claim, Nigeria pivots its claim partly on the
Treaty of 10 September 1884 as an indication of its own original title,
because it is this Treaty that demonstrates that the sovereign rights of the
Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar as an independent legal entity recog-
nized under international law is indisputable.

108. In the Advisory Opinion on Western Suhura the Court explained
that :
"such agreements [such as this 1884Treaty] with local rulers, whether
or not considered as an actual 'cession'of the territory, wereregarded
as derivative roots of titleand not original titles obtained by occu-
pation of terrae nullius" (I.C.J. Reports 1975, p. 39, para. 80;
emphasis added).

This point on the international legal status of local rulers was amplified
by Malcolm N. Shaw in his book Title to Territory in Africu, Internu-
tional Legal Issues thus:

"it has been seen that practice demonstrates that the European colo-
nisation of Africa was achieved in law not by virtue of the occupa-
tion of a terra nullius but by cession from local rulers. This means
that such rulers were accepted as being capable in international law
not only of holding title to territory, but of transferring it to other
Parties." (P. 45.)

109. Although neither the Treaty of 1884 nor the Consular Reports
suggest that it was concluded between two sovereign States, it can also be
said that the Treaty or the Consular Report suggest nothing to the con-
trary. In fact, it appears to me that reference to the agreement as a treaty
brings it into the international instruments realm. However, whatever
may be considered as vitiating the Treaty of 1884 between Great Britain
and the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar (and, in my view, there is none),
would equally apply to the derivative root of title of Germany which it
entered into with the local rulers of Cameroon also in 1884.

110. In view of thejurisprudence of the Court cited above, one impor-
tant aspect which escapes the consideration of the Court in determining
the nature, terms and validity of the 1884 Treaty is to compare it with
what was contemporaneously happening in Cameroon around the sametraitéconclu le 10septembre 1884entre les rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar
et la Grande-Bretagne, la consolidation historiqur ou encore les effecti-
vités.
107. De tous les instruments sur lesquels la Coiir a appuyé son raison-
nement, le plus ancien, et peut-êtremêmele plus important, est l'accord

anglo-allemand du 11 mars 1913et, plus précisément,ses articles XVIII-
XXII, qui définissenitle tracé de la frontière sur 1; presqu'île de Bakassi.
C'est de ce traité que le Cameroun prétend tirer :;on titre juridique. Par
opposition, le Nigéria prend notamment pour fondement de sa revendi-
cation le traité du101septembre 1884, dans lequel serait à rechercher son
titre originel, ce traité démontrant le caractère iiicontestable des droits

souverains des rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar en ant qu'entité juridique
indépendante reconnue en droit international.
108. Dans son avis consultatif rendu en l'affaire relative au Sahara
occidental, la Cour a expliquéque:

«on voyait dan:; ces accords [tel que ce traitéde 18841avec les chefs
locaux. interprétésou non comme opérant une cession effective du
territoire, un mode d'acquisition dérivéet non pas des titres origi-
naires acquis par l'occupation d'une terra ~ullius)) (C.I.J. Recueil

1975, p. 39, par. 80; les italiques sont de moi).
Dans son ouvrage intitulé Title to Territory iti Africa, International
Legal Issues, Malcolm N. Shaw a décritce statut juridique international

des chefs locaux de Ilamanière suivante:
(<la pratique montre, comme on l'a vu, que la colonisation de

l'Afrique par l'Europe s'effectua d'un point de vue juridique non
pas par occupa1:ion de terrae nullius, mais par cessions opéréespar
les souverains locaux. Cela signifie que le droit internationalrecon-
naissait à ces souverains la capacité non si:ulement de détenir le
titre sur un territoire, mais encorede cédercelili-ciàd'autres parti)).
(P. 45.)

109. Bien que rieri n'indique, que ce soit dansk:libellé mêmedu traité
de 1884ou dans les rapports rédigéspar les consuls de l'époque,que l'in-

strument en question ait étéconclu entre deux Et ~tssouverains, on peut
également dire que rien n'indique qu'il en ait été autrement. Mais le fait
que l'on se soit référà cet accord comme à un traitéme semble suffisant
pour conférer à cellui-ci le caractère d'instrument international. Cela
étant, que l'on voie ou non des vices dans le traité conclu en 1884entre la
Grande-Bretagne et les rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar (et je n'en vois

aucun), les mêmesvices s'appliqueraient aussi bien au titre dérivéque
l'Allemagne prétend avoir acquis en concluant ul accord avec les chefs
locaux du Cameroun, également en 1884.
110. A la lumière de la jurisprudence de la C'our citée plus haut, il
apparaît qu'un aspect important a échappék la C Our lorsqu'elle a consi-
déré lanature, les termes et la validitédu traité de 1884: il fallait mettre

ce traitéen regard des événementsintervenus au <:ameroun vers la mêmetime. In fact, the Court ought to trace the derivative root of title of
Germany or what entitles it to enter into the 1913 Agreements with
Great Britain. In other words, the Court is bound to ask what sovereign
rights Germany had over the Cameroonian territory. Both Nigeria and

Cameroon exhibit the relevant documents in their pleadings.

111. The claim to title by Germany emanates from at least four
treaties involving the Kings, Chiefs and the rulers of Cameroon. They
are :

- The Agreement with the Chiefs of Bimbia of 11July 1884(Counter-
Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. IV, Ann. 17, p. 79);
- The German Proclamation of Protectorates on the West Coast of
Africa of 12July 1884 (ibid.Ann. 18, p. 83);
- The Agreement between Kings Akwa and Bell and Woermann and
Jantzen & Thormahlen of 12 July 1884 (ibid.,Ann. 19, p. 87); and

The Agreement between Woermann and Jantzen & Thormahlen and

Dr. Nachtigal, Consul-General and Imperial Commissioner for the
Coast of West Africa of 13July 1884 (ibicl.Ann. 20, p. 93).

112. These Treaties or Agreements including the Proclamation are

important to the issue of title in this case. In the first placeese Agree-
ments trace the link between the rulers of Cameroon with German
traders with whom they first entered into agreement to surrender sover-
eignty over their territory for consideration called "dash". These traders
(Woermann, Jantzen, Thormahlen of Hamburg and Ed. Schmidt and
Captain Johann) in turn passed their territorial title to Dr. Nachtigal,
the then Consul-General and Imperial Commissioner for the Coast of
West Africa. Hence, through this process Germany was able to proclaim
Cameroon as its protectorate.

113. From the explanations given as regards these documents, certain
indisputable facts now evolve. Contrary to the decision of the Court, the
German Proclamation of 12 July 1884 did not mention a phrase like
"colonial protectorate". The heading of the Proclamation reads "German
Protectorate Togo Lands Cameroons, No. 212. - NOTES on German
Protectorates on the West Coast of Africa". Some parts of this Proclama-
tion of 12July 1884need to be quoted for emphasis:

"Cumeroons. Togoland. Slave Coast, &c.

On the 12July, 1884,a German Protectorate was proclaimed over
the whole of the Cumeroons District, and on the 15th October of the
same year, the following officia1communication was made by the
German Government to the principal Powers of Europe and to the
United States Government, notifying the exact extent of territory on the West and South-West Coasts of Africa which had been placed
under the protection of the German Empire;-
Baron von Plessen to Earl Granville.

German Embassy, 15th October, 1884.
(Translation)

The Government of His Majesty the Emperor, with a view to
insure more effectually German comnzercial interests on the West
Coast of Ajrica, lzas taken certain districts of this coast under its
protection.This has been effected in virtue of Treaties which have
been in part concluded by Dr. Nachtigal, the Consul-General dis-
patched to West Africa, with independent Chiefs, and partly in vir-
tue of applications for protection made by Imperia1 subjects, who
have ucquired certain tracts hy covenants with independent Chiejs."
(Counter-Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. IV, Ann. 18, p. 83; emphasis
added.)

114. Consequently, having regard to the content of the Proclamation
referred to above, and within the intertemporal law of the period, it is
clear that the derivative root of title claimable by Germany is in virtue of
treaties which Dr. Nachtigal, the then German Consul-General entered
into with "independent Chiefs" of Cameroon and partly in virtue of
applications made on behalf of imperial subjects who have acquired cer-

tain tracts by covenants with independent Chiefs. It can therefore be
clearly emphasized that the German derivative root of title emanated
from its treaty with the Kings and Chiefs arid the transfer of sovereignty
by German subjects, the terms and conditions of which include con-
sideration of quid pro quo on the basis of "dash" for territorial transfer
to the Government of Germany. Germany was therefore in a position to
Say that these instruments enabled it to enter into the 1913 Agreement
with Great Britain, as its derivative root of title.
115. What then is the derivative root of title of Great Britain?
Great Britain cannot claim that its derivative root of title is based on the
mere Treaty of Protection entered into with the Kings and Chiefs of Old
Calabar. The Treaty did not transfer sovereignty from the Kings and
Chiefs of Old Calabar to Great Britain. It is clearly a treaty of protection

and no more. Contrary to Great Britain's intention about Lagos as a
colony, it was not prepared to acquire any colony in the Old Calabar,
and this 1will refer to again later in my opinion. It can therefore be said
that since there was no intention either by Kings, Chiefs and people of
Old Calabar to transfer territorial sovereignty to Great Britain, sover-
eignty over the Old Calabar including Bakassi remained with the rulers
and people of Old Calabar.

116. The issue now is what is the legal effect and legal significanceof
this Treaty of 1884between Great Britain and the Kings and Chiefs of
Old Calabar? First to be considered is whether this instrument is a treaty FRONTIERE TERRESTRE ET MARITIME (OP. DISS. AJIBOLA) 575

exacte des territoires des côtes ouest et sud-ouest de l'Afrique placés
sous lu protection de l'Empire ullemund:

Le baron von Plessen à lord Granville
Ambassade d'Allemagne, 15 octobre 1884.

[Traduction]

Le gouvernernent de Sa Majesté l'empereur, afin de défendreplus
efficacement ler:intérêts commerciaux allemfinds sur la côte occiden-
tale de II'Ajiique,apris certainc.régionsde c2tte côte sous saprotec-
tion. Il a été procédé ainsi en vertu de traitt:~ dont certains ont été
conclus par M. Nachtigal, le consul générali:nvoyéen Afrique occi-

dentale, avec des chefs indépendants, et en vertu de demandes de
protection formuléespar des sujets de l'Empire ayant acquis certains
territoires pur le biais de conventions avec des chefs indépendants. ))
(Contre-mémoire du Nigéria, vol. IV, ann. 18, p. 83; les italiques
sont de moi.)

114. 11ressort du contenu de la proclamation précitéeet du droit inter-
temporel de l'époqu(eque, si l'Allemagne put se rézlamerd'un titre dérivé,

ce fut d'une part en vertu des traités que M. Nachtigal, le consul général
allemand de I'époqile,avait conclus avec des «chefs indépendants)) du
Cameroun et, d'autre part, en vertu des demandm formulées au nom de
sujets de l'Empire a,yant acquis certains territoire.?par le biais de conven-
tions avec des chefs indépendants. Soulignons donc que, de toute évi-
dence, l'Allemagne tenait son titre dérivédu traité qu'elle avait conclu

avec les rois et chek et du transfert de souveraineté opéré par des sujets
allemands, transfert dont l'une des contrepartics était le paiement du
«dash». C'est ainsi que l'Allemagne put affirmer que ces instruments, en
tant qu'ils fondaienit son titre dérivé,l'habilitaient à conclure l'accord de
1913 avec la Grandle-Bretagne.

115. Mais quel est le fondement du titre dé-ivé de la Grande-Bre-
tagne? La Grande-Bretagne ne pouvait prétendre tenir son titre dérivé
du seul traité de protection qu'elle avait conclu avec les rois et chefs du
Vieux-Calabar. Le traitén'a pas emportécession de la souveraineté, alors

acquise aux rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar, au profit de la Grande-Bre-
tagne. Il s'agit de toute évidenced'un traité de rlrotection, et de protec-
tion seulement. Contrairement à l'intention de la Grande-Bretagne de
faire de Lagos sa colonie, le traiténe visait aucune acquisition de colonie
au Vieux-Calabar j'y reviendrai dans la suite de mon opinion. Puisque
ni les rois, ni les chefs, ni le peuple du Vieux-Cala )ar n'avaient l'intention

de transférer à la Grande-Bretagne la souverainet2 sur leur territoire, l'on
peut donc en déduire que le Vieux-Calabar - Ilakassi comprise - est
restéentre les mains de ses souverains et de son peuple.
116. La question qui se pose alors est celle de savoir quels sont l'effet
et l'importance juridiques qui sont a attacher à c:etraité conclu en 1884

entre la Grande-Bretagne et les rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar. Le pre-properly so called. Unhesitatingly, my view is that it isa valid and bind-
ing international treaty, according to its form and text.

117. Before examining the Treaty itself, it must be borne in mind that
each treaty, like any given case, must be interpreted according to its
terms and conditions. In the Advisory Opinion of the Permanent Court
of International Justice in the case ofNutionality Decrees Issued in Tunis

und Morocco, the Court observed:

"The extent of the powers of a protecting State in the territory of

a protected State depends, first, upon the Treaties between the pro-
tecting state and the protected state establishing the Protectorate. . .
In spite of common features possessed by Protectorates under inter-
national law, they have individual legalcharacteristics resulting from
the special conditions under which they werecreated, and the stage
of their development." (Advisory Opinion, 1923, P.C.I. J.,Series B,
No. 4, p. 27.)

Intrinsically, the instrument is described as a treaty in its title as "Treaty
with Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar, September 10, 1884" (Counter-
Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. IV, Ann. 23, p. 107).Again in its provision on
its operative date, the instrument starts: "This Treaty shall come into
operation . . ." (Ibid.Vol. IV, Ann. 23, p. 111; emphasis added.)

118. In the Treaty, there is clear evidence that it was based on an
understanding of quidpro quo. While Great Britain agreed to protect the
City States of Old Calabar, the Kings and Chiefs in turn agreed to pro-
tect British merchant ships "wrecked within the Old Calabar territories,
the Kings and Chiefs will give them al1the assistance in their power, will
secure them from plunder ..." (ibid.,Vol. IV, Ann. 23, p. 155; emphasis

added).
119. The legal force and legal significanceof the Treaty of 10 Septem-
ber 1884is therefore as follows:

(a) the Treaty was valid and binding between Great Britain and the
Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar pacta sunt servanda;
(b) the territorial extent of the land of the Kings and Chiefs of Old
Calabar as City States of Old Calabar was well known and clearly
defined by descriptions and map illustrations attached to the
Nigerian Counter-Memorial and Rejoinder;
(c) having signed this Agreement with the Kings and Chiefs of Old
Calabar, Great Britain was under obligation to protect Old Calabar
territories and did not acquire sovereignty over the territories of the
Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar;
(d) for Great Britain to enter into an agreement in 1913with Germany
amounted to a serious breach of its international obligation againstmier point à examiner est celui de savoir si cet instrument constituait véri-
tablement un traité. Sans hésitation aucune, je réponds qu'il s'agissait
d'un traité international valide et contraignant, dans sa forme comme
dans son libellé.

117. Avant d'analyser l'instrument propremerit dit, il convient de ne
pas perdre de vue que tout traité doit, et c'est là une règle générale,être
interprétéà la lumikre de ses termes et des conditions dans lesquelles il a
étéconclu. Dans l'avis consultatif rendu par la Cour permanente de Jus-
tice internationale en l'affaire des Décrets de nationalitépromulgués en
Tunisie et au Maroc, la Cour fit observer ceci:

((L'étenduedes pouvoirs d'un Etat protecteur sur le territoire de
1'Etat protégé'dépend,d'une part, des traités de protectorat entre

1'Etat protecteur et I'Etat protégé... Malgré les traits communs que
présentent les protectorats de droit international, ils possèdent des
caractères juridiques individuels résultant des conditions parti-
culières de leur genèse et de leur degré de développement.)) (Avis
consultutij; 192'3,C.P.J.I. sérieB no 4,p. 27.)

L'instrument se présente lui-mêmed , ans son titre, comme un ((traitépré-
liminaire conclu avec les rois et chefs du Vieux-('alabar, signéle 10sep-

tembre 1884))(conti-e-mémoiredu Nigéria, vol. IV, ann. 23, p. 107).Plus
loin, la disposition relative à la date d'entréeen vigueur débute par ces
termes: «Le préseni.traitéavec les rois et chefs iu Vieux-Calabar entre
en vigueur ...» (Ihid., ann.23, p. 111; les italique:; sont de moi.)
118. Le texte du traité laisse clairement apparaître que celui-ci est
fondésur un accord quid pro quo. Si la Grande-Bretagne accepte de pro-

tégerles cités-Etats 'duVieux-Calabar, les rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar,
pour leur part, accelptent de protéger les navires rlarchands ((naufragés i
l'intérieur desterritloires du Vieux-Calabar; les rois et chefs leur appor-
teront toute 1'assi.r.tuncequ'ils peuvent, les ~rotégeront contre les
pillages...)) (ihid., ann. 23, p. 155; les italiques sont de moi).
119. Concernant la validité et la signification juridique du traité du
10 septembre 1884, ily a dès lors lieu de conclure que:

a) celui-ci était valide et avait force obligatoirs entre la Grande-Bre-
tagne et les rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar - pacta sunt servanda;
h) l'étenduedu territoire des rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar, c'est-A-dire
des cités-Etats dluVieux-Calabar, est bien co~~nueet clairement défi-
nie par les descriptions et représentations cartographiques jointes au
contre-mémoire et A la duplique du Nigéria;
c) après avoir signi:cet accord avec les rois et chr:fsdu Vieux-Calabar, la

Grande-Bretagne avait l'obligation de proiéger les territoires du
Vieux-Calabar et n'avait acquis aucune souvei.ainetésur les territoires
des rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar;
d) la conclusion par la Grande-Bretagne, en 1913, d'un accord avec
l'Allemagne constituait une grave violation dc l'obligation internatio- the territorial rights of the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar;

(e) Great Britain could not give away what did not belong to it. The
Island of Palmas case is an illustrative example. Just as the
United States had no sovereignty over the Island of Palmas, ceded
to it by Spain, so it is that Germany could not claim any conven-

tional title over the Bakassi Peninsula. Max Huber, in the Arbitra-
tion Award States: "It is evident that Spain could not transfer more
rights than she herself possessed." (United Nations, Reports of
International Arbitral Awards (RIAA), Vol. II, p. 842.) Huber
further adds that: "Itis evident that whatever may be the right con-
struction of a treaty, it cannot be interpreted as disposing of the
rights of independent third Powers" (ibid.) ;

(f) as already indicated, there is no doubt that the Kings and Chiefs of
Old Calabar have legal personality in international law.

120. The Western Sahara Advisory Opinion of 1975 is a glaring
example on this issue. The international personality was clearly demon-
strated over the territories of the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar when

they rejected certain provisions in the draft Treaty of 1884, particularly
Article VI which guarantees free trade in every part of their territory.
Thus, the 1913Agreement did not deprive the Kings and Chiefs of Old
Calabar of sovereignty over their territory and the right to this sover-
eignty continued till the time of Nigeria's independence in 1960. It is
highly undesirable to create any distinction between the situation
in the Western Sahara case (IC.J. Reports 1975) and the present case,
simply because one is in north Africa and the other in sub-Saharan
Africa.
121. Consequently, and to the extent that the 1913Agreement ceded
Bakassi Peninsula to Germany, Nigeria argued in its pleadings that this:

"would be against the nature and terms of Great Britain's 1884
Treaty of Protection with Old Calabar, against the interests of the
inhabitants, against the financial interests of the title holders of Old
Calabar who should have been compensated, uguinst the recognised
westward limit of the German Protectorate, against earlier under-
takings by Germany to respect the Rio del Rey as the boundary and

to make no acquisitions to the west of it, and against Germany's
acknowledgement and understanding that the Treaty was not
concerned with the acquisition or cession of territory" (Counter-
Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. 1, p. 170,para. 8.52).

122. While Cameroon contends that the difference between a pro-
tectorate, protected State or colony is rather blurred, and that either is nale qui lui incombait à l'égard desdroits territoriaux des rois et chefs
du Vieux-Calabar ;
e) la Grande-Bretagne ne pouvait céderce qui ne lui appartenait pas.
L'affaire de I'Ile de Palmas peut illustrer ce point. Autant les Etats-
Unis n'avaient pas souveraineté sur l'île de Palmas, à eux cédéepar
l'Espagne, autant l'Allemagne nepouvait revendiquer un quelconque

titre conventionriel sur la presqu'île deBakas:;i. Max Huber, dans la
sentence arbitrale, déclare: «II est évidentque l'Espagne ne pouvait
transférerplus de droits qu'elle n'en possédait elle-même. ))(Arbitrage
relatifà l'Ile de Palmas, Cour permanente d'arbitrage, sentence du
4 avril 1928,Nations Unies, Recueil des senttnces arbitrales, vol. II,
p. 842; traduction française: Ch. Rousseau, ~Pevuegénéralede droit
internationalputllic, t. XLII, 1935,p. 168.)11poursuit en ces termes:
((11est évidentque, quelle que puisse êtrela jiiste interprétation d'un
traité, celui-ci ne peut être interprété comme disposantdes droits
d'Etats tiers indkpendants. » (Ibid.) ;
f) comme déjà indiqué, il ne fait pas de douti: que les rois et chefs
du Vieux-Calabar étaient dotés d'une persoiinalité juridique inter-
nationale.

120. L'avisconsultatif rendu en 1975dans 17aff.iiredu Sahara occiden-
tal constitue à cet égard un excellent exemple. La personnalité interna-
tionale des rois etchiefsdu Vieux-Calabar fut clairement démontrée lors-
que ceux-ci rejetèrent certaines dispositions du traité de 1884, et en

particulier l'articleI garantissant la libertéde commerce sur l'ensemble
de leur territoire. Ainsi l'accord de 1913 n'avait .il pas privéles rois et
chefs du Vieux-Calabar de leur souverainetéterritoriale; le droit à cette
souverainetécontinua d'existerjusqu'au moment de l'accession du Nigé-
ria à l'indépendanceen 1960. 11est extrêmement fâcheuxd'avoir intro-
duit une distinction entre la situation de l'affairi: duSahara occidental
(C.I.J.Recueil 1975) et cellede la présenteaffaire, simplement parce que
l'une concerne l'Afrique du Nord et l'autre l'Afrique subsaharienne.
12 1. C'est pourquoi le Nigériaa affirmédans :;esécritures que la ces-
sion par le traitéde 1913de la presqu'île de Bak.issi à l'Allemagne était

«contraire à la nature et aux dispositions (lu traité de protection
de 1884 concli~ entre la Grande-Bretagne et le Vieux-Calabar,
contraire aux intérêts des habitants, contrairclaux intérêts financiers
des détenteurs (lu titre relatif au Vieux-Calabar, qui auraient dû être
indemnisés, contraire à la limite occidentale rsconnue du protectorat
allemand, contraire aux engagements antérieurs de l'Allemagne de

respecter la frontière du Rio del Rey et de r~efaire aucune acquisi-
tion à l'ouest de celle-ci, econtraire à l'aveu mêmede l'Allemagne,
selon qui le traité ne portait pas sur l'acquisition ou la cession de
territoires)) (contre-mémoiredu Nigéria,vol 1, p. 170, par. 8.52).

122. Alors que le Cameroun soutient qu'il y a quelque difficulté à dis-
tinguer protectorat, Etat protégéet colonie, et que ces différentesentitéstantamount to a colony in effect, Nigeria strongly disagrees with this view

and gave many reasons. On the part of Cameroon, the misunderstanding
in the use of the words protectorate or protected States or colony is quite
understandable. The Agreement between the Kings of Akwa and Bell on
the one hand and Woermann and others on the other hand, dated
12July 1884, although referred to as an Agreement for Protection was in
fact a surrender of sovereignty which in effect means that Cameroon
from that date became a colony of Germany. The same is true of the

other Agreement with the Chief of Bimbia of 11 July 1884. But this
muddled concept is alien to the British system of administration.

123. In 1883 (a year before the 1884 Treaty) Sir Edward Hertslet, the
then librarian of the British Foreign Office and an expert in international
law, defined a protectorate thus:

"A Protectorate implies an obligation on the part of a powerful
State to protect and defend a weaker State against its enemies, in all,
or specified eventualities. . .The usual form of establishing a Pro-
tectorate is bv the conclusion of a treatv. either between the more

powerful ta& which has undertaken to defend or protect the weaker
one, and the weaker state itself, or between the protecting Power and
other Powers, relating to such protection .. ." (Counter-Memorial of
Nigeria, Vol. 1,p. 102, para. 6.46.)

124. In fact at this period, the 1880s, the foreign policy of Great
Britain was not to create or acquire more colonies but rather to enter
into treaties of protection:

"Lord Granville [Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs] will
remember that it was recommended by the Committee of the Cabi-
net which considered the question that there should be no attempt at
present to create a new British Colony or Settlement, with al1 the
necessarily expensive machinery of government, but that the districts

to be taken over should continue for the present under such control
and supervision as the Consul for the Bights of Benin and Biafra can
exercise by means of visits paid frequently as circumstances may per-
mit . . ." (Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 103, para. 6.48.)

125. One of the English Judges in 1910 defined "Protectorate" thus:
"The protected country remains in regard to the protecting State a
foreign country . .." (Ihid., Vol. 1, p. 122, para. 6.81.)
126. Thus, protectorates are neither colonial protectorates nor colo-
nies. Protectorates are to al1intent and purposes international legal per-

sonalities and remain independent States and they are not "colonial pro-
tectorates" of the protecting Powers. Therefore, after the Treaty of 1884,
the City States of Old Calabar and their territories were simply protec-s'apparentent toute:$,dans les faits, à des colonies, le Nigéria est en pro-
fond désaccord avec ce point de vue et donne plusieurs raisons à cela. De

la part du Cameroiin, l'imprécisiondans l'emploi des termes de protec-
torat, d'Etat protégéou de colonie se comprend fort bien. L'accord du
12juillet 1884 entre les rois Akwa et Bell, d'unc: part, et Woermann et
autres, d'autre part, bien que présenté comme un accord de protectorat,
emportait en fait di?la part des premiers renonciation à leurs droits de

souveraineté, ce qui, dans la réalité, signifiaitue.le Cameroun devenait,
à compter de la daite en question, colonie allemande. Il en est de même
pour l'accord du 11juillet 1884 conclu avec le chef de Bimbia. Mais ce
concept embrouillé est inconnu du systèmed'administration britannique.
123. En 1883 (soit un an avant la conclusisn du traité de 1884),
sir Edward Hertslet, bibliothécaire du Foreign Olfice et expert en matière

de droit international, donna du protectorat la définition suivante:
<<Unprotectorat suppose l'obligation incombant à un Etat puis-

sant de protéger et défendre un Etat plus faible contre ses ennemis
dans toutes les circonstances, ou seulement dans certaines circons-
tances particuliêres... Habituellement, le protectorat est établipar la
conclusion d'un traité: soit un traité entre, d'une part, 1'Etat plus
puissant qui s'est engagé à défendreou proteger 1'Etat plus faible et,

d'autre part, 1'Etat plus faible lui-même, schitun traité ayant pour
objet cette protection conclu entre, d'une part, la puissance protec-
trice et, d'autre part, d'autres puissances.. » (Contre-mémoire du
Nigéria, vol. 1, p. 102, par. 6.46.)

124. En réalité,à cette époque -- dans les anni:es 1880 - , la politique
étrangère de la Grande-Bretagne ne consistait p;~sà acquérir davantage
de colonies, mais plutôt à conclure des traités de protection:

((Lord Granville [secrétaired'Etat aux affaires étrangères] se rap-
pellera que le comitédu cabinet, qui a étudiéla question, a recom-
mandé que l'on ne cherche pas en ce moment à créer de nouvelle

colonie ou de riouvel établissement britannique, avec tout l'appareil
étatique nécessairement coûteux que cela suppose, mais que les
régions sur lesquelles notre autorité doit être établierestent pour
l'instant soumises au contrôle et à la super.iision que le consul des
golfes du Béniriet du Biafra peut exercer moyennant des visites aussi

fréquentes que lescirconstances le permetten ...»(Ihid, vol. 1,p. 103,
par. 6.48.)

125. Un juge anglais a défini en 1910 le ((prolectorat » en ces termes:
((Le pays protégéreste un pays étranger vis-à-vis de 1'Etat protecteur...))
(Ibid, vol. 1, p. 122, par. 6.81.)
126. Il s'ensuit que les protectorats ne sont ni des protectorats colo-
niaux ni des co1onie.s.Les protectorats sont, à toiis égards, des personnes
juridiques internationales, sont restésdes Etats ndépendants et ne sau-

raient êtredes ((protectorats coloniaux» des puiisances protectrices. De
ce fait, le traité de 1884 fit des cités-Etats du Vieux-Calabar et de leurstorates of Great Britain. Before and after 1913these City States of Old
Calabar remained independent protectorates. There is nothing from the
actions and instruments during this period which could describe the Old
Calabar including Bakassi and other areas being claimed by the Kings
and Chiefs, as a colony of Great Britain, nor is there anything in the
Treaty indicating that Old Calabar, including Bakassi, acquired the sta-
tus of a colonial protectorate. Even Great Britain did not describe the
territory assuch and this cannot be done by any inference. In line with
the provision of Article 31 of the 1969Vienna Convention on the Law of
Treaties and having regard to customary international law, the ordinary

meaning to be given to the word "protectorate" is protectorate and not
colonial protectorate. Great Britain at no time possessed territorial con-
trol or sovereignty over them. As far as Great Britain was concerned they
were foreign countries and they were so treated by the British Foreign
Office. Great Britain was therefore under a strict legal obligation to pro-
tect the rights of the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar in international
law and not to transfer their territorial sovereignty to another State with-
out their knowledge and consent.

Historical Consolidation and Effectivitésin Bakassi
127. Historical consolidation is Nigeria's strong point in its claim to
the territory of the Bakassi Peninsula. This claim is based on the original

title of the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar that has existed for a long
time and as evidenced by the Treaty of 1884 with Great Britain. The
Bakassi Peninsula has over the years been in physical possession and
occupation of the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar since they settled
there in the seventeenth century. They were in peaceful occupation
throughout that period till 1884and up until the time of the Agreement
between Great Britain and Germany in 1913. This right of sovereignty
over al1 these territories coupled with possession continued during the
period of the Mandate of the League of Nations as well as the period of
Trusteeship till the time of independence. Nothing therefore affected
their territorial rights and occupation of thesame, even after the Agree-
ment of 1913.The Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar were not parties to
the 1913Agreement nor were they consulted.

The constant questions which counsel for Nigeria asked throughout
the oral proceedings and which the Court fails to address or answer in its

Judgment are: who gave Great Britain the right to give away Bakassi?
And when? And how?

128. Whatever may be the legal status of the 1913 Agreement, it has
no binding force over and above the original title, or the basic possessoryterritoires de simple:; protectorats de la Grande-Bretagne. Avant et après
1913, ces cités-Etats du Vieux-Calabar restèrent des protectorats indé-
pendants. Rien n'indique, au vu des actes et instruments de l'époque,

que le Vieux-Calabar, notamment Bakassi, et les mtres territoires reven-
diqués par les rois et chefs aient pu êtreconsidé-éscomme colonie bri-
tannique, pas plus qu'il ne ressort du traité que le Vieux-Calabar, et
notamment Bakassi, ait acquis le statut de ((protectorat colonial)). La
Grande-Bretagne elle-même ne décrivitjamais ce territoire comme tel, et

rien ne permet de conclure qu'elle l'ait jamais considéré comme tel.
Conformément a l'article 31 de la convention de Vienne de 1969 sur le
droit des traités, et à la lumière du droit international coutumier, le
terme ((protectorat » doit être interprétédans son sens ordinaire, c'est-à-
dire comme visant bel et bien un protectorat, et non un ((protectorat
colonial)). La Grande-Bretagne n'a, à aucun momient, exercéun contrôle

territorial ou une souveraineté sur ces cités-Eta S. Il s'agissait pour la
Grande-Bretagne de pays étrangers et c'est ainsi qu'elles étaient traitées
par le Foreign Office. La Grande-Bretagne avait donc pour stricte obli-
gation juridique de protéger les droits des rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar
tels que reconnus par le droit international et dc ne pas transférer leur

souveraineté territoriale a un autre Etat, à leur irlsu et sans leur consen-
tement.

Lu consolidution historique et les eJfeectti.littci Bakussi

127. La consolidation historique constitue le pilier central de la reven-

dication ~ L Nigéria sur le territoire de la presqu'île de Bakassi. Cette
revendication s'appuie sur le titre originel des rois et chefs du Vieux-
Calabar, titre ancien et dont témoigne le traité conclu en 1884 avec la
Grande-Bretagne. La presqu'île de Bakassi fut pendant longtemps pos-
session territoriale des rois et chefs du Vieux-Cal ibar, qui, s'y étant ins-

tallésau XVII' siècle,l'occupèrent paisiblement ji~squ'en 1884et au-delà,
jusqu'au moment de la conclusion du traité entre la Grande-Bretagne et
l'Allemagne en 1913. L'exercice de ce droit de souveraineté sur l'en-
semble de ces territ'oires, associé à une possession continue de ceux-ci,
se poursuivit durant toute la période des maniats de la Société des

Nations, puis de la période des tutelles et jusqu'à l'indépendance. Rien
ne porta donc jamais atteinte à ces droits territoriaux ni ne troubla cette
occupation des territoires concernés, mêmeaprès la conclusion du
traité de 1913. Les rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar ne furent pas partie au
traité de 1913, et n'avaient pas étéconsultés à son sujet.
Les conseils du hligéria n'ont eu de cesse de ri:poser les mêmesques-

tions tout au long de la procédure orale - des questions que la Cour n'a
pas examinées et auxquelles elle n'a pas répondu dans son arrêt: qui
aurait donné à la Grande-Bretagne le droit de céderBakassi? Quand? Et
comment ?
128. Quel qu'ait pu êtrele statut juridique du tiaitéde 1913,celui-ci ne

revêtaitaucunement force obligatoire, et ne pouvait donc l'emporter surrights of the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar, and thus they are not
affected by it.

129. Cameroon raises a number of objections to Nigeria's claim to
historical title.These objections centred on the issues of effectivités,
stability of frontier and acquiescence. However, these objections cannot
defeat the claim to historical title by Nigeria.

130. Nigeria has four bases of claim to original title which are as

follows :
(a) long occupation by Nigeria and by Nigerian nationals constituting
an historical consolidation of title and confirming the original title
of the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar which title vested in Nigeria
at the time of Independence in 1960;

(6) effective administration by Nigeria, acting as sovereign, and an
absence of protest;
(c) manifestations of sovereignty by Nigeria together with the acqui-
escence by Cameroon in Nigerian sovereignty over the Bakassi
Peninsula ;
(dj recognition of Nigerian sovereignty by Cameroon (Counter-
Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. 1,p. 211, para. 10.2).

131. Sincethe original title of the City States of Old Calabar rests with
the Kings, Chiefs and people of Calabar with al1 the rights over their
territories, this remained sountil the time of independence of Nigeria on
1October 1960.
132. It must be borne in mind at al1times that a legal title boundary
can be shifted, modified or adjusted to give room for the practice and
conduct of the inhabitants on the ground along such a boundary in
accordance with Article 31, paragraph 3, of the 1969Vienna Convention
on the Law of Treaties.
133. Furthermore, Nigeria claims that by virtue of its original title
based on its historical consolidation, its rights to the Bakassi Peninsula

survive to the time of the 1913Agreement and beyond. It claims that:

(a) in and before 1913 the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar possessed
sovereignty over the Bakassi Peninsula; and

(b) the Anglo-German Agreement of 11March 1913,in so far as it pur-
ported to transfer to Germany a territorial title which Great Britain
did not possess and which it had no power or authority to transfer,
did not transfer territorial sovereignty over Bakassi to Germany.
The statuqsuoante was undisturbed, and title accordingly remained FRONTIÈRE TERRESTRE ET MARITIME (OP.I>ISSA. JIBOLA) 580

le titre originel, ni sur les droits réelsélémentairesdes rois et chefs du
Vieux-Calabar. Il s'ensuit que le traité de 1913fut sans effet sur les droits
en question.
129. La revendication par le Nigériad'un titre historique a conduit le
Cameroun a soulever un certain nombre d'objections à cet égard,objec-
tions qui concernent principalement la question der effectivités,celle de la
stabilitédes frontières et celle de l'acquiescement. Ces objections ne sau-
raient toutefois faire écheca la revendication, par le Nigéria, d'un titre
historique.
130. Le Nigéria étayeau moyen de quatre arguments sa thèse selon
laquelle il serait le~ttenteurdu titre originel:

cc) l'occupation de longue date de ce territoire pzr le Nigéria et des res-
sortissants nigérians, qui constitue une consolidation historique du
titre et confirme le titre originel des rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar
dévoluau Nigériaau moment de l'indépendaiiceen 1960;

h) l'administration effective de ce territoire par 1: Nigéria enqualité de
souverain, administration qui n'a jamais suscitéde protestation;
c) les manifestations de souveraineté du Nigéria, en mêmetemps que
l'acquiescement du Cameroun à la souveraineté nigériane sur la
presqu'île de Bakassi ;
d) la reconnaissance par le Cameroun de la souveraineté nigériane
(contre-mémoire du Nigéria,vol. 1,p. 211, par. 10.2).

131. Les rois, les chefs et la population du kieux-Calabar étant les
titulaires du titre originel des cités-Etatsdu Vieux-Calabar, avec tous les
droits que cela leur confère sur leurs territoires, il en est allé ainsijusqu'a
l'accession du Nigéria a l'indépendance le 1" octobre 1960.
132. 11ne faudrait pas perdre de vue que, conformément au para-
graphe 3 de l'article 31 de la convention de Viennc:sur le droit des traités
de 1969, une frontière fondéesur un titre juridiqiie peut être atout mo-
ment déplacée, modifiée ou ajustéeen fonction d:s réalitésconcrètes, et
notamment des habitudes des populations le long de cette frontière.
133. En outre, le Nigéria soutient que, en ver u de son titre originel

fondé sur la consollidation historique, ses droits sur la presqu'île de
Bakassi sont restésintacts jusqu'a la date de la (.onclusion du traité de
1913 et au-delà. 11arfirme que :
u) jusqu'en 1913,les rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar avaient souveraineté

sur la presqu'île de Bakassi; et que
h) le traité anglo-allemand du 11mars 1913, dans la mesure où son but
était de céder a l'Allemagne un titre territor al que la Grande-Bre-
tagne ne possédiiitpas et qu'il n'étaitpas en son pouvoir de céder,
n'a pas transféréla souveraineté territoriale sur Bakassi a 1'Alle-
magne. La situation antérieure n'a pas étémodifiéeet, par consé- vested in the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar (Counter-Memorial
of Nigeria, Vol. 1, p. 203, para. 9.73).

134. The Court denies Nigeria's claimto the Bakassi Peninsula based
on its argument of historic consolidation (para. 220 of the Judgment).
The claim of Nigeria based on historical consolidation is not its invention
and it is far from being a mere theory. Jurisprudentially, historical con-
solidation evolves from one of the early cases of the Court. In the Fish-
eries (United Kingdonzv. Norway) case of 1951the Court decided that
against al1other States, Norway had title to the territorial sea that she
delimited by a system of straight baselines since 1869.The evolution of
this principleis fundamentally based on toleration. For many years many
States, including the United Kingdom, have come to recognize the "title"
to this territorial sea as claimed by Norway. In the presentation of its
submission, Norway referred to an "historic title" by saying that history
was invoked together with other factors to justify her exceptional rights
to this particular area of the sea. The United Kingdom raised certain

contradictions and uncertainties discovered in the general Norwegian
practice. The Court considered that too much importance or emphasis
need not be attached to thesecontradictions. The Court therefore decided :

"In the light of these considerations, and in the absence of con-
vincing evidence to the contrary, the Court is bound to hold that the
Norwegian authorities applied their system of delimitation consis-
tently and uninterruptedly from 1869until the time when the dispute
arose.

The general toleration of foreign States with regard to the Nor-
wegian practice is an unchallenged fact. For a period of more than
sixty years the United Kingdom Government itself in no way con-
tested it." (C..J. Reports 1951, p. 138.)

The case that follows in the footsteps of the Fisheriescase isthe Minquiers
and Ecrehos case of 1953,where the Court observed that:

"Both Parties contend that they have respectively an ancient or
original title to the Ecrehos and the Minquiers, and that their title
has always been maintained and was never lost. The present case
does not therefore present the characteristics of a dispute concerning
the acquisition of sovereignty over terru nullius." (I.C.J. Reports
1953, p. 53.)

The Court then went on to decide that: "What is of decisiveimportance,
in the opinion of the Court, is not indirect presumptions deduced from FRONTIÈRE T:RRESTRE ET MARITIME (OP. DISS.AJIBOLA) 581

quent, les rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar ont conservé leur titre
(contre-mémoire du Nigéria, vol. 1,p. 203, pir. 9.73).

134. La Cour rejette la revendication sur la presqu'île de Bakassi avan-

céepar le Nigériaà partir de la thèse de la consolidation historique (arrêt,
par. 220). Il ne s'agit pas là d'une simple théorie, et encore moins d'une
invention, de la part du Nigéria. Sur le plan jurisprudentiel, la notion de
consolidation historique s'est développée à partir de l'une des premières
affaires soumises à la Cour. Dans l'affaire des Pêcheries(Royaume-Uni

c. Norvège) en 1951,la Cour a décidéque la Nor~iègedétenait, sur la mer
territoriale qu'elle avait délimitéepar un systèmede lignes droites de base
dès 1869. un titre ounoAable à tous les autres ELtats.L'évolution de ce
principe kt par essence fondée sur la tolérance. De nombreuses années
durant, plusieurs Etats, y compris le Royaume-IJni, avaient reconnu le

«titre» sur cette nier territoriale revendiquée par la Norvège. Dans
l'exposé de ses con,clusions, la Norvége se prélialut d'un ((titre histo-
rique)), affirmant que les droits d'exception qui idaient les siens dans ce
secteur particulier de la mer étaient fondésau regard de l'histoire, invo-
quée de pair avec dl'autres facteurs. Le Royaume-Uni releva un certain

nombre de contradictions et d'incertitudes dans a pratique norvégienne
générale.La Cour, estimant qu'il n'y avait pas lieu d'accorder une impor-
tance exagéréeaux icontradictions en question, ni d'insister outre mesure
sur celles-ci, se prononça de la manière suivante

«Sur la base de ces considérations, et i:n l'absence de preuve
contraire convaincante, la Cour est fondée à dire que les autorités

norvégiennes ont appliqué leur système de délimitation d'une façon
suivie et constante depuis 1869jusqu'à la nzissance du différend.

La tolérance générale desEtats étrangers à l'égardde la pratique
norvégienne est un fait incontesté. Durant une période de plus de

soixante ans le Gouvernement du Royaume. Uni lui-mêmen'a élevé
aucune contest,ation a ce sujet. » (C.I.J. Rec,~eil1951, p. 138.)

Dans le prolongemi:nt de celle des Pêcheries,uni: autre affaire, celle des
Minquiers et Ecréhous,fut, en 1953, l'occasion pour la Cour d'observer
que :

«Les deux Parties soutiennent qu'elles ont, chacune, un titre ancien
ou originaire sur les Ecréhous et les Minq~iers, qui a toujours été

conservé sans j~amaisse perdre. L'espèce actuelle ne présente donc
pas les caractéristiques d'un différend relaiif à l'acquisition de la
souveraineté sur un territoire sans maître (terra nullius) » (C.1J.
Recueil 1953, p. 53.)

La Cour ajouta: «[c]e qui, de l'avis de la Cour, a une importance déci-
sive, ce ne sont pas les présomptions indirectes deduites d'événementsduevents in the Middle Ages, but the evidence which relates directly to the
possession of the Ecrehos and Minquiers groups." (1. C.J. Reports 1953,
p. 57.)
135. This principle has evolved over the years, side by side with effec-
tivités,that a territory that is not terra nullius, occupied by inhabitants,
over many years with open claim of territorial sovereignty over the
territory, undisturbed, uninterrupted and without any hindrance what-

soever, becomes a matter of recognition under international law in the
name of historical consolidation. A long list of distinguished jurists and
writers on international law including Charles De Visscher, Sir Rob-
ert Jennings and Professor George Schwarzenberger have lent their sup-
port to this principle.
136. Apart from the case of Minquiers and Ecrehos and the subse-

quent case of the Western Sahura Advisory Opinion, the Judgment of the
Chamber in the Land, Island and Maritime Frontier Dispute (El Salva-
dorlHonduras: Nicaragua intervening) also supported this principle thus:
"In the first place, it should not be overlooked that Spanish colonial
divisions in Spanish America did not individually have any 'original' or
'historic' titles, as those concepts are understood in international law."
(1.C.J. Reports 1992, p. 565, para. 345.) The Judgment went on to state:

"Where the relevant administrative boundary was ill-defined or its

position disputed, in the view of the Chamber the behaviour of the
two newly independent States in the years following independence
may well serve as a guide to where the boundary was, either in their
shared view, or in the view acted on by one and acquiesced in by the
other . . .This aspect of the matter is of particular importance in
relation to the status of the islands, by reason of their history."
(Ibid. )

137. Whilst referring to cases, reference should also be made to the

development of this principle even when it conflicts with conventional or
legal title,ince the Court takes the view that invocation of the doctrine
of consolidation of historic titles cannot vest title to Bakassi in Nigeria,
"where its 'occupation' of the peninsula is adverse to Cameroon's prior
treaty title" (para.220 of the Judgment). The case in view is the Frontier
Dispute (Burkina FasolRepublic of Mali) case. Much reliance has been

placed on this case by Cameroon, particularly paragraph 63 thereof,
which incidentally has been cited in the Land, Island and Maritime Fron-
tier Dispute (El SalvadorlHondurus: Nicaragua intervening) case in
1992. The clear indication in the present case is that while giving due
recognition to legal title, the City States of Old Calabar's effectivités on
the ground, the toponomy of Bakassi, the administration of Bakassi as part

of Nigeria in the period 1913-1960,exercise of authority by traditional
rulers, acts of administration by Nigeria after independence in 1960 FRONTIERIJ TERRESTRE ET MARITIME (OP.DISS.AJIBOLA) 582

Moyen Age, mais les preuves se rapportant directement à la possession
des groupes des Ecréhous et des Minquiers)) (C.1.J. Recueil 1953, p. 57).

135. Ce principe, qui a évoluéau fil des ans, en parallèle avec les effec-
tivités, veut qu'un t~erritoirequi n'est pas terra nzrllius,qui est habité, sur
lequel une souveraineté territoriale s'est exercée desannéesdurant ouver-
tement, de façon paisible, sans interruption ni entrave de quelque nature
que ce soit, soit reconnu en droit international zu nom de la consolida-
tion historique. Une longue liste de publicistes éminents, parmi lesquels

Charles De Visscher, Robert Jennings et George Schwarzenberger,
adhèrent à ce principe.

136. Outre l'affaire des Minquiers et Ecrélzcluset l'avis consultatif
rendu par la suite en celle du Sahara occidental, la Chambre de la Cour,
dans son arrêtrendu en l'affaire du Différendj:ontalier terrestre, insu-

luire et maritime (El Salvan'orIHonduras; Nicuraguu (intervenant)),
devait également souscrire i ce principe en ces telmes : «[e]npremier lieu,
il ne faut pas oublier que les divisions coloniales espagnoles en Amérique
espagnole n'avaieni pas, prises individuellement, de titre ((originel » ou
«historique», comme on entend ces notions i:n droit international))
(C.I.J. Recueil 199;?,p. 565, par. 345). L'arrêta-oute:

«Lorsque la limite administrative en cause était mal définie ou
lorsque son eniplacement était contesté, le comportement des deux

Etats nouvellement indépendants dans les annéesqui ont suivi I'indé-
pendance pouvait très bien, de l'avis de la Chambre, fournir une
indication quant à l'emplacement de la frontière, soit dans l'idée
communeque is'enfaisaient les deux Parties, soit dans l'idéeque s'en
faisait l'une d'entre elles et en fonction de laquelle elle avait agi,
l'autre ayant acquiescé... Cet aspect de la question revêt uneimpor-

tance particulière en ce qui concerne le statut des îles, en raison de
leur histoire.))(Ibid.)

137. Lorsque l'on évoque la jurisprudence, il y a lieu de mentionner
également l'évolutiondu principe en question, nêmelorsqu'il entre en
conflit avec un titre conventionnel ou juridique, puisque la Cour estime
que l'invocation de la théoriede la consolidation des titres historiques ne
saurait conférer au Nigéria le titre sur Bakassi, <dès lors que l'«occupa-
tion)) de la presqu'ïle étaitcontraire i un titre conventionnel préexistant

détenu par le Cameroun)) (arrêt,par. 220). Je pense à l'affaire du Dffé-
rendjronrulirr (Burkina FusolRépublique du Midi), que le Cameroun a
abondamment invoquée, citant en particulier le îaragraphe 63 de l'arrêt
rendu dans celle-ci, d'ailleurs repris dans l'affaircbdu Différend frontalier
terrestre, insulaire et maritime (El Sali~ador/Hontiuras;Nicuraguu (inter-
vetzant)) de 1992. (Cequi ressort clairement de la présente espèce, c'est

que, mêmesi l'on accorde au titre juridique la reconnaissance qui lui est
due, la préférencedoit êtredonnée au titre originel du Nigéria, et ce,
compte tenu des effectivités descités-Etats du Vieux-Calabar, de la topo-involvingeffeectiv andéseaceful administration, maintenance of public
order and investigation of crimes, granting of oil exploration rights,
public health, public education, participation in parliamentary elections,
collection of custom duties, use of Nigerian passports by residents of the
Bakassi Peninsula, and even evidence of Nigerianinterna1 State rivalry
over Bakassi, give the original title of Nigeria a preference. All these are
catalogued and documented with a compendium of annexes as "fulfil-

ment materials" to demonstrate beyond doubt the claim of Nigeria over
Bakassi by historical consolidation. Cameroon did not deny most of
these claims by Nigeria but al1that it relies on is the conventional title
based on the Agreement of 11 May 1913, which the Court accepts.

138. What was the relevance of German effeectiv ifers1913? For
Germany to have set up effective administration in the Bakassi Peninsula
between 11March 1913 and August 1914,when World War 1broke out,
would have been, at least, of tacit significanceause it would clearly
indicate Germany's occupation of the territories claimed by the Kings
and Chiefs of Old Calabar. In addition, it would have tested the ground
as to whether such occupation would be accepted by the Kings, Chiefs

and people of Old Calabar in the Bakassi Peninsula. This in turn would
have served as a manifestation of Germany's claim of sovereignty.
Presumably, that would have created an incident or even a revolt. For
example in 1913, the same year in which the Agreement was concluded,
the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar protested vigorously, both in Calabar
and in London, against an apparent proposal by the British Government
to amend the land tenure system which was then applicable in that area.
The protest was so pronounced that it was debated in the British Parlia-
ment at that time, and the British Government denied entertaining such a
proposal. Cameroon did not deny the fact that there was noeffeettivitis
on the ground by Germany between 1913 and 1914.After the war, there
was still no evidence of effeectivi eves,when Britain, France and
Belgium occupied the then German colonies and protectorates. Much

of Cameroon's response to Nigeria's position on this point has nothing
to do with effeectiv Inséead, Cameroon contents itself with dealing
with the non-ratification of the 1913 Agreement, both nationally and
internationally.nymie de Bakassi, de l'administration de Bakassi en tant que partie du
Nigériaau cours de la périodecomprise entre 1913 et 1960, de l'exercice
de l'autorité par des chefs traditionnels, des actes d'administration pai-
sibleset des effectivitésdu Nigériaaprès 1960,des dctivitésde maintien de
l'ordre et d'enquêtepénale, de l'octroi de permis de prospection pétro-

lière, des mesures prises dans les domaines de 1.isanté publique et de
l'éducation. dela participation aux électionsparlementaires, de la percep-
tion de droits de douane, de l'utilisation de passeports nigérians par la
population de la presqu'île de Bakassi, et même iles preuves de rivalités
internes nigérianesconcernant Bakassi. Tous ces élémentssont réperto-
riéset documentés dans un ensemble d'annexes présenté comme regrou-
pant les «documents relatifs à l'exécution»et dest né à établir, au-delà de
tout doute possible. le bien-fondé de la revend cation du Nigéria sur
Bakassi, qui s'appuie sur la consolidation historique. Ces éléments pré-
sentéspar le Nigérian'ont, pour la plupart, pas été réfuté psar le Came-
roun, lequel s'appuie seulement sur le titre conjentionnel fondé sur le
traitédu 11mars 1913 - thèse à laquelle la Cour a fait droit.

138. Quelle est la pertinence des effectivitésll:mandes postérieures a
1913? Si 1'Allemagn~e avait mis en place une administration effective sur
la presqu'île de Bakassi entre le 11 mars 1913 el août 1914, lorsque la
première guerre mondiale a éclaté,il y aurait au rloins là, implicitement,
un élémentconcret, indiquant clairement qu'il y ;avait eu occupation par

l'Allemagne de territoires revendiquéspar les roi:, et chefs du Vieux-Ca-
labar. En outre, cela aurait pu permettre de déterminer si une telle occu-
pation aurait été acceptée ou non par les rois, le:.chefs et la population
du Vieux-Calabar d,ans la presqu'île de Bakassi. Cela aurait par ailleurs
constituéune manifestation de la revendication de souverainetépar I'Alle-
magne. IIest à présumerque cela aurait certaineinent provoqué un inci-
dent, voire une révolte. C'est ainsiqu'en 1913,an11ée de la conclusion du
traité,les rois et cheFsdu Vieux-Calabar élevèrent une vigoureuseprotes-
tation,à la foisà Calabar et àLondres, contre urie proposition émanant
apparemment du Gc~uvernementbritannique et visant à modifier lerégime
foncier alors en vigueur dans la région.La protestation fut si vigoureuse
qu'elle fit l'objet d'un débatau Parlement britannique et que le Gouver-
nement britannique de l'époque niaavoir fait Urietelle proposition. Le

Cameroun n'a pas réfutécette absence d'effectivitcisallemandes sur le ter-
rain entre 1913et 1'314.Après la guerre non plu!;, rien n'indique qu'il y
ait eu des effectivités, mêmelorsque la Grande-Bretagne, la France et la
Belgique occupèreni:ce qui était alors les colonies et protectorats alle-
mands. Beaucoup de ce que le Cameroun a dit siir ce point pour réfuter
la position du Nigéria n'a rien à voir avec des effectivités. LeCameroun
s'est plutôt borné atraiter de la non-ratification (lu traitéde 1913, sur le
plan interne et sur Ecplan international. 139. The League of Nations came into existence after World War 1,
and as a result, the southern part of Cameroon was placed under the
administration of Great Britain, based on a mandate agreement. After
World War II, in 1945,Southern Cameroon came under the Trusteeship
of Great Britain. France was entrusted with the administration of
Cameroon during the Mandate and Trusteeship period. Cameroon's
argument is that the situation of the administered territories changed
during the Mandate and Trusteeship period, because Great Britain and
France were under strict directives of the League of Nations (after 1919)
and United Nations (after 1946)to adhere to the agreements entered into,

concerning both the northern and southern Cameroons.

140. Cameroon contends that these administered territories were
defined by the 1919 and 1931 instruments, and that the Administering
Powers were unable to alter the boundaries without the consent of the
League of Nations and subsequently the United Nations, who through
their appointed committees constantly monitored the administration of
the territories as assigned to the Administering Powers. Thus, Cameroon
argues that these acts confirm the boundaries as already recognized.

141. Nigeria does not deny some of these historical facts. The point
made by Nigeria in substance is that al1this did not affect the territorial
rights of the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar, and neither did it affect
the rights of the Republic of Nigeria later in 1960.Much of the activities
of the Council and the United Nations Fourth Committee did not go

beyond the presentation of proposals, discussion about the possibility of
delimitation and demarcation and obtaining reports about the adminis-
tration of these territories (CR 200214(Ntamark), p. 21, para. 13).How-
ever, counsel for Cameroon explained that,
"on a number of occasions, the Committee concerned itself with
proposals of a relatively minor nature to adjust the line so as to
respect ethnicgroupings. Of course, onecannot exaggerate the efforts
made and al1took place within the possibility reserved in the man-

date instruments for minor modifications." (Ibid., p. 20, para. 10.)

Could these adjustments and modifications "so as to respect ethnic
groupings" relate to the Bakassi Peninsula?

142. It is remarkable, that both the instruments of the Mandate and
Trusteeship touched on the need for adjustments and modifications to

the boundary "in the interest of the inhabitants" (Counter-Memorial of
Nigeria, Vol. V, Anns. 51 and 56). Coincidentally, this need for
adjustments and modifications was mentioned in Articles 1 of both the
Mandate and the Trusteeship instruments. Did they have the problem 139. A l'issue de la constitution de la Société desNations, au lende-
main de la premièreguerre mondiale, la partie méridionale du Cameroun
fut placéesous administration britannique, en application d'un accord de
mandat. Au lendemain de la seconde guerre mondiale, en 1945,le Came-
roun méridional fut placésous tutelle britannique:. L'administration du
Cameroun fut assuréepar la France, tant au cours de la périodedes man-

dats qu'au cours de celle des tutelles. L'argumen avancé par le Came-
roun est que la situation des territoires administrés semodifia au cours de
la période des mandats et de celle des tutelles, la Société desNations
(après 1919), puis le:;Nations Unies (après 1946). ayant donné pour in-
struction strictà la Grande-Bretagne et à la France de se conformer aux
accords conclus avec elles sur le Cameroun septentrional et le Cameroun
méridional.
140. LeCameroun affirme que ces territoires administrés furent définis
par les instruments ide 1919 et de 1931, et que 11:spuissances adminis-
trantes n'étaient pas habilitées à en modifier les frontières sans le
consentementde la Sociétédes Nations, puis de1'01ganisation des Nations
Unies, lesquelles, par l'intermédiaire de commissions crééespar elles,
exerçaient une supervision constante sur l'administration des territoires
confiésaux puissanci:~administrantes. Le Cameroun en conclut que ces

actes confirment les Frontières tellesqu'elles étaieritdéjà reconnues.
141. Le Nigéria nt: nie pas certains de ces faits tiistoriques. Ce qu'il dit
en substance, c'est que tout cela n'a porté atteint: ni aux droits territo-
riaux des rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar, ni par12 suite, en 1960,à ceux
du Nigéria. Pour l'essentiel, les activités du conseil et de la Qua-
trième Commission des Nations Unies se limitèrelt à la présentation de
propositions, à des discussions quant aux possibilitésde délimitation et
de démarcation et à la réception de rapports sur ['administration de ces
territoires (CR200214, p. 21, par. 13 (Ntamark)) Le conseil du Came-
roun a toutefois expliquéque

«[l]aCommission se pencha par exemple plus d'une fois sur des pro-
positions d'ajustements relativement mineur; de la ligne frontière
destinésà prendre en compte les réalitésethniques. Il faut bien sûr se
garder d'exagérerl'importance des efforts déployés, lesquels s'inscri-
virent toujours dans le cadre de cette possibilité laissée parles man-
dats de modifier légèrement lafrontière» (Ibld., p. 20, par. 10(Nta-
mark). i

La presqu'île de Bak.assipouvait-elle êtreconcerrée par cette possibilité
d'ajustements et de modifications ((destinés à prendre en compte les
réalitésethniques))?
142. Il est significatif, comme je l'ai fait obseiver plus haut, que les
deux instruments organisant les régimesde mandat et de tutelle aient l'un
et l'autre fait état de la nécessitéde procédeà des ajustements et à des
modifications de la Frontière«dans l'intérêt deI siabitants)) (contre-mé-
moire du Nigéria,annexes 51 et 56). Ce n'est pas un hasard si cette néces-

sitéde procéder àdes ajustements et h des modifi-ations fut mentionnéeof the Bakassi Peninsula in mind? As mentioned earlier, the Court,
in its Judgment, fails to give effect to these concerns, which still subsist
till today, unresolved.

143. The consistent view of Nigeria, as expressed in its pleadings, is
that at al1times, during the period of the Mandate and Trusteeship, the
Bakassi Peninsula remained the territory of the Kings, Chiefs and people
of Old Calabar and after 1960it became part of Nigeria till this day:

"In fact, the overall pattern of Nigerian and British official con-

duct in relation to the Bakassi Peninsula has been remarkably con-
sistent for over a century. Whether as originally part of the domains
of the Kings und Chiefs of Old Calabar, or subsequently us part of
their domains but subject to rights of Great Britain under the Pro-
tectorate Treaty of 1884, or during the Mandate and Trusteeship
periods up to the time of independence in 1960, Bukussi has consis-
tently been administeredfrom Nigeria and as part of the Nigerian
political entity."(Reply of Nigeria, Vol. 1,p. 66, para. 2.27; empha-
sis added.)

144. Nigeria further argues that while there may be differences in prin-
ciple between Mandate and Trusteeship on the one hand, and adminis-
tration and protectorate on the other, there is no difference as such on
the ground and in practice. In effect these changes have no effect on
Nigeria's claimto historical title or effectivitéNigeria explains this posi-
tion thus :

"In the event, after World War 1the whole of the mandated ter-
ritory of the British Cameroons came to be administered as part of

the Nigeria Protectorate, so that the distinction between mandated
and protectorate territory, while acknowledged in principle, had vir-
tually no practical significance for the people of Bakassi and Cala-
bar. There was no practical day-to-day need for the British of local
administration to distinguish between what might have been former
German territory and what was British protected Nigerian terri-
tory." (Counter-Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. 1,p. 182,para. 9.1l.)

Moreover, "[tlhere was in any event no question of non-British rule, and
no question of putting an end to the traditional authority of the Kings
and Chiefs of Old Calabar" (ibid.,Vol. 1,p. 182,para. 9.12) and "[elffec-
tive authority continued to be exercised by the traditional source of
power and authority in the Peninsula, namely by the Kings and Chiefs of
Old Calabar" (ibid ) .
145. In my view, and contrary to the Court's decision,the argument of
Nigeria, which in effect is based on its historical consolidation and effec- FRONTIÈRE TERRESTRE ET MARITIME (OP.DISS.AJIBOLA) 585

a l'article premier de chacun de ces instruments. Les rédacteurs avaient-
ilsà l'esprit le cas de la presqu'île de Bakassi? Je l'ai dit plus haut: la
Cour, dans son arrêt,a omis de répondre à ces ciuestions; celles-ci, non

résolues,se posent encore aujourd'hui.
143. Le point de vue du Nigéria, telque celui-ci l'a exprimétout au
long de ses écritures,est que, tout au long de la piriode du mandat et de
celle de la tutelle, la presqu'île de Bakassi est restéeterritoire des rois, des
chefs et de la population du Vieux-Calabar et que, après 1960, elle est
devenue, pour le rester jusqu'i ce jour, partie integrante du Nigéria:

«De fait, l'attitude générale desresponsat)les nigérianset britan-
niques en ce qui a trait a la presqu'île de BaEassi a étéd'une remar-
quable constance pendant plus d'un siècle.C!u'ellefit partie à I'ori-
gine des domaines des rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar ou par la suite
de leurs domaines mais sous réservedesdroit:; reconnus à la Grande-
Bretagne par le traité de protectorat de 1884, ou qu'elle se trouvât
soumise au régimedu mandat et de la tutelk: jusqu'à l'accession du

Nigéria à l'indépendanceen 1960,Bakassi a toujours été administrée
à partir du Nigkria et comme faisant partie di:l'entité politiquenigé-
riane.>)(Duplique du Nigéria, vol. 1,p. 66, par. 2.27.)

144. Le Nigéria soutient en outre que si des différences peuvent en
principe exister entre mandat et tutelle, d'une part, et administration et
protectorat, de l'autre, sur leterrain et dans la pratique il n'existe aucune
différence de cette nature. Dans la réalité, ceschangements n'ont eu
d'effet ni sur le titre historique revendiquépar le 'Vigéria,ni sur les effec-
tivitésdont celui-ci se réclame. Le Nigériaexplicpe cette position de la
façon suivante :

«En fait, après la première guerre mondiale, l'ensemble du terri-
toire du Cameroun sous mandat britannique fut administré comme
faisant partie du protectorat du Nigéria,de sorte que la distinction
entre territoire sous mandat et territoire sous protectorat, bien

qu'admise en principe, était pour ainsi dire clénuée de toute impor-
tance pratique pour la population de Bakassi et de Calabar. Au quo-
tidien, l'administration britannique ou locale n'avait aucun besoin
de distinguer eritre ce qui avait pu êtreun ancien territoire allemand
et ce qui était un territoire nigérian sous p-otection britannique.))
(Contre-mémoire du Nigéria, vol. 1, p. 182, 3ar. 9.11.)

En outre «[e]n tout état de cause, il n'[était]pas question d'une autorité
non britannique ni de mettre fin aux pouvoirs traditionnels des rois et
chefs du Vieux-Calatbar » (ibid., par. 9.12) et «[l]i: pouvoir de fait conti-
nu[ait] d'êtreexercépar ceux qui sont la source traditionnelle du pouvoir
et de l'autorité dans la presqu'île, c'est-à-dire les rois et chefs du Vieux-
Calabar » (ibid.).
145. A mon avis, et en dépit de la décision cle la Cour, la thèse du

Nigéria, qui s'appuie sur la consolidation historique et les effectivités,esttivités,is sound, having regard to al1the comments 1have made earlier.
Counsel for Nigeria at the hearings summarized its arguments thus:
"Britain itself, of course, as a party to the 1913Treaty, was likely
to act on the assumption that that Treaty had determined the

boundary between the Protectorate and what was to be the British
Cameroons. But assumption, or belief, is not a basis for legal title;
no amount of British believing that Bakassi was in British Camer-
oons would be enough to make it so in law; no amount of mistaken
beliefcould retrospectively make good Great Britain's lack ofauthor-
ity to give away Bakassi; no amount of mistaken belief could give
Britain a power which the Treaty of Protection had clearly not given
it.Al1 Britain's actions in the Mandate and Trusteeship periods
which assumed the alienation of Bakassi from the Protectorate or
which might be construed as having that result were tainted in that
way. This applies whether they were acts of bureaucracy, or of local
administration, or of government, or of legislation (such as the Gov-
ernor's Northern Region, Western Region and Eastern Region (Defi-
nition of Boundaries) Proclamation, 1954 ... For at al1these times,
one has still to answer the crucial question: Who conferred on Great
Britain the authority to give away Bakassi? And when? And how?"

(CR200218 (Watts), p. 64, para. 109.)

The Question of Legal Title

146. The issue of title looms very large in this case as both Parties
claim one form of title or the other. Reference has been made to it with
different descriptions,i.e., legal title, original title, conventional title and
historical title. In its presentation Cameroon claims sovereignty to the
Bakassi Peninsula, alleging that its right to sovereignty with regard to the
territory is its legal title derived, inter alia, from the Agreement of
11March 1913between Great Britain and Germany. On its part, Nigeria
claims to hold original or historical title, partly evidenced by the Treaty
of 10September 1884between the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar and
Great Britain. The question here is that of the meaning of title in thecon-
text of this case and in international law. Cameroon tries to persuade the
Court to hold that the only meaning attributable to the word is a con-
ventional or legal title. The Court agrees with this. It appears to me that
"title" bears a broader meaning than that and ought to be interpreted not
necessarily or solely as documentary title but as the rights that a party

holds in relation to a territory. This, to my mind, includes not only legal
title but also possessory title.
147. In the case concerning the Land, Island und Maritime Frontierfondée, comme le montrent mes précédentesobst:rvations. La thèse du
Nigéria a été présentép ear l'un de ses conseils de la manière suivante:
«La Grande-Bretagne elle-même, biensûr, en tant que partie au

traité de 1913, &ait susceptible de partir du principe que le traité
avait défini lafrontière entre le protectorat et ce qui allait devenir le
Cameroun britannique. Mais la présomptio 1, ou la croyance, ne
saurait constituer le fondement d'un titre juridique; on ne saurait
prétendre que Bakassi relevait, en droit, du Cameroun britannique
pour la seule raison que la Grande-Bretagne (pensait)) que tel était

le cas. Aussi forte qu'elle ait pu être,la coiiviction erronée de la
Grande-Bretagne ne saurait rétrospectivement pallier le fait que cet
Etat n'avait pas le pouvoir de céder Bakassi, 1)asplus qu'elle ne sau-
rait lui conférer un pouvoir que le traité de protection ne lui avait, à
l'évidence.Das reconnu. Tous les actes accomr)l. .Dar la Grande-Bre-
tagne sous les régimesde mandat et de tutelle, qui impliquaient une

dissociation entre la presqu'île de Bakassi et le protectorat, ou pou-
vaient être interprétés commeayant cet effet. étaient ainsi entachés
d'irrégularités. Et ce, qu'il s'agît d'actes purement administratifs,
d'actes d'administrations locales, d'actes de gouvernement, ou encore
d'actes législatifs (tels que la Governor's Nor'hern Region, Western
Region and Eustrrn Region (De3nition of Boundaries) Proclamation
[Proclamation sur la régionnord, la régionou-st et la région estpor-

tant définition cles frontières de 19.541).Que le que soit la période
considérée,la question cruciale demeure en suspens - de qui la
Grande-Bretagne avait-elle reçu le pouvoir de c,éderBakassi? Quand?
Et comment?)) (CR 200218,p. 64, par. 109 (Watts).)

Lu question du titre juridiqu,?

146. La question du titre est en l'espècequasirlent omniprésente, les
deux Parties revendicquant chacune l'une ou l'autre forme de titre: titre

juridique, titre originel, titre conventionnel ou titrc. historique. Le Came-
roun revendique la souveraineté sur la presqu'île de Bakassi en alléguant
que celle-ci lui reviendrait de droit en vertu d'un titre juridique émanant
notamment de l'accord du 11 mars 1913 entre la Grande-Bretagne et
l'Allemagne. Le Nigeria, quant à lui, prétend détenirle titre originel ou
historique, comme l'atteste en partie le traitédu 10 septembre 1884 entre

les rois et chefs du Vieux-Calabar et la Grande-Bretagne. La question qui
se pose ici est de savoir quel sens attribuer au mot «titre» dans le
contexte de I'affaire et en droit international. Le C.imeroun est parvenu à
persuader la Cour que ce mot ne pouvait s'entendre qu'au sens de titre
conventionnel ou juriidique. Or, il me semble que lt.mot «titre» a un sens
plus large que cela et ne devrait pas être nécessaiiement ou uniquement

interprétéau sens de titre écrit, mais au sens des tlroits détenus par une
partie sur un territoire, ce qui, selon moi, inclut non seulement le titre
juridique mais égalernenttout droit réel.
147. En l'affaire du Diffërend frontalier terrestr,., insulaire et maritime587 LAND AND MARITIME ROUNDARY (DISS. OP. AJIBOLA)

Dispute (El SalvadorlHonduras: Nicaragua intervening) the Chamber of
the Court examined this issue of the meaning of title and defined it thus:

"The term 'title'has in fact been used at times in these proceedings
in such a way as to leave unclear which of several possible meanings
is to be attached toit; some basic distinctions may therefore perhaps
be usefully stated. As the Chamber in the Frontier Dispute case
observed, the word 'title' is generally not limited to documentuvy evi-
dence alone, but comprehends 'bothany evidence whichmay establish
the existence of a right, and the actual source of thut right' (IC.J.
Reports 1986, p. 564, para. 18)" (I. C.J. Reports 1992, p. 388,

para. 45; emphasis added.)

148. Furthermore in the same Frontier Dispute (Burkina FasolRepub-
lic of Mali) case, the Court elaborated on the use of the words legal title
and effectivitéthus :

"The Chamber also feels obliged to dispel a misunderstanding
which might arise from this distinction between 'delimitation dis-
putes' and 'disputes as to attribution of territory'. One of the effects
of this distinction is to contrast 'legal titles'an'efictivités'.In this
context, the term 'legal title' appears to denote documentary evi-
dence alone. It is hardly necessary to recall that this is not the only
accepted meaning of the word 'title'. Indeed, the Parties have used

this word in different senses." (I.C.J. Reports 1986, p. 564, para. 18;
emphasis added.)
149. In effect, it appears that the term "title" or even "legal title"
should be given its broad and liberal meaning to include not only the
strict documentary evidence, but also other evidence that could establish
the legal rights of the Parties.

150. The Court, whilst giving Judgment in favour of Cameroon, based
on its so-called legal title, dismisses the claim of Nigeria based on effec-
tivités as ejfectivités contra legem, despite the long occupation and
administration of the territory by Nigeria. In so deciding, the Court bases
its decision on its jurisprudence in the Frontier Dispute (Burkina Fasol
Republic of Mali) case. Once again, and with due deference, it is my
strong view that the Court failed to apply the full ratio decidendi of that
case, the relevant part of which is in paragraph 63, which pronounces
that:

"The vole played in this case by such effectivitésis cornplex, and
the Chamber will have to weigh carefully the legalforce of these in
each particular instance. It must however state forthwith, in general
terms, what legal relationship exists between such acts and the titles
on which the implementation of the principle of uti possidetis is
grounded. For this purpose, a distinction must be drawn among
several eventualities.Wherethe act corresponds exactly to law, ~vhere(El SalvadorlHondz~ras; Nicaragurr (intervenuni)), la Chambre de la
Cour a examiné laquestion du sens du mot ((tit1.e))et l'a définicomme
suit:

«Le mot «titre» a en fait, dans la présente instance, étéparfois
employéde telle manière qu'on ne sait pas tri:s bien parmi ses divers
sens possibles lequel lui attribuer; il est donc peut-êtreutile de rap-
peler certaines distinctions fondamentales. Comme l'a fait observer
la Chambre constituée dans l'affaire du L)ifférendjrontalier, el7
généralle mot ntitre» ne renvoie pus uniquenzent a unepreuve docu-
nzentaire, mais «peut ... viser aussi bien tou* rnojJende preuve sus-
ceptible d'établir l'existence d'un droit que la source mêmede ce

droit».» (C.I.J. Recueil 1992, p. 388, par. 45; les italiques sont de
moi.)
148. En outre, en cette mêmeaffaire, la Cour a précisé, à propos de
l'emploi des mots ((litre juridique)) et ((effectivitéi)),que

«La Chambre se doit encore de dissiper uri malentendu qui pour-
rait résulterde la distinction susviséeentre ((conflitsde délimitation))
et ((conflitsd'attribution territoriale)).Cette distinction a entreautres
effets d'opposer ((titres juridiques)) et «i:ffectivités». Dans ce
contexte, I'expr~ession((titre juridique)) semtlle se référer exclusive-
ment à l'idéedt: preuve documentaire. II est à peine besoin de rap-

peler que ce n'est pas la la seule acceptioiz du mot «titre». Les
Parties ont d'ailleur,~fait usage de ce terme en des sens divers.))
(C.I.J. Recueil 1986, p. 564, par. 18; les italiques sont de moi.)
149. Il semble qu'ele mot «titre» et mêmeles mots ((titre juridique))
doivent effectivement s'entendre au sens large e- de manière souple et
recouvrent non seullement la preuve documentaire stricto sensu, mais

encore les autres éléiment às mêmed'établirles droits des Parties.
150. La Cour, en se prononçant en faveur du C~meroun, s'estappuyée
sur le prétendu titre juridique détenu par ce pay5 et a rejeté la thèsedu
Nigéria fondée sur les effectivitésau motif que celles-ci seraient contra
legem, malgré I'occiipation etl'administration dc longue date du terri-
toire par le Nigéria.La Cour s'estpour cela appuj.éesur sajurisprudence
en l'affaire duDiffé,rendfrontalier (Burkina Fasc~lRépublique du Mali).
Une nouvelle fois, et avec tout le respect dû a la Cour, je crois fermement
qu'elle n'a pas applitquétout le ratio decidendide l'arrêten cette affaire,
dont l'essentielfigurlcau paragraphe 63, qui se lit comme suit:

«Le rôle joui en la présente affaire par ces effectivités est com-
plexe et la Chambre aura àpeser soigneusemtsnt leur valeurjuridique
dans clzaquecas d'espèce. Elle doit cependant indiquer dès àprésent,
en termes généraux,la relation juridique qui existe entre les (ceffec-
tivités))et les titres servant de baàla mise en Œuvredu principe de
I'utipossidetis.A cet effet plusieurs éventual~tésdoivent être distin-
guées.Dans le (:as ou le fait correspond exactement au droit, l'«ef- effective administration is additional to the uti possidetis juris,the
only role of effectivitéis to conjîrm the exercise of the right derived
from a legal title. Where the act does not correspond to the law,
~vherethe territory which is the subject of the dispute is effectii~ely
administered by a State other than the one possessing the legal title,
preference should be given to the holder of the title. In the event tlzut

the effectivitédoes not co-ezcistwith any legal title, it must invariably
be taken into consideration. Finally, there are cases where the legal
title is not capable of showing exactly the territorial expanse to
which it relates. The effectivitéscan then play an essential role in
showing how the title is interpreted in practice." (I.C.J. Reports
1986, pp. 586-587, para. 63; emphasis added.)

151. The relevant paragraph quoted above spells out the relationship
between effeectiiliand legal title. TheCourt, whilst basing its decision on
this particular paragraph of itsjurisprudence, ought to explain and apply
its text fully. The Court cannot apply one part of it and exclude the
other. This was the grave omission made by Cameroon whilst inter-
preting the paragraph in the Frontier Dispute (Burkina FasolRepublic
of Mali) case. Cameroon argues through its counsel, Professor Maurice
Mendelson, in a peculiar way thus:

"The reason for my discomfort is to be found in the Chamber's
lapidary explanation of the role of effectivitésin the case of the
Frontier Dispute (Burkina FasolRepublic of Mali), the pertinent
part of which, as you know, begins as follows: 'Where the act cor-
responds exactly to law, where effective administration is additional
to the utipossidetis juris,the only role of effectivitéis to confirm the
exercise of the right derived from a legal title.' Pausing there, this is
precisely Cameroon's situation :having a good title, any evidence of

effèctivitésthat it adduces are merely confirmatory. In Our submis-
sion, on the other hand, Nigeria falls squarely within the second sen-
tence: 'Where the act does not correspond to the law, where the
territory which is the subject of the dispute is effectively adminis-
tered by a State other than the one possessing the legal title, prefer-
ence should be given to the holder of the title.' That being so, logi-
cally, there is little more to be said. Hence my mild embarrassment
at addressing you on this subject." (CR 200214(Mendelson), p. 35,
para. 1.)

152. Obviously, the learned counsel for Cameroon has chosen to com-
ment on the first part of this paragraph leaving the subsequent para-
graphs unexplained. However, the subsequent paragraphs clarify the
position of ejfectivité:

"In the event that the effectivitédoes not co-exist with any legal
title, it must invariably be taken into consideration. Finally, there are FRONTIÈRE TERRESTRE ET MARITIME (OP. DISS.AJIBOLA) 588

fectivité))n'intervient en réalitéque pour confirmer l'exercice du
droit néd'un titre juridique. Dans le cas où 1:fait ne correspond pas

au droit, où le territoire objet du différend lestadministré effective-
ment par un Etat autre que celui qui possèdeles titresjuridiques, il y
a lieu de préférerle titulaire du titreDans I'éventuulitéou l'«effec-
tivité))ne coexlste avec aucun titre juridique, elle doit inévitablement
êtreprise en considération. Il est enjin des ,-us où le titre juridique
n'est pas de na,turerifaire apparaître de façon précisel'étendue ter-
ritoriale sur larluelle il porte. Les «effectivités))peuvent alors jouer
un rôle essentiel pour indiquer comment le titre est interprété dans la
pratique.»(C. I.J. Recueil 1986, p. 586-587,par. 63; les italiques sont

de moi.)

151. Dans le paragraphe pertinent qui vient d'êtrecitésont décritsles
rapports entre effectivitéset titre juridique. La C')ut-,puisqu'elle a fondé
sa décisionsur ce paragraphe précisde l'un de ;es arrêts, aurait dû en
préciserles termes et l'appliquer dans son intégraité,et non en appliquer

une partie et en exclure une autre. C'est la le grave oubli comrnis par le
Cameroun en interprétant le paragraphe de 17arr2trendu en l'affaire du
Différend Jrontalier (Burkina FasolRépublique du Mali). M. Maurice
Mendelson présente l'argumentation du Camero~~nd'une manière assez
étrange :

«Il faut ..chercher la raison [de mon emb irras] dans la définition
lapidaire du rôle des effectivitésqu'a donnéela Chambre de la Cour
dans l'affaire du Diffërend frontulier (Burkna FasolRipublique du
Mali). La partie de cette définitionqui nous intéresseici commence,
comme vous le savez, en ces termes: «Dans le cas où le fait corres-
pond exactement au droit, où une administration effective s'ajoute a
l'uti possidetis &ris,I'«effectivité»n'intervitmt en réalitéque pour
confirmer l'exercicedu droit néd'un titrejuiidique. ))Jusqu'ici, cela
correspond exactement à la situation du Car~eroun :comme celui-ci

a un titre valable, toutes les preuves d'effectivitésqu'il apporte ont
un caractère purement confirmatif. En revanche, le Nigériase trouve,
a notre avis, trèsexactement dans la situatior décrite A la phrase sui-
vante: «Dans 1t:cas où le fait ne correspond pas au droit, où le ter-
ritoire objet du différend est administré effictivement par un Etat
autre yue celui qui possède le titre juridique, il y a lieu de préférerle
titulaire du titre.Cela posé,il n'y a logiquenent plus grand-chose à
ajouter. D'où nion légerembarras a l'idéede devoir aborder malgré
tout cette question devant vous. » (CR 200214,p. 35,par. 1 .)

152. Le savant colnseildu Cameroun a de tout(: évidence choisi d'exa-
miner la première partie de ce paragraphe sans ter ir compte de la suite de
celui-ci, où est pourtant précisé le rôle des effectivités:

«Dans l'éventualiti ou l'«effectivité» ne coexiste avec aucun titre
juridique, elle aloit inivitablement êtreprise en considiration. Il est cases where the legal title is not capable of showing exactly the ter-
ritorial expanse to which it relates. The effectivitécan then play un
essential role in showing how the title is interpreted in pructice."
(I.C.J. Reports 1986, p. 587, para. 63; emphasis added.)

153. Was the Court misled? There is no doubt that according to para-
graph 63 preference ought to be given to the "holder of the title". But
with due deference, this does not mean that the holder of the title is abso-
lutely entitled to sovereignty over the territory. Al1it indicates is that it
should have preference, but this preference is not absolute. It leaves an
equally legal right which the Court must grant to the party with effectivi-
tés.As explained in the final part of the above paragraph, "[ijn the event
that the effectivitdoes not co-exist with any legal title, it must invariahly
be taken into consideration". That is the consideration that the Court
must invariably give to ejf'ectivitéin this regard. On a careful examina-

tion of the situation in the Bakassi Peninsula, the Court cannot rely on
this authority to decide that the claim of a title-holder is exclusive and
absolute.. The Court must take cognizance of the fact that Nigerians
have settled in Bakassi from time immemorial, that they owe allegiance
to their Kings and Chiefs, and that they have settled administration and
other civil activities as Nigerians there.

154. The Court, in paragraph 222 of its Judgment, enumerates
Nigeria's territorial activities and acts of public and social administra-
tion in Bakassi. Mention is made of activities dating back to 1959,that is,
before Nigeria obtained its independence. The Court also accepts that

Nigeria confirms many of these activities in Bakassi with supporting
evidence and "in considerable detail" (para. 222 of the Judgment). The
Court also agrees with Nigeria that "[nlor is there any reason to doubt
the Efik and Effiat toponomy of the settlements, or their relationships
with Nigeria" (para. 221). Furthermore, the Court accepts as true the fact
that the provision of "education in the Bakassi settlements appear to be
largely Nigerian" (para. 222). It is for al1these reasons that the Court
ought to find in favour of Nigeria based on historical consolidation and
effectii~ités.

155. Cameroon claims that the maritime boundary should start from
the mouth of the Akwayafe, in reliance on its claim of a conventional
title, based on the Agreement of II March 1913 coupled with
map TSGS 2240annexed thereto. On the other hand, Nigeria argues that
the delimitation should start from the mouth of the Rio del Rey, based FRONTIÈRE TERRESTRE ET MARITIME (OP.IIISS.AJIBOLA) 589

enfin des cas oit le titre juridique n'est pde nature à faire appa-
raître de façon précise l'étendue territoriak sur laquelle il porte.
Les «effectivité:?)euvent alorsjouer un rôle essentiel pour indiquer
comment le titre est interprété dansla pratique. » (C.I.J. Recueil
1986, p. 587, par. 63; les italiques sont de m')i.)

153. La Cour a-t-elle étéinduite en erreur? Nul doute, à la lecture du
paragraphe 63, qu'il faille donner la préférence ;LU((titulaire du titre)).
Mais, avec tout le respect dû à la Cour, cela ne vi:ut pas dire que le titu-
laire du titre soit nécessairementdétenteurde la souveraineté territoriale.
Tout ce qu'indique 11t-exte de ce paragraphe, c'es1que le titulaire devrait
avoir la préférence,mais celle-ci n'est pas absolue. L'énoncé laissesub-

sister un droit, tout aussi légitime,que la Cour devrait reconnaître à la
partie qui peut se prkvaloir d'effectivités.Comme 1est indiqué à la fin du
paragraphe en question, «[d/ans l'éventualitéoù l'«effectivité» ne
coexiste avec aucun titre juridique, elle doit inévitablement êtreprise en
considération)).C'est nécessairementsous cet angle que la Cour devrait
examiner la question des effectivités.Si l'on se ~'encheavec soin sur la
situation dans la presqu'île de Bakassi, il apparaît que la Cour ne saurait
s'appuyer sur ce précédentpour déciderque la re~~endicationdu titulaire
d'un titre est exclusiveet absolue. La Cour aurait dû prendre acte du fait
que des Nigérians s'étaient installésa Bakassi depuis la nuit des temps,
qu'ils avaient prêtéallégeance à leurs rois et chef:., et qu'ils y avaient in-

stallé uneadministration et déployéd'autres acti~itésciviles en tant que
Nigérians.
154. La Cour,au paragraphe 222 de son arrêt,mumère les activitésdu
Nigériasur le territoire de Bakassi, ses actes d'adrlinistration publique et
son action dans le domaine social. Il y est fait merition d'activitésremon-
tant à 1959, c'est-à-dire avant que le Nigéria n'accède à l'indépendance.
La Cour reconnaît en outre que le Nigéria a confirmé laplupart de ces
activitésà Bakassi, preuves à l'appui et «de façon extrêmementdétaillée))
(arrêt,par. 222). La Cour convient égalementavez le Nigériaqu'«[il1n'y
a de mêmeaucune r,aisonde douter du caractère c:fiket effiat de la topo-

nymie des localités de cette presqu'île, ni des relations entre leurs habi-
tants et le Nigéria)) (ibid.,par. 221). Par ailleiirs, la Cour reconnaît
comme avéréle fait que «la prestation de services d'enseignement dans
les agglomérations de Bakassi semble largerent nigériane)) (ibid.,
par. 222). Pour toutes ces raisons, la Cour aurziit dû se prononcer en
faveur de la thèsedu Nigériafondée surla consol-dation historique et les
effectivités.

LA DÉLIMITATION MARITIME

155. Le Cameroun, invoquant le titre conventionnel qu'il prétend tirer
du traité du 11 mars 1913 et de la carte TSGS 2240 y annexée, affirme
que la frontière rnaritime devrait commencer a l'embouchure de
I'Akwayafé.Le Nigliria, invoquant pour sa part la consolidation histo-
rique, fait valoir qui: la délimitation devrait comlnencerà l'embouchure
290on its historical consolidation. Waving carefully weighed the arguments
of both Parties, my view runs contrary to the decision of the Court: the
maritime delimitation should start from the mouth of the Rio del Rey,
hence 1voted against the decision of the Court in paragraph 325 IV (B)
of the Judgment.
156. Then there is the dispute as to whether any maritime delimitation
has already been carried out by the Parties.
157. The maritime boundary can be divided into two sectors: the first,

the delimitation up to point "G" and the second, after point "G" which,
according to the Parties, remains undelimited. The Agreements to which
the Court attributes the delimitation are: the Anglo-German Agreement
of 11 March 1913; the Cameroon-Nigeria Agreement of 4 April 1971,
comprising the YaoundéII Declaration and the appended British Admi-
ralty Chart 3433; and the Cameroon-Nigeria Agreement of 11June 1975
(the Maroua Declaration).
158. Cameroon claims that the adopted line was a "compromise line"
that arose out of the work of the Joint Commission set up to do the
same. Therefore, Cameroon argues that the first segment of the maritime
boundary from the mouth of the Akwayafe to point 12was fixed on the
basis of a compromise line.
159. Nigeria expressesits position very clearly with which 1agree -
that it is not bound by these Declarations. The language of the Yaoundé

II meeting made it explicit that the meeting formed part of ongoing ses-
sions of meetings on the maritime boundary, subject to further discus-
sions at the subsequent meetings. This intention is confirmed by the
text of the contemporaneous Joint Communiqué, and by the interna1
Nigerian Brief on the then forthcoming meeting of 20 May 1975.
Nigeria's position after the Yaoundé II meeting was further elucidated in
the letter of 23 August 1974 from General Gowon of Nigeria to Presi-
dent Ahidjo of Cameroon.

The Maroua Declaration

160. Cameroon claims that the Declaration of Maroua is one of three
international legal instruments that delimit the course of the first sector
of the maritime boundary. Cameroon argues that the prolongation of the
maritime boundary southwards from point 12 to point G was agreed
when the two Heads of State "reached full agreement on the exact course
of the maritime boundary".
161. Cameroon further explains that the explicit objective of the Agree-
ment was to extend the delimitation of the maritime boundary line
between the two countries, from point 12to point G as evidenced in the
Joint Communiqué,signed by the two Heads of State(CR 200216 (Tomu-
schat), p. 18, para. 1). In reply, Nigeria's primary contention is that it is
not bound by the Maroua Declaration. The Declaration, along with pre-
ceding negotiations at the time formed part of ongoing sessions of meet-du Rio del Rey. Après avoir soigneusement pesétes arguments des deux
Parties, je suis parveinuune décisioncontraire à cellede la Cour: la déli-
mitation maritime devrait commencer à l'embouchure du Rio del Rey,
raison pour laquelle j'ai votécontre le paragraphe 325 IV B) de l'arrêt
rendu par la Cour.
156. Se pose ensuite la question de savoir si uni: délimitation maritime
quelconque a déjà é1.éffectuéepar les Parties.
157. La frontière maritime peut êtredivisée eri deux secteurs: le pre-

mier concerne la délimitationjusqu'au point «G», le second, soit au-delà
de ce point «GD, reste, selon les Parties,à délim~ter.Les accords consi-
déréspar la Cour comme portant délimitation sont: l'accord anglo-
allemand du 11 mars 1913, l'accord entre le Cameroun et le Nigéria
du 4 avril 1971,comprenant la déclaration de ((l'aoundé II» et la carte
de l'Amirautébritannique no 3433 qui lui est annexée,et l'accord entre
le Cameroun et le Nigériadu Il juin 1975(la dé(laration de Maroua).
158. Le Cameroun soutient que la ligne qui a étéadoptée est une
((lignede compromiri))née destravaux de la comniission mixte créée àcet
effet.11fait valoir eri conséquenceque le premier segment de la frontière
maritime depuis l'embouchure de 1'Akwayafé juscu'au point 12a étéfixé
sur la base d'un compromis.
159. Le Nigériaa sans ambiguïté exprimésa position - à laquelle je

souscris: il n'est pas liépar ces déclarations. ressort très clairement du
libelléde la déclaration deYaoundéII que cette rkunion s'inscrivait dans
le cadre d'une sériede rencontres portant sur la frontière maritime, sous
réservede la tenue de nouvelles discussions lors lie réunionsultérieures.
Cette interprétation est confirméepar le texte d~ communiqué conjoint
publié à l'époque,ainsi que par la note interne nigérianedu 20 mai 1975
sur la réunion suivante. La position du Nigéria après la réunion de
YaoundéII a égalementété préciséedans la lettre du 23 août 1974,adres-
séepar le chef d'Etat nigérian,le généralGowon. au président camerou-
nais Ahidjo.

La déclarationde Maroua

160. Le Cameroun affirme que la déclaration de Maroua est l'un des
trois instrumentsjuridiques internationaux délimitantle tracédu premier
secteur de la frontière maritime.Il fait valoir quc le prolongement de la
frontière maritime vers le sud, du point 12 jusqu'au point G, a été
approuvépar les deux chefs d'Etat qui «se sont mis entièrement d'accord
sur le tracéprécisde la frontière maritime)).
161. Le Cameroun explique en outre que l'accord avait pour objectif
déclaréde prolonger la délimitation de la frontière maritime entre les
deux pays du point 12 au point G, comme le montre le communiqué
conjoint signépar les deux chefs d'Etat (CR 2002'6,p. 18,par. 1(Tomu-
schat)). En réponse,le principal argument opposi par le Nigéria est qu'il
n'est pas liépar la déclaration de Maroua. La cléclaration - qui, tout
comme les négociations qui l'avaient précédée, s'inscrivaditans une sérieings on the maritime boundary, subject to further discussions at subse-
quent meetings.
162. For the Declarations to have become binding, the Military Admin-
istration Legislation of 1966 and 1967 required the publication of any
decree made by the Military Council, in the Federal Gazette. This was
not the case in this instance.Under the 1963Constitution in force at the
time, General Gowon did not have the power to commit his Government
without the approval of the Supreme Military Council, which constituted
the executive authority and Government of Nigeria. Thus, Nigeria con-
cludes, the President of Cameroon is deemed to be aware of the con-
straints under which General Gowon was exercisinghis authority. Nigeria
cites theletter sent by General Gowon to President Ahidjo on 23 August
1974(Reply of Nigeria, Vol. IV, Ann. 2).

"In paragraph three of the letter, General Gowon informed Presi-
dent Ahidjo :

'You will recall, Mr. President, that the important question of
demarcating the borders between Ourtwo countries was discussed
at length during our meeting in Garoua. 1 still believe that the
function of the joint commission of experts established to delin-
eatethe international boundary between Ourtwo countries, was to
make recommendations on the basis of their technical examina-
tion of the situation, for consideration by our two Governments.
As a technical commission, their views and recommendations
must be subject to the agreement of the two Governments which
appointed them in the first place. You will also recall that 1
explained in Garoua that the proposais of the experts based on the
documents they prepared on the 4th April, 1971,werenot accept-
able to the Nigerian Government. It has always been my belief
that we can both, together re-examine the situation and reach an

appropriate and acceptable decision on the matter.' " (CR 200219
(Brownlie), pp. 37-38, para. 104.)

Nigeria asserts that in the above correspondence, General Gowon was
emphazising to President Ahidjo that :

"(i) the question of boundary demarcation between Nigeria and
Cameroon is an 'important question';
(ii) the function of the commission of experts was to make recom-
mendations for the consideration of the two Governments;
(iii) the proposals of the experts based on the documents they
prepared on 4 April 1971were not acceptable to the Nigerian
Government ;
(iv) that both Governments must re-examine the situation and reach

an appropriate agreement on the matter; and
(v) that the arrangements which might be agreed between them were FRONTIÈRE TERRESTRE ET MARITIME (OP. DISS. AJIBOLA) 591

de réunions consacrtSesà la frontière maritime- litait susceptible de faire
l'objet de nouveaux débatslors de réunions ultérieures.
162. Pour que les déclarations revêtentun caractère obligatoire, les
textes législatifsadoptés en 1966 et 1967 par l'administration militaire

nécessitaient la publication au journal officiel (Federal Gazette) d'un
décret promulgué par le conseil militaire. Or tel n'a pas étéle cas en
l'espèce. Aux termirs de la Constitution de 1463, qui était alors en
vigueur, le généralGowon n'avait pas le pouvoii d'engager son gouver-
nement sans l'approbation du Conseil militaire suprêmequi constituait le
gouvernement et le pouvoir exécutifdu Nigéria. Aussi, conclut celui-ci, le
président du Cameroun devait êtreau courant cleslimites constitution-
nelles dans le cadrec desquellelse généralGowon txerçait son autorité.Le
Nigéria cite lalettre adresséepar le généralGowo I au président Ahidjole
23 août 1974 (duplilquedu Nigéria, vol. IV,ann. 12).

«Au paragraphe 3 de sa lettre, le généralGowon porte ce qui suit
à l'attention du1présidentAhidjo:

«Vous VOUS rappellerez, M. le président que l'importante ques-
tion de la dkmarcation des frontières entre nos deux pays a été
examinéede manièreapprofondie lors de riotre réunion àGaroua.
Je suis toujours d'avis que la commission mixte d'experts consti-
tuéepour délimiter lafrontière internationale entre nos deux pays
avait pour mission de formuler, sur la base de son étudetechnique
de la situation, des recommandations àsoumettre à nos deux gou-
vernements. Les avis et recommandations de cette commission,
qui a un caractère technique, doivent être soumis a l'approbation

des deux gouvernements qui l'ont constituée. Vous vous rappelle-
rez aussi que j'ai expliquéà Garoua que es propositions présen-
téespar les experts sur la base des docume ~tsqu'ils avaient établis
le 4 avril 1971ne rencontraient pas l'agréinentdu Gouvernement
nigérian. J'aitoujours cru que nous pourrions réexaminertous les
deux ensemble la situation et parvenir siir cette question à une
décision judicieuse etacceptable.)) (CR 2C0219,p. 37-38, par. 104
(Brownlie).)

Le Nigéria affirmeque, dans la correspondance pr~icitéel,egénéral owon
attirait l'attention du présidentAhidjo sur les points suivants:

«i) la question de la démarcation de la fror tièreentre le Nigériaet
le Cameroiin est une ((question importante));
ii) la commisçion d'experts avait pour mission de formuler des
recommandations à soumettre aux deux gouvernements;
iii) les propositions formuléespar les experts sur la base des docu-
ments qu'ils avaient établis le 4 avril 1971ne rencontraient pas
l'agrémentdu Gouvernement nigérian;
iv) les deux gciuvernements devaient réexaminer lasituation et par-
venir sur la question àune solution adaptée; et

v) les disposii.ions dont ils pourraient convenir étaient subordon- subject to the subsequent and separate approval of the 'Nigerian
Government'." (CR 200219,(Brownlie),p. 38,para. 105.)

163. Thus, in light of previous dealings with Nigeria, President Ahidjo
should have realized that General Gowon alone could not bind Nigeria
in what would amount to a disposition of its territory, inhabited by its
people. Executive acts were to be carried out by the Supreme Military
Council or be subject to its approval. From the foregoing it is clear that
the two Heads of State were left in no doubt as to the non-binding force
of the Maroua Declaration.

164. Cameroon makes its stance on the above by referring to
Article 46 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, paragraph 1
of which reads:

"A State may not invoke the fact that its consent to be bound by
a treaty has been expressed in violation of a provision ofts internal
law regarding competence to conclude treaties as invalidating its
consent unless that violation was manifest and concerned a rule of

its internal law of fundamental importance."

And paragraph 2 which states: "A violation is manifest if it would be
objectively evident to any State conducting itself in theatter in accord-
ance with normal practice and in good faith." The argument of the
Parties here turns to the distinction between Cameroon's interpretation
and Nigeria's interpretation of the above Article.
165. Cameroon argues that the consent to the Declaration as expressed
by General Gowon did not require the formal advice of anybody, includ-
ing the Supreme Military Council. However, Cameroon states that, even
if General Gowon were constitutionally restrained, his action of signing
the Declaration of Maroua on Nigeria's behalf did not amount to a
"manifest" violation of Nigeria's internal law regarding the competence
to conclude treaties.
166. This is where the decision of the Court can be faulted. In 1967,
the Executive Power of the Federal Government of Nigeria was vested in
the Supreme Military Council. At that time, Gowon had taken over as
Head of the Federal Military Government in Nigeria. In 1975,when the
Maroua Declaration was signed, there were three military bodies set up,
viz.: the National Council of States, involving the collective administra-
tion of the states as represented by the Governors; the Federal Executive

Council; and, most importantly, the Supreme Military Council, which
was then vested with the Executive Power of the country in accordance
with the Federal Constitution as amended.
167. The Supreme Military Council was the ultimate executive body
vested with the power to ratify any agreement made by the Head of State.
The Maroua Declaration was not ratified by this Council. Hence the FRONTIÈRE TERRESTRE ET MARITIME (OP. DISS.AJIBOLA) 592

nées à l'approbation ultérieure du ((Gouvernement nigérian))
(CR 2002/Çj,par. 105(Brownlie).)

163. Par conséquent, compte tenu de ce qu'il étaitdéjàengagédans
des négociations avec le Nigéria, le président Ahidjo aurait dû com-

prendre que le géntfralGowon ne pouvait à lui seul lier le Nigéria par
ce qui revenait à céder une partie de son teriitoire, habitée par son
propre peuple. C'él.aitau Conseil militaire suprêmequ'il incombait de
prendre ou d'approuver tout acte de l'exécutif.l ressort clairement de ce
qui précèdeque le caractère non obligatoire de la déclaration de Ma-
roua ne pouvait faire de doute pour aucun des ceux chefs d7Etat.
164. Le Cameroim prend donc position sur ce qui précède en invo-
quant l'article 46 de la convention de Vienne sur le droit des traités,dont
le paragraphe 1 prévoitce qui suit:

«Le fait que le consentement d'un Etat à êtreliépar un traité ait
étéexprimé eil violation d'une dispositioii de son droit interne

concernant la compétencepour conclure un traité ne peut être invo-
quépar cet Etaltcomme viciant son consentement, àmoins que cette
violation n'ait étémanifeste et ne concerne une règle de son droit
interne d'importance fondamentale. »

Et le paragraphe 2 dispose: «[u]ne violation est manifeste sielleest objec-
tivement évidentepour tout Etat se comportant vn la matière conformé-
ment à la pratique habituelle et de bonne foi >.L'argumentation des
Parties sur ce point porte sur la distinction entre l'interprétation faitepar
le Cameroun de l'article ci-dessuset celle du Nigéria.
165. Le Cameroiun prétend que le consentenent donné par le géné-
ral Gowon à la déclmaratione Maroua ne nécessitait l'avisformel d'aucun

organe, pas mêmedu Conseil militaire suprême. Toutefois,le Cameroun
estime que, mêmesi la Constitution le lui interdisait, le généralGowon,
en signant la déclaration deMaroua au nom du Yigéria,n'a pas commis
de violation((maniifeste))des dispositions du droit interne nigérian rela-
tivesà la compétencepour conclure des traités.
166. Or, c'est suirce point que la Cour erre en son arrêt. En 1967, le
pouvoir exécutifdu Gouvernement fédéraldu Nigériaétaitdétenupar le
Conseil militaire suprême. A l'époque,le généralGowon était devenu
chef du Gouvernement militaire fédéralnigérian. En 1975, lorsque la
déclaration de Maroua fut signée,il y avait trois organes militaires,à
savoir: le conseil national des Etats, chargé de l'administration collective
des Etats représentéspar les gouverneurs, le conseil exécutif fédéralt,
plus important, le Conseil militaire suprêmequi étaitinvestià l'époque,

du pouvoir exécutifdu pays, conformément à a Constitution fédérale
telle que modifiée.
167. Le Conseil militaire suprême était l'organe exécutif investi du
pouvoir ultime de ratifier tout accord passé par le chef de 1'Etat. La
déclaration deMaroua n'ayant pas été ratifiépear le Conseil, ellen'a pas,Declaration had no binding force on Nigeria, contrary to the decision of
the Court.
168. Thus.,bv,virtue of Article 46 of the Vienna Convention on the
Law of Treaties, internationally, the Maroua Declaration is not oppos-
able and therefore not enforceable against Nigeria.

169. As regards the matter of delimitation of the maritime boundary,

beyond point "G", Nigeria argues that there had been no negotiations
between the Parties on this sector and that the first time it had notice of
Cameroon's claim lines was when it received Cameroon's Memorial.
Cameroon did not deny this fact.
170. Nigeria claims that, as far as the dispute over the maritime
boundary on the areas around point G, and indeed to the areas of over-
lapping licences, the requirement that the Parties must negotiate under
Articles 83 (1) and 74 (1) of the Convention on the Law of the Sea of
1982,has been satisfied; however, not beyond these areas.

171. Hence, as far as the area beyond point G, Nigeria maintains its
position that the requirements of Articles 83 (1) and 74 (1) of the

1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea have not been
fulfilled.
172. One of the preliminary objections made by Nigeria on jurisdic-
tion and admissibility was that the Court had no jurisdiction to entertain
the request of Cameroon for maritime delimitation beyond point "G". In
my dissenting opinion to the Court's Judgment at that stage, 1expressed
the view that, since negotiation is a prerequisite under Articles 83 (1) and
74 (1) of the 1982Convention on the Law of the Sea, the Court has no
jurisdiction to entertain Cameroon's Application on this claim. However,
the Court has assumed jurisdiction. 1 have reservations, because of the
possibility of affecting the rights of Equatorial Guinea and Sao Tome
and Principe. Nevertheless, because the Court is now seised ofthe matter,

and regardless of the dispute between the Parties as to whether there has
been negotiations or not, 1 consider the Court's decision to effect delimi-
tation in the area beyond point "G" to bejust and valid, hence 1voted in
favour of the Court's decision.

173. Although 1voted in favour of the Court's decision rejecting the
claim of Cameroon on State responsibility against Nigeria, and rejecting
a similar application by way of a counter-claim by Nigeria against

Cameroon (paragraph 325 V (D) and (E)), 1wish to express my reasons
for doing so in this part of my opinion.contrairement à ce qu'a décidé laCour dans son arrêt,force obligatoire
pour le Nigéria.
168. C'est pourquoi, en vertu de l'article 46 de la convention de Vienne
sur le droit des traités, la déclaration de Maroua ne saurait, à l'échelon

international, être opposable au Nigéria et n'est donc assortie d'aucune
force exécutoire à son encontre.
169. En ce qui concerne la délimitation de la frontière maritime au-
delà du point G, le Nigéria fait valoir qu'il n'y a eu aucune négociation
entre les Parties su:r ce secteur, et que ce n'est que lorsqu'il a reçu le
mémoiredu Cameroun qu'il a eu pour la première fois connaissance de la

frontière revendiqué:epar celui-ci. Le Cameroun n'a pas niéce fait.
170. Le Nigéria sioutient que pour ce qui est (lu différend relatif à la
frontière maritime aux alentours du point G, r:t notamment dans les
zones de chevauchement des licences, l'exigence posée par les para-
graphes 1 des articles 83 et 74 de la convention sur le droit de la mer de
1982, selon laquelle il doit y avoir eu négociaton entre les Parties, a

bien été satisfaite,niais que tel n'est pas le cas au-delà de ces zones.
171. S'agissant donc de la frontière au-delà (lu point G, le Nigéria
maintient sa position, à savoir que les conditions posées aux para-
graphes 1 des articles 83 et 74 de la convention sur le droit de la mer de
1982 n'ont pas étésatisfaites.
172. Dans l'une de ses exceptions préliminaires touchant à la compé-
tence et à la recevabilité,le Nigéria affirmait que la Cour n'étaitpas com-

pétente pour connaître de la demande du Camercun visant à obtenir une
délimitation au-delà du point KG». Dans I'opiniclndissidente que j'avais
jointe à l'arrêtrendu par la Cour sur les exceptions préliminaires, je
m'étaisdit d'avis que, la négociation étantrendue 3bligatoire par les para-
graphes 1 des articles 83 et 74 de la convention sur le droit de la mer de
1982,la Cour n'était pascompétentepour connaît -ede cette demande for-

muléepar le Cameroun dans sa requête.La Cour s'estcependant déclarée
compétente. Je n'en émets pas moins certaines réserves,compte tenu du
risque d'atteinte aux droits de la Guinée équatorale et de Sao Tomé-et-
Principe. Toutefois, puisque la Cour est désormais saisiede cette demande,
et indépendamment de la question, litigieuse pour les Parties, de savoir si
des négociations oni. ou non eu lieu, je considère que le choix fait par la
Cour de procéder à la délimitation de la frontière,au-delà du point «G»

étaitjuste et fondé,raison pour laquelle j'ai votéen faveur de sa décision.

173. Bien que j'aie voté enfaveur de la décisionde la Cour de rejeter la

demande du Cameroun relative à la responsabilitc étatique du Nigéria, et
de rejeter une demande similaire introduite par oie de demande recon-
ventionnelle par le 1Vigériaà l'encontre du Cameroun (par. 325 V D) et
E)),je voudrais expliquer, dans la présentepartie de mon opinion, pour-
quoi j'ai voté ainsi. 174. The first reason is that the claim of Cameroon is unprecedentedly
excessive and indeed unique. 1do not know of any case (other than the
present case) which has taken over eight years, with so many claims
presented at the same time to the Court. 1 am aware of exclusive land
boundary claims by States; and 1 am also aware of exclusive maritime

delimitation claims by States. Cases of maritime boundary cum land
boundary claims are very few. However, 1have not heard of an applica-
tion involving a land boundary claim, a maritime delimitation claim, and
a State responsibility claim,al1presented at the same time. Little wonder
that the case took a marathon hearing time of five weeks.

175. The second reason is that this case involves neighbouring States.
Geography and history compel their eternal CO-existence.The Court was
not created to consciously or unconsciously create eternal disharmony
between brother States. A claim of this nature can only engender bad
blood between the States, and the Court should not lend its support to
any decision that would create such eternal acrimony. The Court, as 1
have said earlier, is duty bound to ensure that "[alIl Members shall settle

their international disputes by peuceful meuns in such a munner that
internutionulpeuce and security, and justice,are not endangered" (Art. 2,
para. 3, of the United Nations Charter; emphasis added). The para-
mount and fundamental objective of the Court, over and above al1other
considerations, is to ensure that litigants or disputants are satisfied at the
end of the day that justice has been done, that the Court has been fair

and impartial, and that parties can still live together in peace and security.

176. 1 am persuaded by the words of wisdom expressed by counsel for
Nigeria when he observed :

"Counsel sought also to show that it was perfectly normal for
questions of State responsibility and territorial title to be joined. But
this is not so in practice, nor is it appropriate. As the Court will
know, there have been many cases in which territorial disputes have

affected populated areas which one side or the other has adminis-
tered and controlled - several such cases have indeed been consid-
ered by the Court. Yet Cameroon cited no case in which a territorial
dispute has been resolved in favour of one State, and in which the
losing State was then held internationally responsible for its acts of
civil administration or maintenance of public order in areas in
which, as a result of the decision on the territorial dispute, it was

found to have had no right . . .Any other approach would turn
every territorial dispute into a State responsibility case, sometimes of
enormous magnitude." (CR 2002120(Watts), p. 26, paras. 9 and 10.)

177. Another reason for my decision touches on what may be termed 174. La première raison qui m'a amenéà prendre cette décision estque
la requêtedu Cameiroun dépassede loin toutes celles qui ont pu être sou-
mises auparavant et occupe ainsi une place unique dans lajurisprudence. Je

ne connais aucune affaire comme celle-ci, qui s'c:stdérouléesur plus de
huit ans, où un si grand nombre de demandes aient été simultanément pré-
sentéesà la Cour. Je connais des cas de demandes de délimitation exclusi-
vement terrestre, et d'autres de délimitation excliisivement maritime. Les
cas de délimitationà~ la fois maritime et terrestre sont très rares. Cela dit, je
ne connais aucun cas de dépôt d'une requête concc-rnanten mêmetemps la

délimitation terrestre, la délimitation maritimeetIciresponsabilitéétatique.
Iln'est pas étonnani.que les plaidoiries se soient étaléessur cinq semaines.
175. La deuxième raison aui m'a amené a ce clioix est aue cette affaire
concerne des Etats adjacents. La géographie et l'histoire leur imposent
une coexistence éternelle. La Cour n'a pas étéin:,tituéepour créer, cons-

ciemment ou inconr;ciemment, une acrimonie peipétuelleentre des Etats
frères. Une demande de cette nature ne peut qu'engendrer une mauvaise
entente entre les deux Etats et la Cour ne devrait pas contribuer à une
décision susceptiblede créer et faireperdurer pareille mésentente.Comme
je l'ai dit précédemment, laCour a pour devoir (le veiller à ce que «[l]es
Membres de l'organisation règlent leurs différends internationaux par

des moyens pacijïques, de telle manière que la paix et la sécurité interna-
tionales ainsi que 111justice ne soient pas mises 0:ndanger)) (Charte des
Nations Unies, art. 2, par. 3; les italiques sont de moi). L'objectif
suprêmeet fondamental de la Cour, au-delà de tcute autre considération,
est de veiller à ce que les parties à une instance estiment au bout du
compte que justice a été rendue,que la Cour a étéjuste et impartiale, et

qu'elles peuvent continuer à vivre ensemble dans la paix et la sécurité.
176. Je partage entièrement le point de vue plein de sagesse exprimé
par le conseil du Nigéria:

«Le conseil du Cameroun a égalementtentéde montrer qu'il était
tout à fait normal que les questions de respf~nsabilitéétatique et de
titre territorial soient jointes. Mais ce n'estas le cas en l'espèce,et
ce ne serait pas non plus justifié. Comme In Cour le sait, il arrive
souvent qu'un différend territorial porte sur 3esrégionshabitéesque

l'une ou l'autre:partie administre et gouverne. La Cour a statué sur
plusieurs affaires de ce type. Mais le Canieroun n'a citéaucune
affaire dans laquelle un différend territorial aurait étérésolu en
faveur d'un Etat et dans laquelle 1'Etat pe -dant aurait ensuite été
tenu pour internationalement responsable dt: ses actes d'administra-
tion civile etde maintien de l'ordre public dans la régionsur laquelle,

selon la décision rendue sur le différend territorial, il n'était finale-
ment pas souverain ... Toute autre démarche aboutirait à systémati-
quement transformer les différends territoriaux en des affaires de
responsabilité étatique qui risqueraient de prendre une ampleur
démesurée.))(CR2002120, p. 26, par. 9-10 ('Watts).)

177. Une autre raison à ma décisionpourrait :.erésumerainsi: rationeratione tempore. The case between Cameroon and Nigeria was "brought"
too late. If the Court were seised of such a complex and time-consuming
case, as the present one, in the 1970s,and particularly in 1976when there
was less to do with few cases on its docket, then perhaps more time
would have been devoted to such an unnecessarily lengthy claim, which
ought to have been settled between the Parties themselves. However, at
this time, thedocket of the Court is full and time has to be rationed. To
buttress this point, Cameroon has indicated that this is not the end. In its
further claim, Cameroon requests the Court to adjudge on compensation

thus :

"The Republic of Cameroon further has the honour to request the
Court to permit it to present an assessment of the amount of com-
pensation due to it as reparation for the damage it has suffered as a
result of the internationally wrongful acts attributable to the Federal
Republic of Nigeria, ut a subsequent state of the proceedings."
(Memorial of Cameroon, Vol. 1, p. 671, para. 9.2.)

178. Perhaps in effect, the Court may not see an end to this case even
after Judgment. The Court, may still have to decide on the assessment of
the amount of compensation as reparation for the damage claimed.
Nigeria also requested in its submissions that:

"Cameroon bears responsibility to Nigeria in respect of each of
those claims, the amount of reparation due therefor, if not agreed
between the parties within six months of the date ofjudgment, to be
determined by the Court in a further judgment." (Reply of Nigeria,
Vol. III, p. 766.)

Here again, were the Court to decide in favour of Nigeria, and were com-
pensation not be paid to Nigeria within six months, then Nigeria might
file another application for reparation against Cameroon, and who could
tell how long this would take.
179. In effect, anydecision of the Court in favour of either Cameroon
or Nigeria, or both, would only prolong this case and continue to spread
a feeling of disaffection between the Parties. The aim of the Court must
be to discourage endless litigation. The Court, in its wisdom and consid-
erable experience on boundary matters, has made valuable observations
during the preliminary objection on jurisdiction and admissibility phase
of this case, that even when a boundary has been definitively delimited
and demarcated, misunderstandings are bound to ensue from time to
time. In most cases, these misunderstandings are mistakes as to location,

misunderstandings as to boundary lines and pillars, or uncertainties as to
their locations, which have nothing to do with any deliberate acts involv-
ing State responsibility. FRONTIÈRE TERRESTRE ET MARITIME (OP. DISS.AJIBOLA) 595

temporis. Cette affaire entre le Cameroun et le Nigériaa étéintroduite
trop tard. Si laouipavait été saisied'une affaire complexe et demandant
qu'on lui consacre beaucoup de temps - comme c'est le cas en

l'espèce- dans les années soixante-dixou particulièrement en 1976,alors
qu'elleétaitmoins occupée etque peu d'affaires figuraient à son rôle, il lui
aurait peut-êtreété possiblede s'attarder davantage sur ces demandes qui
lui ont été soumisess.i inutilement longues et qui auraient dû êtreréglées
entre les Parties e1li:s-mêmesM. ais le rôle de la Cour est actuellement
chargé etson temps mesuré.Le Cameroun annorce de surcroît que nous
n'en sommespas à la fin de l'affai-e dans sa dt:mande supplémentaire,
il prie en ces termes la Cour de statuer sur le versement d'une indemnité:

«La République du Cameroun a en outre l'honneur de prier la
Cour de bien vouloir l'autoriser à présenter une évuluationdu mon-
tunt de l'indemnitéqui lui est duen réparation des préjudices qu'elle
a subis en conséquence desfaits internationillement illicites attribu-
ables àla Républiquefédéraledu Nigéria, dtms une phase ultérieure
de lu procédure.))(Mémoiredu Cameroun, livre 1,p. 671, par. 9.2.)

178. En effet, il est possible que, mêmeayant rendu son arrêt,la Cour
n'ait pas mis fià cette affaire. Il lui faudra peut-itre encore statuer sur le
montant de l'indemnitédue au titre de la réparation du préjudice invo-
qué.Le Nigériaa égalementformuléla conclusion suivante:

«Le Cameroun est responsable envers II: Nigéria à raison des
griefs exposésdianschacune de ces demandes, le montant de la répa-
ration due à ce titre devant être déterminépzr la Cour dans un nou-
velarrêtà défaut d'accord intervenuentre les Parties dans les sixmois
suivant la date du prononcé de l'arrêtde 1iCour.)) (Duplique du
Nigéria,vol. III, p. 766.)

Une fois de plus, si la Cour statue en faveur du PJigéria,et si une indem-
nité n'estpas versée à celui-ci dans les six mois, 11:Nigériapourrait alors
introduire une autre demande en réparation contre le Cameroun. Per-
sonne ne sait combien de temps prendrait cette ~rocédure.
179. De fait,toule décisionde la Cour à ce sujet en faveur du Came-
roun, du Nigéria ou des deux, aurait nécessairementpour effet de pro-

longer cette procédure et d'accroître le méconteritementqui règneentre
les Parties. La Cour doit avoir pour objectif de découragerune procédure
interminable. Dans sa sagesse et forte de son etpérience des questions
frontalières, elle a formulédes observations fort intéressantes lors de la
phase de cette affaire portant sur les exceptions préliminaires à la com-
pétence et à la recevabilité.Il ne fait pas de doute que, mêmelorsqu'une
frontière a été définitivement délimitéedeé t marquée,des malentendus
surviennent nécessairementde temps à autre. Dans la plupart des cas, il
s'agit d'erreurs sur l'emplacement de certains points, de malentendus sur
le tracéde la frontière ou sur les bornes ou bien d'incertitudes sur leur
emplacement, qui n'ont aucun rapport avec des actes délibérép sar les-

quels un Etat engage sa responsabilitéinternatio lale. 180. There is such an example in the present case: a location called
MberogoIMbelogo. Cameroon is claiming Mbelogo ;Nigeria isalso claim-
ing Mberogo. There are alleged incidents involving State responsibility in
this location as well. Cameroon claims two incidents in Mbelogo, one

involving a Nigerian census taker on 26 January 1994 and the other
involving two Nigerian Immigration Officers on 26 September. In
Nigeria's counter-claim it also reports the incident involving the Nigerian
census taker, but this time in Mberogo. Now the question is, are there
two locations, one called Mberogo and the other Mbelogo? Or are they

one and the same place?

181. Examples like this can be multiplied, Le., where inhabitants or
officials of the Government have acted under a mistaken belief that a
location belongs to its State (either Cameroon or Nigeria).
182. TheCourt, even before entertaining the present case on its merits,

pronounced on this problem as follows:
"The occurrence of boundary incidents certainly has to be taken

into account in this context. However, not every boundary incident
implies a challenge to the boundary. Also, certain of the incidents
referred to by Cameroon took place in areas which are difficult to
reach and where the boundary demarcation may have been absent
or imprecise. And not every incursion or incident alleged by

Cameroon is necessarily attributable to persans for whose behuviour
Nigeria's respon.sibility might he engaged. Even taken together
ivith the existing bounn'ary disputes, the incidents and incursions
reported by Cameroon do not establish by themselves the existence
of a dispute concerning al1 of the boundary between Cameroon and
Nigeria." (I.C.J.Reports 1998, p. 315, para. 90; emphasis added.)

183. As regards Cameroon's application on State responsibility, it

appears to me that it is labouring under a pre-emptive but erroneous
notion that, once itcan establish or assume subjectively that a legal title
exists in a frontier matter, it automatically involves State responsibility.
In other words, the claim of Cameroon on State responsibility is rather
anticipatory. Cameroon believes that its position with regard to the con-
ventional title is unassailable, and in anticipation of a judgment in its

favour, goes further to ask for claims based on a judicial benefit that has
not accrued to it.
184. Cameroon, reflecting on the pronouncement of the Court, had
somehow reformulated its position based on the Judgment of the Court
of 1998 on preliminary objections, which States:

"Al1 of these disputes concern the boundary between Cameroon
and Nigeria. However, given the great length of that boundary,

which runs over more than 1,600 km from Lake Chad to the sea, it
cannot be said that these disputes in themselves concern so large a 180. On relèveun exemple de ce type en la préscnteaffaire : il s'agit du
lieu appeléMberogo ou Mbelogo. Le Cameroun revendique Mbelogo, le
Nigéria Mberogo. Des incidents de nature à engager la responsabilité

internationale auraient également eu lieu à cet endroit. Le Cameroun
invoque deux incidents survenus à Mbelogo, l'un le 26 janvier 1994 au
sujet d'un recenseur nigérian, et l'autre le 26 septembre au sujet de
deux fonctionnaires de l'immigration nigérians également. Dans sa
demande reconventionnelle, le Nigériafait aussi étatde l'incident concer-

nant le recenseur nigérian mais en parlant cette fois de Mberogo. La
question qui se pose donc est celle de savoir si les deux localités existent,
l'une appeléeMberogo et l'autre Mbelogo. Ou s'agit-il du mêmeendroit?
181. On pourrait multiplier les exemples commc:celui-ci, dans lesquels
les habitants ou des fonctionnaires du gouvernement ont pensé à tort
qu'une localité relevait de leur Etat (du Camerouii ou du Nigéria).

182. La Cour, avant mêmede se pencher sur le fond de l'affaire, s'est
prononcée sur le problème en ces termes :

((11convient certainement dans ce contexte de tenir compte de la
survenance d'incidents frontaliers. Muis chaque incident ,frontulier
n'implique pas une remise en cause de lafrontière. De plus, certains
des incidents dont le Cameroun fait état sont survenus dans des
zones difficiles cl'accés,où la démarcation de la frontière est inexis-

tante ou imprécise. Et chaque incursion ou incident signalépar le
Camerounn'est pus nécessairement imputableù despersonnes dont le
corîzportement serait susceprible d'engager ka ~espon.suhilitédu Nigé-
ria. Mêmeconsidérésconjointement avec le.: différendsfrontaliers
existants, les incidents et incursions dontfait ctat le Cameroun n'éta-

blissent pas par eux-mêmes l'existence d'ut1 diffërend concernant
1'en.semble de la frontière entre le Cumeroun et le Nigériu.))
(C.I.J. Recueil 1'998,p. 315, par. 90; les italiques sont de moi.)

183. Pour ce qui concerne la demande du Cameroun en matière de res-
ponsabilité étatique, il me qemhle que celui-ci croit a tort - peut-être
dans une perspective préventive - qu'une fois qu'il a pu établir I'exis-
tence d'un titre juridiique dans le cadre d'un problime frontalier, cela met

automatiquement eri cause la responsabilité internationale. Autrement
dit, la demande du Cameroun en matière de responsabilité étatique était
prématurée. Le Cameroun a estimé que sa position au regard du titre
conventionnel était inattaquable et a anticipéun arrêten sa faveur; plus
encore, il a formulé des demandes fondées sur una victoire incertaine.

184. Le Cameroui1 a quelque peu modifié saposition au vu de l'arrêt
de la Cour de 1998 sur les exceptions préliminairr*~s ,elon lequel:

«Tous ces différends concernent la frontière entre le Cameroun et
le Nigéria.Etant donné toutefois la longueur totale de cette frontière
qui s'étendsur plus de 1600kilomètres, du lac:Tchad jusqu'à la mer,
on ne saurait affirmer que ces différends par eux-mêmesconcernent portion of the boundary that they would necessarily constitute a dis-
pute concerning the whole of the boundary.
Further, the Court notes that, with regard to the whole of the
boundary, there is no explicit challenge from Nigeria. However, a
disagreement on a point of law or fact, a conflict of legal views or
interests, or the positive opposition of the claim of one party by the
other need not necessarily be stated expressis verbis. In the determi-

nation of the existence of a dispute, as in other matters, the position
or the attitude of a party can be established by inference, whatever
the professed view of that party. In this respect the Court does not
find persuasive the argument of Cameroon that the challenge by
Nigeria to the validity of the existing titles to Bakassi, Darak and
Tipsan, necessarily calls into question the validity as such of the
instruments on which the course of the entire boundary from the
tripoint in Lake Chad to the sea is based, and therefore proves the
existence of a dispute concerning the whole of the boundary." (1C.J.
Reports 1998, p. 315, paras. 88-89.)

185. Cameroon, in some part of its pleadings, positively responds to
its misconception of invoking State responsibility in a matter of this
nature. In its Reply, Cameroon referred to a part of the Judgment given
at the preliminary objection phase, and stated further that it was no
longer contesting these two points.
186. Nigeria has stated over and over again that a difference between
States as to the proper application of a principle, or even a rule of inter-
national law, does not by itself give rise to any international responsi-
bility for either of them.

187. Eventually, in its Reply, Cameroon acknowledged, accepted and
admitted this basic principle which should have compelled Cameroon to
withdraw its claim based on State responsibility. Presumably, it was then
too late for Cameroon to do so. Cameroon also acknowledged that
Nigeria had stated this point on at least fiveoccasions. The following was
Cameroon's admission on this point:
"Cameroon acknowledges, us stuted by Nigeria on ut leust jîve

occasions, that in itself 'adifference bet~ijeenState~ us to the proper
application of a principle or even a rule, of international labis,does
not give rise to uny international responsibilityfor either of them'. . .
It is therefore prepared to admit that the wording of paragraph (d)
of the submissions in its Memorial. re~roduced above. mav lead to
confusion on this point if taken out if context as the ~eg~ondent
does: it is not the mere fact that Nigeria 'isdisputing' the boundary
which engages its responsibility, it is the methods it has used, and
continues to use. to conduct the dimute. In order to eliminate al1
ambiguity, Cameroon has made this clear in the submissions in the
present Reply . . .(Reply of Cameroon, Vol. 1,p. 489, para. 11.13.) FKONTIÈRE TERRESTRE ET MARITIME (OP. DISS.AJIBOLA) 597

une portion si importante de la frontière qu'il existerait de ce fait et
nécessairement un différendportant sur l'ensemble de celle-ci.
En outre, la Cour relèvera que le Nigéria ne conteste pas expres-

sément l'ensemblede la frontière. Mais un désaccordsur un point de
droit ou de fait, un conflit, une opposition $lethèsesjuridiques ou
d'intérêtsou le fait que la réclamation de I'uiledes parties se heurte
à l'opposition imanifeste de l'autre ne doivi:nt pas nécessairement
être énoncée s.u,vressisverbis. Pour déterminer l'existence d'un diffé-
rend, il est possible, comme en d'autres domaines, d'établir par infé-
rence quelle est en réalité la positionou l'attii ude d'une partie. A cet
égard, la Cour ne trouve pas convaincante la thèse du Cameroun
selonlaquelle la contestation par leNigéria delavalidité destitresis-
tants sur Bakassi, Darak et Tipsan met nécessairementen causela vali-
ditéen tant que telle des instruments sur lesquels repose le tracé de

la totalité de la frontière depuisle tripoint dans le lac Tchad jusqu'à la
mer et prouve ainsi l'existence d'un différendconcernant l'ensemble
de cette frontière» (C.1J. Recueil 1998, p. 3i5, par. 88-89.)
185. Dans certaines de ses piècesécrites,le Carleroun reconnaît mani-
festement sa conception erronée des choses, qui consiste à invoquer la

responsabilité internationale pour un différend d: cette nature. Dans sa
réplique, il fait alliision au passage de l'arrêt cité et ajoute qu'il ne
conteste plus ces deluxpoints.
186. Le Nigéria ;Imaintes fois répétéqu'une divergence entre deux
Etats sur l'applicatiion qu'il convient de faire d'un principe ou même
d'une règlede droit international n'engage pas p,ur autant la responsa-
bilitéinternationale de l'un ou de I'autre.
187. En fin de compte, dans sa réplique, le Cameroun reconnaît,
accepte et admet ce principe fondamental qui aur rit dû l'amener à retirer
sa demande visant à engager la responsabilité étatique.Sans doute était-il

alors trop tard pour le faire. Le Cameroun recon~iaîtaussi que le Nigéria
avait insistésur ce pointà cinq occasions au moiris. Le Cameroun recon-
naît cela dans le passage suivant:
«Le Camerotln reconnaît que,cornmel'écritle Nigériariau moins
cinq reprises,cn elle-même,«une divergence entre deux Etats sur

l'application qu'ilconvient de faire d'unprincipe oumêmed'unerègle
de droit international n'engage pas pour outant lu responsabilité
internutionale (le l'un ou de l'autre...)). Aussi bien est-il pàêtad-
mettre que la rédaction de l'alinéa d) des c:onclusions de son mé-
moire. reproduit ci-dessus, peut prêter à ccnfusion sur ce point si
on sort cette demande de son contexte comme le fait le défendeur:
ce n'est pas le simple fait que le Nigéria «conteste» le tracé de la
frontière qui engage sa responsabilité, ce sont les voies et moyens
qu'il a utilisés. et qu'il continue d'utiliser, pour procéder à cette
contestation. Pour enlever toute ambiguïté, le Cameroun a précisé
ceci dans les conclusions de la présente rt:plique.» (Réplique du

Cameroun, livre 1,p. 489, par. 11.13.) 188. However, Cameroon has modified its position many times to cor-
rect some of its misgivings and misconceptions. For example, it started
by stating that Nigeria is liable for the various incidents, jointly and
severally. Cameroon had reneged from this standpoint and decided that
the whole of the incidents should be considered together. Furthermore,

it reformulated its submission as a result of al1 these points, stating in
its final submission that:

"in attempting to modify unilaterally and by force the courses of the
boundary defined above under (a) and (c), the Federal Republic of
Nigeria has violated and is violating the fundamental principle of
respect for frontiers inherited from colonization (utipossidetis juris)
and its legal commitments concerning land and maritime delimita-

tion" (Reply of Cameroon, Vol. 1, p. 592, para. 13.l(d)).

However, what Cameroon should have done was to withdraw this claim
entirely.
189. At this stage, it may be necessary for me to descend into the arena
of conflicting facts. It is a cardinal principle of legal procedure that who-
ever asserts must prove. A claim is not sustainable stricto sensus unless

and until it can be established and proved. Cameroon, alleging State
responsibility, must prove those incidents alleged against Nigeria. How-
ever, before going into that, the picture that the disputed areas, particu-
larly the Bakassi Peninsula and Lake Chad, presents to me, is that they
are inhabited by Nigerians who have been living there for a long time,
mostly before independence and some after independence. In my view,

this fact is indisputable. Subsequently, Cameroon, relying on conven-
tional title, has tried to claim those areas. The problem started when
Cameroon attempted to dislodge the Nigerians and replace them with
Cameroonians.

190. One may visualize this situation from what happened in 1972-

1973, when Cameroon started to change the names of places in the
Bakassi Peninsula. Cameroon does not deny this.
191. Where people are already settled in any given place, an incursion
comes as a surprise attack. It is the attacker who invariably has the upper
hand because the settlers are overwhelmed by such a surprise. Nigeria
supports this view with an overall figure of casualties resulting from these

incidents :

"(a) Attributed to Cameroon in the Nigerian documents: 30 killed
(of whom 27 were civilians); 117 wounded (of whom 106 were
civilians) ; eight houses and four boats destroyed or damaged,
together with a substantial amount of other damage.
(b) Attributed to Nigeria in the Cameroon documents: three killed,
13 wounded (al1military). Thus there were small numbers of

military casualties on both sides; fewer dead on each side in 188. Néanmoins, le Cameroun a rectifiésa posilion à plusieurs reprises
pour en supprimer certains malentendus. Par exemple, le Cameroun a

commencé par indiquer que le Nigéria était resl~onsable des différents
incidents, à la fois conjointement et séparément.Puis il est revenu sur cela
en décidant que les incidents devaient êtreexamiiiésdans leur ensemble.
De plus, le Cameroun a reformulé ses conclusions concernant tous ces
éléments. Endernier lieu, il énonce ainsi ses conclusions finales:

«En tentant de modifier unilatéralement et par la force les tracés
de la frontière définie ci-dessus sub literue 6) et c), la République

fédéraledu Nigéria a violéet viole le principe fondamental du res-
pect des frontikres héritéesde la colonisaticn (uti possidetis juris)
ainsi que ses engagements juridiques relativement à la délimitation
terrestre et maritime.)) (Réplique du Camc:roun, livre 1, p. 592,
par. 13.1 d).)

Mais le Cameroun aurait dû purement et sinplement retirer cette

demande.
189. Il n'est peut-êtrepas inutile, à ce stade, que je m'attaque aux faits
contradictoires invoqués en l'affaire. Il est un priiicipe fondamental de la
procédure judiciaire selon lequel celui qui avance un fait doit le prouver.
Un fait ne peut constituer un grief stricto sensu aiant d'avoir étédémon-
tré et parfaitement établi. Le Cameroun, qui invoque la responsabilité

étatique, devait prouver les incidents reprochés ;iu Nigéria. Mais avant
d'en venir à cela, je dois dire que l'image que j'ai des zones litigieuses, en
particulier la presqu'île de Bakassi et le lac Tchad, est qu'il s'agit de
régionshabitées par des Nigérians qui s'y sont iristallésil y a longtemps
de cela - avant l'indépendance pour la plupart, après celle-ci pour cer-

tains d'entre eux. II s'agit là selon moi d'un fait incontestable. Le Came- .
roun a par la suite cherchéà revendiquer ces régisns en se fondant sur le
titre conventionnel. Le problème est nélorsque e Cameroun a tenté de
chasser les Nigérians et de les remplacer par des Camerounais.
190. Les événementsde 1972-1973, lorsque le Cameroun a commencé
à modifier les toponymes dans la presqu'île de Bakassi (ce qu'il ne nie

pas), donnent une ildéeprécisede la situation.
191. Là ou des personnes sont déjàinstalléeset ou une incursion prend
la forme d'une attaque surprise, c'est toujours 1'gresseur qui a le dessus
car les habitants sont pris de cours. Le Nigéria présenteà l'appui de cette
position un bilan gtnéral des victimes occasionnc:es par ces incidents:

({a) Imputables au Cameroun, d'après 1e.i documents nigérians:
trente tués (dont vingt-sept civils); cerlt dix-sept blessés(dont
cent six t:ivil,s); huit maisons et qua re bateaux détruits ou
endommagés, et d'autres dommages cc-lnsidérables.
b) Imputables uu Nigéria, d'après les documents camerounuis:
trois tués, treize blessés (tous des militaires). Ainsi, chaque

camp cornptait parmi ses victimes ur petit nombre de mili- fact than in the incident of May 1981.But there were substan-
tial civilian casualties on the Nigerian side. And there is no evi-
dence wlzatever of Nigerian troops killing or ivounding their
ownpeople." (CR 2002120(Crawford), p. 37,para. 10;empha-
sis added.)

192. Perhaps this overall figure demonstrates two points: on the one
hand, if the places where the incidents occurred were inhabited by Cam-
eroonians, then at least some Cameroonians (civilians) would have been
killed. In this report not a single Cameroonian (civilian) was killed. It
shows that the inhabitants of those places are not Cameroonians. On the
other hand, more Nigerian civilians were killed because they were the
inhabitants.
193. What was the reaction of Cameroon to this report and the
incidents? Cameroon's response was to offer some words of apology.
Cameroon reacted to the matter of the dead civilians thus:

"In the part of his speech, in the eight minutes devoted to counter-
claims this week, Professor Tomuschat did not comment on those
figures. All he said was that 'ilpeut y avoir eu des victimes civiles, ce
que le Cameroun regrette profondément'. Faced with a balance of
casualtiessuch as that 1have given, for counsel to Say'ilpeut 1, avoir

eu des victimes civiles'is not very helpful. To be told belatedly that
Cameroon 'profoundly regrets' does little to mitigate the dainage
caused, and still being caused, by Cameroon. For it is not the case
that there 'may have been'victims: 'il peut y avoir eu des victimes
civiles'.There were such victims. There continue to be civilian vic-
tims. If there had been none, Cameroon would have been the first to
tell you."(Ibid, pp. 37-38, para. 11 ; emphasis added.)

In view of al1 this destruction of Nigerian lives and property, it is
incredible that Nigeria is still being accused of State responsibility. What
Cameroon was in effect saying is: 1 am sorry for killing your people
but you must still pay me for killing them.
194. Reverting to the issue of the burden of proof, after al1the plead-
ings (oral and written), of Cameroon, it has neither established nor
proved a case of State responsibility against Nigeria. Most of the allega-
tions are mere allegations of acts not involving State responsibility against
Nigeria. The presence of civilians and even of soldiers in any of the loca-
tions where these disputes occurred, proved nothing. Cameroon's allega-
tion of the very serious offence of State responsibility must be proved
beyond reasonable doubt. This proof is missing.

195. The evidence presented is very scanty, and, in some cases, incon- taires; moins de morts néanmoins parmi ceux-ci, d'un côté
comme de l'autre, qu'a la suite de 1'incidt:ntde mai 1981. En re-
vanche, le Nigéria a déploré de nomb7-euses victimes civiles.

Etje ne sache pas qu'il soir établique les soldats nigériarzs uinzt
jamais blesséou tut. leurs propres concitoyens!)) (CR 2002120,
p. 37, par. 10 (Crawford); les italiques :.ont de moi.)

192. Il se peut que ce bilan global démontre ([eux choses: première-
ment, si les endroits où les incidents ont eu lieu avaient étéhabités par des
Camerounais, alors certains au moins, parmi les civils, auraient été tués.
Or, d'après le passage cité, pas un seul civil camerounais n'a ététué,ce

qui montre que les habitants des lieux n'étaientpas Camerounais. Deuxiè-
mement, si davantage de civils nigérians ont ététués, c'estparce qu'ils
habitaient, eux, les Iiieux.
193. Comment le Cameroun réagit-il à ce conipte rendu et aux inci-
dents? II ne répond que pour présenter de brèves excuses. Voici sa réac-

tion quant aux morts de civils:

Dans la partie de son exposé consacréeaiix demandes reconven-
tionnelles - ces huit minutes que le Cameroun a consacrées cette
semaine a la question -, M. Tomuschat l'a pas commenté ces
chiffres. Il s'est contenté de déclarer: «il peut y avoir eu des vic-
times civiles, ce que le Cameroun regrette profondément)). La belle
affaire, quand on connaît le nombre de vict~mes,que d'entendre le

conseil affirmer: «il peut y avoir eu des licfimes civiles))! S'en-
tendre dire tardivement que le Cameroun «regrette profondément))
n'atténue en rien les dommages que le Came -oun a causés, etconti-
nue de causer. Qu'on ne vienne pas nous dire qu'il «peut y avoir
eu des victimes civiles)). Il y a eu des victiines civiles. Il continue
d'y avoir des victimes civiles. S'il n'y en avait pas eu, le Cameroun

aurait étéle premier a vous le faire savoir. )) Ihid., p. 37-38, par. 11
(Crawford); les italiques sont de moi.)

II est impensable que le Nigéria, qui a subi tan[ de pertes en vies hu-
maines et de dégâtsmatériels, puisseencore voir sa responsabilité interna-
tionale engagée. L'attitude du Cameroun revient à dire ceci: je suis dé-
soléd'avoir tuévos citoyens, mais vous devez me payer pour l'avoir fait.

194. Pour en revenir à la question de la charge de la preuve, il ressort
de l'ensemble des pièces écrites et des plaidoiries du Cameroun que
celui-ci n'a ni établi ni démontré que la responsabilité internationale du
Nigéria était engagée. La plupart des allégations du Cameroun ne
concernent que des faits dont le Nigéria ne saurait être tenu pour res-
ponsable. La présence depersonnes civiles ou mêne de soldats la où cer-

tains de ces incidents ont eu lieu ne prouve rien. L'allégation du Came-
roun, selon laquelle la responsabilité internationale d'un Etat - et c'est
la une grave accusation - serait engagée,doit êtreétayéepar des preuves
irréfutables. Or, de telles preuves font défaut.
195. Les preuves présentéessont extrêmemeni peu nombreuses, par-sistent, inaccurate and uncertain. Most of the allegations are not sup-
ported by any documentary evidence and are time-barred and conse-
quently acquiesced to by Cameroon, and many are only vaguelydescribed.

196. Many of the reports concerning these allegations are contradic-
tory, unsubstantiated and lack probative value; some are misleading and
incorrectly translated; some are incomplete; and many are unprotested
and appears to be afterthoughts.

197. Many of the documents in support of the incidents are mere

interna1 memos; some of the incidents are undated and no time is speci-
fied; many of the incidents have nothing to do with the State of Nigeria
as such, but are incidents involving civilians, without the knowledge and
consent of the Government of Nigeria. Therefore, these are acts not
involving State responsibility attributable to Nigeria.

198. In many of these incidents Cameroon did not protest to Nigeria.
In one of the reports of the incidents, it seems the report has been ima-
gined, because, for example, the incident at Akwayafe was alleged by
Cameroon to have taken place in April 1993 and was reported on
23 March 1993 in the message of the Governor of South-West. There is

another predated incident at Kofia. Here again the report precedes the
incident. Another clear example of the unreliability of evidence presented
by Cameroon related to the incident in Mberogo. Cameroon claims that
the incident occurred on 26 January 1994, yet it was reported in a mes-
sage of the Bab-Prefect of Force Awa dated 21 January 1994. This is
another example of a predated incident. This is curious, if not ridiculous.

199. In some of the reports it was clearly stated that the incidents
involved Nigerian citizens but not the Nigerian Government. Cameroon
even considers clashes between citizens and citizens as incidents: private
land disputes are considered incidents; squabbles of fishermen and
farmers are considered to be acts involving Nigeria's State responsibility :

otherwise what would land disputes between Nigerians in Nubi Local
Government and the traditional Chief of Barha, or the case of the
Nigerian poachers, have to do with State responsibility? In addition,
some of the incidents relate purely to clashes between the Nigerian and
Cameroonian inhabitants over the location of the boundary. Some reports,
such as the one on the Lenelowa incident predates the incident as far

back as two years before the incident occurred. In some of these inci-
dents, there are cases of Cameroonians clashing with Cameroonians on
Nigerian territory, yet Cameroon reported them as incidents invoking
Nigerian State responsibility. To sum up, reading through the list of
incidents catalogued by Cameroon, one is inclined to believe that the
issue of State responsibility is being trivialized.fois mêmeincohérentes, inexactes et incertaines. La plupart des alléga-
tions ne sont étayéespar aucun élémentde preuve documentaire. Il y a
forclusion quant a la plupart des faits allégué,t lz Cameroun doit donc
être considéré comme ayant acquiescé à la situation. De plus, nombre de
ces allégationsdemeurent vagues.
196. De nombreu:~ comptes rendus concernant ces allégations sont

contradictoires, non corroborés et dépourvus de valeur probante. Cer-
tains sont trompeurs et traduits de manière inexacte. D'autres sont
incomplets, n'ont paisfait l'objet de protestations, ou ont semble-t-il été
inventésaprès coup.
197. Nombre de dlocuments invoqués a l'appui des incidents sont de
simples notes internes. Certains incidents ne sont pas datés, et l'heure
n'en est pas précisée.Beaucoup d'incidents n'ont rien a voir avec 1'Etat
du Nigéria entant que tel, mais sont des incidents concernant des per-
sonnes civiles et des événementsqui ont eu lieu sans que le Gouverne-
ment du Nigéria n'enait connaissance et sans qu'il n'y consente - en
d'autres termes, il s'agit de faits qui ne sont pas irriputables au Nigéria et
qui n'engagent pas si%responsabilité international(:.
198. Dans de nombreux cas, le Cameroun n a mêmepas protesté

auprès du Nigéria. L'un descomptes rendus d'inc dents semble avoir été
monté de toutes pièci:~:l'incident survenu sur 1'Akwayaféaurait, selon le
Cameroun, eu lieu en avril 1993,alors que le message du gouverneur de la
province du Sud-Ouest qui en fait étatest daté du :!3mars 1993.Un autre
incident, survenu àKofia, est relatédans un document antidaté: là encore,
le compte rendu précèdel'incident. L'incident sur1,enu à Mberogo est un
autre exemple frappant du caractère suspect des preuves présentéespar le
Cameroun. Le Cameroun soutient que l'incident a eu lieu le 26 janvier
1994;c'est pourtant dans un message du sous-préf<.d te Furu-Awa en date
du 21 janvier 1994 qu'il y est fait allusion: le rapport a donc été établi
avant que l'incident .n'aitlieu. Etrange, pour ne p;is dire grotesque.
199. Certains comptes rendus affirment clairement que les incidents
concernaient des citoyens nigérians mais non le Gouvernement du Nigé-

ria. Le Cameroun considère même deséchaufourées entre citoyens
comme des incidents;: les litiges privéssont qualifiésd'incidents, les dis-
putes entre pêcheurs etagriculteurs considéréescomme des faits enga-
geant la responsabilité internationale du Nigéria. Qu'est-ceque des dif-
férends fonciersentre des Nigériansde la collecti\ité locale de Nubi et le
chef traditionnel de Barha ou l'affaire des braccmnniersnigérians ont à
voir avec la respons;rbilitéétatique? En outre, cei,tains incidents concer-
nent strictement des heurts entre des habitants nigérianset camerounais
au sujet de l'emplacement de la frontière. Certains rapports, comme celui
relatifà l'incident de Lenelowa, antidatent l'évtnement de deux ans.
Dans certains cas, dlrsCamerounais se confrontelit à d'autres Camerou-
nais, parfois sur le territoire du Nigéria; or le Cameroun les qualifie
d'incidents qui mettent en cause la responsabilité nternationale du Nigé-
ria. En somme, la liste des incidents énumérép sa -le Cameroun a plutôt

tendance à banaliser la question de la responsabi itédes Etats.601 LAND AND MARITIME BOUNDARY (DISS .P. AJIBOLA)

200. Cameroon in fact admits carrying out acts involving State respon-
sibility against Nigeria.Examples are the incidents in Mberogo and
Tosso, which are shown in the Atlas maps presented by Nigeria.

201. In conclusion, the claim of Cameroon as regards State respon-
sibility against Nigeria is, in my view, part and parcel of its litigation

strategy to fortify its claim based on conventional title over the Bakassi
Peninsula and Lake Chad.
202. It is for the reasons enumerated above that 1support the decisionof
the Court that the claim of Cameroon be dismissedalong with the counter-
claim of Nigeria. This decision is desirable in order to promote and
encourage peace, harmony and good neighbourliness between the Parties.

203. To conclude my dissenting opinion, 1am of the view that the
Court ought not to dismiss the claim of Nigeria based on eflectivité.
There is no doubt that for a considerable length of time, there have been
Nigerians living in the area of the Bakassi Peninsula and in some parts of

Lake Chad. The Court accepts the fact that Nigeria has administrative
and social establishments in these areas. History lends credence to the
fact that the Kings and Chiefs of Old Calabar have been exercising ter-
ritorial rights over the Bakassi Peninsulasince the seventeenth century.
204. Similarly the Court should not have rejected Nigeria's clain~
based on historical consolidation. Nigeria presents overwhelming
evidence in support of this claim. Jurisprudentially, there are a series of
the Court's decisions based on historical consolidation. I have referred
to these already in this opinion.
205. In my view, nothing vitiates the evidential value of the Treaty of
10 September 1884 between Great Britain and the Kings and Chiefs of
Old Calabar. This Treaty, being an international instrument, makes it
clear that at no time was Great Britain conferred with the territorial sov-

ereignty over the Bakassi Peninsula. Great Britain acted in breach of its
obligations when it entered into the Agreement of 11 March 1913with
Germany, which purportedly transferred Bakassi to Cameroon.
206. Furthermore, as regards the Anglo-German Agreement of
11 March 1913, the Court ought to have preliminarily rejected it as
invalid, because the Agreement is inconsistent with the concern of the
Great Powers not to transfer "native populations from one administra-
tion to another without their consent and even without having informed
them or consulted them" (Counter-Memorial of Nigeria, Vol. 1,
paras. 8.50-8.51). This Agreement is contrary to the General Act of the
Berlin Conference and in particular its Article 6. The European Powers
were enjoined "to watch out over the preservation of the native tribes and
not to take over or effect transfer of their territory".
207. In addition, 1am also of the view that the Anglo-German Agree- 200. Le Cameroun reconnaît êtrelui-mêmel'auteur de faits supposés
engager la responsatdité internationale du Nigéria.Citons par exemple
les incidents survenusa Mberogoet Tosso, qui sont illustréssur lescartes
de l'atlas produitpar le Nigéria.
201. Pour finir, la demande du Cameroun tendant à ce que soit recon-
nue la responsabilitéinternationale du Nigéria fait selon moipartie de sa
stratégie procédural~cdestinée a renforcer ses revendications sur la
presqu'île de Bakassi et le lac Tchad fondéessur ln titre conventionnel.
202. C'est pour ces raisons que j'approuve la décisionde la Cour de
rejeter la demande diuCameroun en mêmetemps que la demande recon-

ventionnelle du Nigéria.Cette décisionétaitsouhaitable afin de promou-
voir la paix, l'harmonie et des relations de bon voisinage entre les Parties.

203. Pour conclure mon opinion dissidente, j'estime que la Cour
n'aurait pas dû rejeter la thèsedu Nigériafondée:,urles effectivités.Il ne
fait aucun doute que, depuis trèslongtemps, des Nigérians viventdans la
régionde la presqu'île de Bakassi et dans certaines parties du lac Tchad.
La Cour reconnaît l'existence de structures adniinistratives et sociales
nigérianes dans ces régions. L'histoiremontre q le les rois et chefs du
Vieux-Calabar exercent des droits territoriaux sur a presqu'île de Bakassi
depuis le XVII" siècle.
204. De même, laCour n'aurait pas dû rejeter la thèsedu Nigériafon-
déesur la consolidation historique. Le Nigériaprésente à l'appui de cette
thèse des éléments de preuve irréfutables. L'examen de la jurisprudence

montre qu'il existetoute une sériede décisionsde la Cour fondéessur la
consolidation historique. Je les ai déjàévoquéesdans la présente opinion.
205. Selon moi, rien n'altère la force probante du traité du 10 sep-
tembre 1884entre la Grande-Bretagne et les rois 6.tchefs du Vieux-Cala-
bar. Il ressort clairennentde ce traité,qui est un instrument international,
qu'à aucun moment la souveraineté territorial(: sur la presqu'île de
Bakassi n'a étécoinférée à la Grande-Bretagn-. En concluant avec
l'Allemagne l'accord du 11 mars 1913 portant prétendument cession de
Bakassi au Cameroun, la Grande-Bretagne a manqué a ses obligations.
206. En outre, s'agissant du traitédu 11mars 913, la Cour aurait dû
d'embléele rejeter comme invalide puisqu'il allaia l'encontre des préoc-
cupations des grandes puissances, qui étaient de ne pas transférer «des
populations indigènes d'une administration nationale à une autre sans
leur consentement vloiremêmesans les en avoir i forméesou sans avoir
pris leuravis)) (contire-mémoiredu Nigéria,vol. 1,par. 8.50). Cet accord
contrevient à l'Acte généralde la conférencede Berlin et en particulierà

son article 6, selon lequel les puissances européerinesdevaient ((veillàr
la conservation des lpopulations indigènes))et ne pas prendre le contrôle
de leurs territoires ou céder effectivement ceux-ci
207. J'estime en autre que l'accord anglo-allemand étaitdevenu caducment had lapsed as a result of World War 1. It was for Great Britain to
revive the Agreement, which it did not do. Thus, the Agreement was
abrogated by virtue of Article 289, and Cameroon could not have suc-
ceeded to an agreement that was already spent.
208. The Anglo-German Agreement was not approved by the German
Parliament as regards the Bakassi Peninsula. Contrary to the Court's
decision, this Agreement ought to remain invalid.
209. The claim of Cameroon to the Bakassi Peninsula based on the
Anglo-German Agreement is defective for the foregoing reasons and
ought not to have been relied upon by the Court.
210. However, because the Court relies on it substantially and regards

the instrument as conferring legal title on Cameroon, the Court is bound
to relate Nigeria's effectivitéswith Cameroon's legal title. Unfortunately,
the Court has been persuaded by the one-sided argument of Cameroon as
to the text and meaning of paragraph 63 of the Judgment in the Frontier
Dispute (Burkina FasolRepublic of Mali) case, because Cameroon based
its arguments and justification of having legal title solely on the sentence
"[wlhere the act corresponds exactly to law, where effective administra-
tion is additional to theutipossidetis juris, the only role of effectivitéis to
confirm the exercise of the right derived from a legal title(IC.J. Reports
1986, pp. 586-587).

211. However, in Cameroon's interpretation of this same paragraph 63,
it points to a situation which it considers similar to Nigeria's position:
"Where the act does not correspond to the law, where the territory which
is the subject of the dispute is effectively administered by a State other
than the one possessing the legal title, preference should be given to the

holder of the title." (Ibid, p. 587.) However, what Cameroon omitted,
perhaps purposefully, to explain to the Court are the subsequent sen-
tences of the same paragraph 63, stating that:
"In the event that the effectivitédoes not co-exist with any legal
title, it must invariably be taken into consideration. Finally, there are
cases where the legal title is not capable of showing exactly the ter-
ritorial expunse to which it relates. The effectivitéscan then play an
essential vole in showing how the title is interpreted in practice."
(Ibid, p. 587; emphasis added.)

Unfortunately the Court itself fails to give serious consideration to this
vital part of the text of its previous Judgment.
212. Finally, perhaps, the decision of the Court would have been
otherwise had consideration been given to these three sentences, which
Cameroon failed to argue and which were not considered by the Court.

(Signed) Bola AJIBOLA.à cause de la première guerremondiale. Il appartenait à la Grande-Bre-
tagne de remettre l'accord en vigueur, ce qu'elle n a pas fait. L'accord a
donc étéabrogé en vertu de l'article 289 du traité de Versailles, et le
Cameroun ne pouvait succéder a un accord auquel 11avait déjà étémisfin.
208. L'accord angllo-allemand n'a pas été approuvé par le Parlement
allemand s'agissant de la presqu'île de Bakassi. En 'iépitde ce qu'a décidé
la Cour, cet accord aurait dû rester invalide.
209. Pour toutes ces raisons, la revendication par le Cameroun de la
presqu'île de Bakassi fondéesur I'accord anglo-alremand est viciéeet la
Cour n'aurait pas dû se baser sur ce texte.
210. Cela dit, puisque la Cour s'estappuyéedans une large mesure sur

cet instrument et a considéréqu'il conférait le titre juridique au Came-
roun, elle auraitdû confronter celui-ci aux effectiTditédsu Nigéria.Mal-
heureusement, la Cour s'est laisséeconvaincre par l'interprétation par-
tiale donnéepar le Cameroun du texte et du sens du paragraphe 63 de
l'arrêt renduen l'affaire du Différend frontalier (Burkina FasolRépu-
blique du Mali) - malheureusement, parce que le:.argumentset moyens
avancéspar le Cameroun pour fonder son titre juridique reposent uni-
quement sur la phrase «[d]ans le cas où le fait correspond exactement au
droit, où une admiriistration effective s'ajoute à l'uti possidetis juris,
I'«effectivité» n'intervient en réalitéque pour confirmer l'exercice du
droit néd'un titre jui:idique» (C.I.J. Recueil 1986 p. 586-587).
211. Or, lorsqu'il interprète ce mêmeparagraphe 63, le Cameroun
renvoie à une situation selon lui similaire a celli: du Nigéria: «[d]ans
les cas où le fait ne correspond pas au droit, où le territoire objet du
différend estadministré effectivement par un Eti~tautre que celui qui
possède le titre juridique, il y a lieu de préférerle titulaire du titre»

(ibid., p. 587). Mais ce que le Cameroun a omi;, peut-êtrea dessein,
d'indiquer a la Coui-, ce sont les phrases suivantes de ce paragraphe,
qui se lisent ainsi:
((Dans l'éventivalitoù l'«effectivité» ne cozxiste avec aucun titre
juridique, elle doit inévitablementêtreprise en considération.Il est
enfin des casoù le titre juridique n'est pasdo nature à faire appa-
raître de façon précise l'étendueterritoriale sur laquelle ilporte.

Les ((effectivités)) peuvent alors jouer ur; rôle essentiel pour
indiquer commeirt le titre est interprétédan.: lapratique. » (Ibid.,
p. 587; les italiques sont de moi.)
Malheureusement, la Cour elle-mêmea omis d'accorder l'attention qui
convenait à cette partie essentielle de son précédentarrêt.
212. Je dirai, pour finir, que la décisionde la Cour aurait peut-êtreété
autre si ces trois phraisesavaient éexaminées,phrases que le Cameroun

a occultéeset qui n'ont pas retenu l'attention de la Cour.

(Sjgné) Bola AJIBOLA

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Document Long Title

Dissenting opinion of Judge ad hoc Ajibola

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