Dissenting Opinion of Judge J.E. Read

Document Number
005-19511218-JUD-01-04-EN
Parent Document Number
005-19511218-JUD-01-00-EN
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Bilingual Document File

DISSEXTISG OPINION OF JUDGE J. E. READ

While 1 agree with the majority of the Court in accepting the
Norwegian contentions as regards the Indreleia and the Vestfjord,
1 am unable to concur in parts of the judgment which relate to
other sections of the coast in question. It is, therefore, necessary
for me to state the reasons which have led me to the conclusion that
the establishment of certain of the base-lines by the Royal Norwe-
gian Decree of 1935 wasnot in conformity with international law.
The Government of the Cnited Kingdom has relied upon a rule
or principle of international law, which has been referred to as the
Tide-Mark or Coast-Line Rule. The contention is that the belt of
territorial waters must be measured from the coast line in the
widest sense of that term :fromthe low-tide mark on the mainland
coast and on islands ; and from the outer limit of internal waters.
It is conceded that the point of departure for the base-lines may
be the outer fringe of the "skjærgaard".
The Government of Norway contends that the coastal State is
entitled to establish its belt or zone of territorial watersmeasured
from straight lines drawn between the outermost isl'ands, rocks or
mainland points, with no restriction on the length of the lines.

Xorway admits to some limitations :geographic, such as visibility
and conformation to the general direction of the coast ; and others
of a political, social or economic character, such as the needs of
the coastal population and the location of fishing banks.

Xorway further contends that, even if international law recog-
nizes a Coast-Line Rule, it is not applicable to the Arctic coast of
Norway, because the rule is not and cannot be applied to broken
coast lines, and especially to the unique Norwegian coast.

Before examining the legal aspects of the dispute, it is necessary
to look at some of the facts.
Norway, by the Decree of 1935, has asserted a claim over exten-
sive areas of the seas off the coasts of Finnmark, Troms and part
of Nordland. The outer limit of these areas is shown on the Norwe-
gian charts, 3-9, by a heavy blue line, which may be referred to
as the Blue Line. It is parallel to and 4 sea miles distant from the
base-lines connecting points 1-48.

The United Kingdom concedes Norway's right to a marginal
belt of 4 miles, measured from the coast at low-water mark and

from the closing lines of fjords and sunds and other internal waters.
The extent of the waters thus conceded is indicated by the pecked
74 1~7 L)ISSESTISGOPISIOS 01; JCI>C;E READ

green line on these charts, which may be referred to as the Green
Line. This line would need minor modification to ensure exact
correspondence with the "pecked green line" marked on the British
charts. It would also need substantial readjustment on charts 5-9
to take into account the decision of the Court regarding the Indre-
leia and the Vestfjord, but this cari be disregarded for the time
being.

The parts of the sea between the Blue Line and the Green Line
are in dispute. They arc indicated in the British charts used during
the Oral Proceedings by yellow patches. The United Kingdom
claims that they are high seas ;Noru~ay, that they are territorial
waters. It will be convenient to refer to them as Disputed Areas.

Returning to the legal aspects of the problem, 1 have no doubt
that the Coast-Line Rule is an established rule of international law.

The collapse of the claims to maritime domain, based on mare
clausum and similar doctrines-including those asserted by the
Kingdom of Denmark and Norway-brought about the regime of
mare liberum, the freedom of the seas; under which the seas were
open to al1 mer. of al1nations for al1purposes. Pressure of belli-

gerents in naval warfare destroyed the older pretensions ;but the
needs of defence and neutrality led States, even under the new
regime, to assert new exclusive rights over belts or zones based on
the coast.

The recognition of such zones by belligerents was closely linked
with the power of the coastal State to exercise effective control,
and it was, at the outset, restricted to areas within cannon range
of fortified points. in tirne, it was extended to cover al1 areas
capable of being covered by cannon shot, whether they were
fortified or not. It was an easy step from the range of cannon
to the 3-mile limit : a belt of territorial waters I marine league
in breadth, subject to the exclusive authority of the coastal

State and from which foreign belligerent operations were excluded.
Some countries have claimed wider zones or more extensive areas ;
but, for a very long time, none has disputed the right of a coastal
Stateto assert sovereignty over a belt of territorial waters measured
from the coast. 188 DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ

In the course of the 19th century, it became necessary to give
further consideration to bays. The establishment of a belt of
territorial waters measured from the coast met most of the needs
of coastal States as regards defence and secunty. Such waters
were in their very nature part of thesea. Bays, however, presented
a special problem. They penetrated into the country, and were
largely enclosed by their headlands. The application of the concept
of a belt of territorial waters ofxed breadth to larger bays would
bring the sea, both high seas and territorial sea, into the heart
of the country. It would treat waters which were in their nature

internal, as part of the open sea, and it would bnng smugglers
and foreign warships and fishermen into the interior of the coastal
State, to the prejudice of its security and vital interests. The
solution of this problem developed along two different lines.

First: there was a tendency to recognize the right of the coastai
State to claim asinternal waters bays which penetrated the coast,
notwithstanding that the distance between the headlands was
greater than double the breadth of the marginal belt, e.g., more
than 6 or 8 miles. The records of State practice embodied in the
docunients prepared for the Hague Conference, 1930, indicated
that there was a readiness on the part of most States to recognize
such claims over bays not more than IO miles wide.

There were, however, maritime Powers which asserted the right

to claim as internal waters bays of greater breadth, or even to
claim al1 bays regardless of the distance between headlands ; but
there was no indication that such wider claims were recognized
by the international community. Further, there were some States
which adhered to a six-mile lirnit.
Second : it was recognized that, regardless of breadth, the
coastal State could treat as internal waters those bays over which
they had exercised sovereignty, without challenge, for a long time.
This is the doctrine of historic waters, and it is not confined to
bays, but can be applied to the assertion of rights over historic
waters which do not possess ail the characteristics of a bay. The
rights of the coastal State are, in this case, fuiiy supported by
customary law.
As regards these three types of waters-the belt of temtorial
waters, IO-mile bays and historic waters-there is no instance in
which the claim of a coastal State has been successduiiy chalienged
since the North Atlantic Fisheries Arbitration. They can, therefore,

d be regarded as established by rules of customary international
law. Whether or not claims to bays of greater breadth can be
supported, apart from historic factors, is a question which does
not need to be considered in this case. It should also be noted
76It39 DISSENTING OPINIOPY 01: JUDGE READ

that, in the case of al1types of bays or historic waters, the marginal
belt of territorial waters is measured from the outer limit of the
intemal waters.

In this case Norway is asserting the right to measure the 4-mile
belt, not from the coast line, but Irom long straight base-lines.
These lines depart from the line of the coast in Eastern Finnmark,
and from the line of the outer fringe of the "skjærgaard" between
the North Cape and the Vestfjord. The Court is concerned with
this question :

-whether customary international law recognizes the right of
a coastal State to use straight base-lines for the delimitation
of its belt of territorial waters in such a manner as to depart
from the line of the coast, and to encroach upon the high seas,
thus depriving other States of rights and privileges to which
they had previously been entitled under the rules of inter-
national law.

It has been contended that such a claim can be denved from the
sovereignty of the coastal State, but 1 do not see how this can be.
Here, we are not dealing with the exercise, by a State, of sovereignty
within its domain. We are dealing with State action which extends
its domain, and purports to exclude al1other States from areas of
the high seas. We are dealing with expansion of the maritime domain
designed to deprive other States of rights and privileges which,
before the extension, they were entitled to enjoy and exercise, under
the rules of internationaI law.

In these circumstances, 1shoiild have much difficulty in justifying
the Nonvegian system as an exercise of powers inherent in State
sovereignty.

The question remains : whether action by a State, encroaching
on the high seas and depnving other States of their rights and
privileges,can be justified by customary international law.
The true legal character of the problem has been obscured. It
has been treated as if the issue concerned the existence or non-
existence of a rule of customary international law restncting the
exercise of sovereign power by coastal States. It has been assumed
that the United Kingdom must establish the existence of such a
restrictive de in order to challenge the validity of the1935 Decree.
It has been suggested that the British case must fail, unless it can
be proved that such a restrictive rule is founded on customary
international law.

The actual legal problem with whicli we are concerned is dif-
ferent. By the Decree of 1935, Norway has attempted to enlarge
the KI>,-wegianmaritime domain and to encroach on extensive
77 191 DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ

Customary international law is the generalization of the practice
of States. This cannot be established by citing cases where coastal
States have made extensive claims, but have not maintained their
daims by the actual assertion of sovereignty over trespassing
foreign ships.Such claims may be important as starting points,
which, if not challenged, may ripen into historic title in the course
of time.

The only convincing evidence of State practice is to be found
in seizures, where the coastal State asserts its sovereignty over the
waters in question by arresting a foreign ship and by maintaining

its position in the course of diplornatic negotiation and inter-
national arbitration.
Here, it is necessary to rule out seizures made by Nonvay at
and since the commencement of the dispute. They met with
immediate protest by the United Kingdom, and must, therefore,
be disregarded. Seizures made in bays need not be taken into
account, because it is common ground that coastal States may
measure the belt of temtorial waters from straight base-lines
joining the headlands of bays.

Setting aside these instances which are irrelevant to the present
issue, State practice may be examined. To begin with, the Record
in this case shows that Norway has maintained a four-mile limit
for territorial waters since 1745. For part of the time this was
used only for neutrality and prize ;but, for much of the time,
it was applied to fisheries. During the whole of the period since
1747 foreign fishermen have been fishing in the neighbourhood of

the Norwegian coast ; Russians in the north, and, during the last
eighty or ninety years, French and Swedish fishermen in the south.
Further, there have been many naval wars in which Nonvay was
neutral, and the Record shows that infringements of neutrality
and incursions of privateers were a serious menace to the country.
It is noteworthy that there is not a single instance in which Nonvay
asserted sovereignty in any of the Disputed Areas-or, indeed,
over waters measured from long base-lines in other parts of the
country-by seizing a foreign poaching fisherman or by action
taken against a trespassing privateer, prize or man-of-war.

The same situation obtains in the case of other coastal States.
No instance has been cited by either Party in which a coastal

79192 DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ

State has seized a foreign ship and justified and maintained the
seizure, on the international plane, by relying on long base-lines
departing from the direction and sinuosities of the coast. It has
been a universal practice-in diplomatic negotiations, in prize
courts, in national tribunals (iso far as they were applying inter-
national law) and in international tribunals-to rely upon the
measurement of the territorial belt from the nearest land (or
interna1 waters).

There have been instances in which unsuccessful attempts have
been made to justify seizures on the basis of long straight base-
lines departing from the line and direction of the coast. There are

the Moray Firth cases, in urhich seizures were upheld by the Courts
on the authority of the local law, but in which the position thus
asserted was abandoned on the international plane by the Govern-
ment of the United Kinpdom. There are also the cases cited in
Moore (Internatinal Latu Diges tT,he 'Headland' Theory", Vol. 1,
pp. 785-788), where attempts to justify seizures on this basis were
frustrated, either in the course of diplomatic negotiation or by
international tribunals.
The practice of States in dealing with actual assertion and
enforcement of claims over territorial waters is clear, unequivocal
and consistent.It has been based upon the measurement of the terri-
torial belt from the nearest land. 1 am compelled to conclude that
"The Headland Theory", the claim by a coastal State to a belt
of territorial watersmeasured from long base-lines which depart
from the line of the coast, has no support in customary inter-
national law.

1 do not think that the Court is called upon to pronounce upon
the various methods by which hydrographers have worked out
the limits of territorial waters on charts.1 must, however, point
out that the so-called "arcs of circles method" is nothing more
or less than a technical expression, used to describe the way in
which the coast-line rule has been applied in the international
practice of the last century-and-a-half,
In the earliest days, the cannon on the coast, when traversed,
traced arcs by the splash of their shots. Later, the imaginary
cannon traced imaginary arcs which intersected and marked out
the limit based on cannon shot. Then, as now, the imaginary
cannon, mounted in minor concavities of the coast, were wasted,
because their arcs were within the limits of the intersection of
the shots from guns mounted at minor headlands. The substitution
of the 3 or 4-mile limit made no difference. The fisherman, the
smuggler, the master of the revenue cutter and the captain of

the cruiser al1fixed the Iimit of territorial waters by measurement
from the nearest land. Innumerable national courts, international
tribunals and prize courts settled the limits in thesame way. Air
80I93 DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ
patrols have followed the same course. Al1reached the same result ;

and it did not make any difference where the problem arose or
what was the nationality of the ships. What is more, al1 reached
precisely the same result as a hydrographer gets, by drawing
circles on achart.

Before turning to the historic aspect of the problem, 1 must
deal with the Nonvegian contention that, even if international
law recognizes a Coast-Line Rule, it is not applicable to broken
coast lines, or, in any event, not to the unique coast in question.

It is unrealistic to suggest that the northern coast of Nonvay
is unique or exceptional in that it has a broken coast line in East
Finnmark, or because West Finnmark, Troms and Nordland are
bordered by a coastal archipelago, deeply indented by fjords and
sunds. In other parts of the world, different names are used, but

there are many other instances of broken coast lines and archipel-
agoes. The Court has seen the west coast of Scotland on the charts
produced at the hearings. There are coastal archipelagoes, deeply
indented bays and broken coast lines on the north, south, east
and west coasts of Canada, in the panhandle of Alaska, in South
America, and, doubtless, in other parts of the world. There could
be no greater danger to the structure of international law than
to disregard the general mles of positive law and to base a deci-
sion on the real or imaginary exceptional character or uniqueness
of'the case under consideration.

1 cannot overlook the fact that the rejection of "The Headland
Theory" by positive international iaw was based, to a very large
extent, on the precedents collected in Moore's InternationalDigest,
cited above. They arose on the coast of Nova Scotia and Prince

Edward Island, a coast line deeply indented and broken by bays
and other inlets, fringed in many places with groups of islands,
rocks and reefs, a coast to which the terms "exceptional" and
"unique" could readily be applied.

1am therefore led to the conclusion that the rules of intert~ational
law which, under comparable circumstances, are applicable to other
countries in other parts of the world, must be applied to the coast
of Norway.

Having reached the conclusion that the Norwegian claim to
measure its belt of temtorial waters from long straight base-lines
which depart from the line of the coast has no support in customary

81 I94 . DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ

international law, it is necessary to consider the question of historic
title. This aspect of the problem has ansen in two ways, both of
which involve decisions on the same basic questions of fact. Both
are related to the existence and application of the Norwegian
System.

The Norwegian System involves the assertion, by Norway, of
sovereignty over ali the fjords and sunds, and over a 4-mile belt
of temtoriai waters, measured from base-lines connectingpoints on
the mainland, or on the outermost islands, islets or rocks not con-
tinuously submerged by the sea. The System involves appreciation
and selection of the base-points by Norway, taking into account the
social and economic needs of the local population. There is no
limitation on the length of the lines. On the other hand, it is recog-
nized that they must be reasonable and that they must conform to
the general direction of the coast. By general direction is meant a
fictional direction related to the country as a whole, and not to the
sector of the coast under consideration. The System does not admit
of any need to conform to the real direction either of the outer
fringe of the "skjærgaard" or of the mainland coast.

The first way in which the historic aspect of the problem arises

concerns the doctrine of histonc waters. If it can be shown that
the Norwegian System was actually applied to the Disputed Areas,
they can be regarded as historic waters, and the British case fails.

The second way in which it arises concerns the general doctrines
of international law. If it cen be shown that the Norwegian System
has been recognized by the international community, it followsthat
it has become the doctrine of international law applicable to Nor-
way, either as special or as regional law, and the British case fails.

In both cases the burden is upon Norway to prove the following
facts :

1st- that the Norwegian System came into being as a part of
the law of Norway ;
end-that it was made known to the world in such a manner
that other nations, including the United Kingdom, knew
about it or must be asumed to have had knowledge ; and

3rd-that there has been acquiescence by the international com-
munity, including the United Kingdom.
As regards the question of historic waters there isthe additional

point referred to above, narnely, that it must be shown that the
System was actuaily applied to the Disputed Areas. In the second
case, treating the System as special or regional law, it would be
enough to show that Norway had asçerted competence to apply its
82195 DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ

provisions to the coasts of Norway in general, including the Dis-
puted Areas. It would, however, be necessary to show that the
1935 Decree conformed to the requirements of the System.

This case, therefor e, turns on the date when the Norwegian System
came into being, as a system :part of the public law of Norway ;
applicable or applied to the coast in question;known to the world ;
and acquiesced in by the international community.

It willbe convenient to begin by examining the question :whether
the System was actually applied to the Disputed Areas before the
commencement of the dispute. Ifnot, the Norwegian contentions
fail, as regards the doctrine of histonc waters in the strict sense.

As the judgment of the Court does not rely on historic title in
this sense, it is possible to treat it briefly. For that purpose, con-
sideration can be given to the sector of the coast where most

evidence is available-the Disputed Area between base-points 5
and 6 in East Finnmark. The question is whether the Norwegian
System was applied to this Disputed Area so that it became subject
to the doctrine of historic waters.

The highest Court in Norway decided, in the St. Just case,
that the application of the Norwegian System, on that sector,
meant the assertion of exclusive Norwegian rights over a belt
of waters four miles in breadth measured from the base-line
between points 5 and 6.
Uncontradicted evidence, presented by the Norwegian Agent,
proves that the Norwegian Foreign Ministry, when defending the
seizure of the Kanuck in 1923, relied upon the measurement of
Norwegian territorial waters from the Harbakken-Kavringen base-
line (9.4 miles) and not the Norwegian System. This is proved by
the Norwegian Note of February di th,1924, and confirmed by
the affidavit of Mr. Esmarch, Secretary-General of the Norwegian
Foreign Ministry (Counter-Memoriai, Annex 41).

In 1930-1931, the diplomatic correspondence between Sir Charles
U'ingfield and Mr. Esmarch, arising out of the seizure of the
Lord Weir ,trongly confirms this position. It is not contradicted
by any evidence produced in the record. The statement made by
Sir Charles Wingfield was questioned by the Norwegian Agent,
who did not produce any evidence to the contrary. The statement
was that the ground relied upon to justify the seizure of the
83 DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ
196
Lord Weir was "that on the night of 15th September she had
fished at a spot 3.6 nautical miles outside the line Haabrandnesset-
Klubbespiret : i.e. more than 4 nautical miles from the nearest
land". The Nonvegian Agent had access to the Court records in
Norway. The diplomatic correspondence was set forth in the

Memorial, Annex IO. He had four opportunities to produce
contradictory evidence :in the Counter-Memorial, in the Rejoinder
and at the two stages of the oral proceedings. He did not choose
to do so and in the circumstances 1 am compelled to accept
Sir Charles Wingfield's statement. It proves: (1) that, in 1930-1931,
the Norwegian judicial znd police authorities were measuring
territorial waters from the Haabrandnesset-Klubbespiret base-line
(thesame closing lines of Syltefjord as were subsequently adopted
in the Reply at p. 248) ; (2) that, in 1930-1931, No~way was
not applying the Norwegian System to the East Finnmark coast ;
(3) that Sir Charles Wingfield put fonvard specific requests for
information as to the nature and extent of the Nonvegian claims ;

(4) that Mr. Esmarch's reply was not responsive, and, even at
that late date, he did not give any information that would enable
the British Government to appre- -te the nature and extent of
the Norwegian System.

The evidence with regard to the Kanuck and Lord Weir incidents
shows, beyond al1 reasonable doubt, that the Nonvegian System
was not being asserted and applied in the Disputed Area in 1923,
1930 or 1931. On the other hand, it is equally clear that the
Norwegian System was being applied in the year 1933. This point
is settled by uncontradicted evidence ansing out of the seizure
of the St. Just on November 3rd, 1933. In that case, the St. Just

was seized, prosecuted and condemned for having fished within
a territorial bel4 miles in breadth measured from a line connecting
base-points 5and 6.These base-points had not then been authorized
by the 1935 Decree. It is only possible to assume that at some
time between August t th, 1931, and the seizure, the Norwegian
Government decided to commence the assertion and enforcement
of a claim to a temtonal belt measured from long base-lines
connecting the outermost mainland points, islands, etc. In other
words, during this penod the Norwegian Government decided to
put the Norwegian System into force.

It is, therefore, clearly established that the Norwegian System
was not actualiy applied to the Disputed Areas until after
August rxth, 1931. That date was long after the dispute had
arisen, and the Norwegian contention fails, as regards historic
title in the strict sense.I97 DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ

Having dealt with the claim to the Disputed Areas as historic

waters in the strict sense, the question remains : whether the
Norwegian System can be treated as a doctrine of special inter-
national law, asserted by Norway, and recognized by the inter-
national community.

For this purpose, it is not necessary to show that it was actually
applied in the Disputed Areas before 1933 or 1935. It would be
sufficient to prove that Nonvay had consistently and persistently
asserted the right to apply the System to the Nonvegian coast
generally, and that there had been acquiescence in this claim by the

international community.
At the outset, 1 must explain that 1 do not regard the older
historical data as important. 1 think that Nonvay has sufficiently
proved that, at the close of the 18th century and under the inter-
national law of the time, Nonvay was asserting exclusive rights

oves!a belt of waters which, as regards fishing rights, was based on
the range of vision. This belt was much more extensive than that
which was marked out by the 1935 Decree. The maritime domain,
at that time and for fishing purposes, extended beyond the Blue
Lines and certainly included nearly al1 of the Disputed Areas.
These extensive Nonvegian rights were not much different from the
rights of other countries where exclusive fishing rights based on
range of vision were recognized by the early international law.

One might ask :how and when did Norway lose these rights ?

They disintegrated or fell into desuetude in Norway in the same
manner as in other maritime countries. In Norway, as elsewhere,
it is difficult to point to a particular decree or to special govern-
mental action marking the end. It is, however, possible to point,
with reasonable certainty, to the date.

In the 18th century, the only foreigners engaged in fishing off
the northern coast were Russians. They were excluded from a belt
of waters I league from the coast ; but were permitted to fish in
what were then regarded as Xorwegian waters beyond that limit,
on payment of dues which covered both the fishing and shore

privileges.These arrangements were based on diplomatic negotia-
tions and on the Rescript of 1747.

In the course of time, however, there was general recognition
that the fishing by the Russians beyond the 4-mile limit was
of right and not dependent on permission from the Norwegian
authorities.

8519~ DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ

The Royal Cominission established in 1825-1826 to examine
measures relating to the economic development of Finnmark,.
looked upon the fishing beyond the 1-league limit as a special
concession granted to the Russian fishermen. The Royal Legislative
Commission took a different view and favoured the opinion that
fishing beyond the 1-league limit was in pnnciple free from restric-
tion.
The Finnmark Commission had proposed for incorporation in
Article 40 of its draft proposa1 for a law relating to trade in both
East and West Finnmark specific words which would have made it
clear that the Russian fishing beyond the 1-league limit was per-
missive. These words were not included, and in Article 40 of the

Law of 1830 the expression used read as foilows :"If the Russians,
by reason of such fishing as they indulge in beyond the distance of
I league from the coast, should wish to come ashore, the places
where they land must not be ...."It is, therefore, clear that the
views of the Royal Legislative Commissionprevailed. (SeeRejoinder,
Annexes, pp. 31-32.)
This position is confirmed by the statement in the Report of
the Temtorial Waters Boundary Commission dated February zgth,
1912, which may be referred to as the 1912 Report, page 18 :
"Whatever may have been the object of the Rescript, a legal
practice was nevertheless soon to develop whereby the dues were
paid for the sojourn on land, and fishing beyond the distance of
I league (1 mil) was regarded as fishing on the open seas."

,There can, therefore, be no doubt about date. By 1830 there
was definite recognition that fishing beyond the +mile limit was to
be regarded as fishing on the open seas. The ancient exclusive
rights of the offshore fishing grounds beyond that limit had disap-
peared in so far as Finnmark was concemed. Whether or not this
situation obtained in other parts of Norway is not clearlyestablished
in the Record. There is no reason to believe that there was any
difference in other parts of the country ; but, in any event, by the
year 1862 it was certain that the 4-mile limit had been established
for the whole of the coast and for all purposes including fishing.
(See Counter-Memonal, Annex No. 14.)

Accordingly, it is now necessary to consider how and when the
Norwegian System came into being as a part of the public law of
Norway.
The origin of certain elements of the Norwegian System-the
four-mile limit, and the claims regarding the fjords and sunds and
the "skjaergaardJ'-are to be found in the 18th century or earlier :
but the use of long straight base-lines departing from the coast is
a modern invention.
The foundation of the base-line doctrine has been attnbuted to
the Royal Decree of 1691, which prohibited captures "within sight
of Our coasts, which is computed as 4 or 5 leagues from the out- 199 DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ

lyiiig rocks". 1 am unable to accept this view, because 1 think that
tliis Decree meant what it said. "Four or five leagues from the
oiitlyiiig rocks" meant a distance measured from the rocks, and
iiot from imaginary base-lines many miles seaward from the out-
lying rocks. "Within sight of the coast" meant range of vision.
Range of vision, from its very nature, must be measurcd from
something visible, a rock or the coast Iine. It is inconceivable that
the Decree rneant measurement from imaginary base-lines, invisible
at short range, and, a fortioirnvisible at a distance of four or five
leagues. There is nothing in the language used in subsequent laws
or decrees, between 1691and 1868, that indicates any change from
the old, traditional pmctice of measurement from the coast line
and outermost rocks, reefs and islands.

This view is confirmed by the fact that there is not even one

instance, arising before the commencement of the dispute and cited
in the Record of this case, in which Nonvegian claims to waters
measured from straight base-lines (apart, of course, from bays) were
enforced against a poaching or trespassing foreign ship, under the
Decrees of 1691,1745,1747, 1756or 1812,or under the Law of 1830.

The first suggestion of abase-line doctrine is to be found in the
Statement of Reasons by the Ministry of the Interior which led to
the Sunnmore Decree of 1869, and in the Norwegian Note No. 4 in
the diplornatic correspondence with France, February 8th, 1870.
The Norwegian System has had many restatements, and in the
course of restatement there have been refinements and definitions
and possibly even additions, but the heart of the System is to be
found in these two documents.

Accordingly, while the matter is not free from doubt, 1 shall
proceed on the assumption that the Norwegian System came into
being in 1869.
Itis not enough to prove that the Norwegian System came into
being in order to establish it as a special doctrine of international
law. 1.tmust be proved that it was made known to the world in
such manner that other nations, including the United Kingdom,
knew about it or must be assumed to have had knowledge.

The first attempt by Norway to rely upon this doctrine was in
the Sunnmore Decree of 1869. There is no text of this Decree
(or of the similar Decree of 1889) in the Record of this case. In
the circumstances, it is necessary to rely upon a quotation con-
tained in paragraph 59 of the Counter-Mernoriai which does not
purport to set forth the whoie text of the Decree, but which
probably does so, and which reads as follows :

87 200 DISSESTING OPINIOX 01; JUDGE RE.4D

"59. Thc Koval Decree of October 16th, 1869, provides that
'a straight line at a distance of one geographical league,parallel
with a straight line joining the islet of Storholmen and the island
of Svinoy should be considered as the limit of the sea belt offthe
bailiwickof Sondinore, withinwhichthe fishingshall be exclusively
reserved to the indigenous inhabitants'."
The text of the Decree is unequivocal. It establishes a line of
demarcation for a sector of the- Norwegian coast far from the

Disputed Areas (the same is true for the 1889 Decree). It says
nothing about the coasts of Finnmark, Troms or Nordland. It
does not pretend to lay down any principles of general application.
In itself, its no bearing on the present case. On the other hand,
it does lay down a long base-line connecting two remote islands.
The question to be decided is whether the making of one Decree,
limited in its scope and applicable only to the particular coast of
Sunnmore in 1869, followed by a similar Decree continuing the
line and using long straight base-lines for the particülar coast of
Romsdal in 1889, was enough to make known to the world the
existence of the Norwegian System.
The British concession that the waters covered by the Sunnmore
and Romsdal Decrees are Norwegian historic waters would justify
a finding that these Decrees were sufficiently well known, but they

did not make any claims extending beyond these two localities.

On the other hand, neither the Norwegian Note to France,
nor the Statement of Reasons was brought to the attention of
other governments and certainly not to the attention of the
British Government.
Counsel for Norway reviewed the reasons for assuming British
knowledge of the Norwegian System. He showed that the Decrees
of 1869 and 1889 had been published in a gazette called the
"Bulletin of the Ministries" and in books like Fulton and the
Reports of the Institute of International Law. He made a good
case for the view that the Decrees were weil known to the world,
but he did not point to any instance in which either the Statement

of Reasons or the Note to France, No. 4,was communicated to the
British Govemment, or, indeed, to any other foreign government.

Inthese circumstances, 1 am unable to conclude that the British
Government, or, indeed, any other foreign government except
France, had any reason to believe that a Norwegian System had
corne into being in 1869-1889,or that these Decrees were anything
more than local ad hoc measures.
1do not intend to review al1 the officia1acts and public state-
ments of the Norwegian Government or to examine the texts of
the Laws and Decrees delimiting Norwegian waters, whether
for fishing, prize or other purposes. For my part it is enough

88201 DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ

to Say that they cover a long period of time, and that they
indicate :

1st-that there was no Norwegian System under which exclusive
rights were asserted o.ver the fisheries in the Disputed
Areas ;
2nd-that the public acts of the Norwegian Government were,
during this period, consistent with claims to a belt of
territorial waters, four miles in breadth, measured from
the coast ;
3rd-that there was nothing in these public acts and documents
which would lead the British, or any other foreign govern-

ment, to believe that Norway was claiming the Disputed
Areas ;or a right, as regards the whole country, to measure
territorial waters from long base-lines departing from the
line and direction of the coast.

These circumstances greatly increase the difficulty which con-
fronts me, when 1am asked to find that there has been constructive
notice to the British Government of the existence of the Norwegian
System, or of such claims by the Norwegian Government. At most,
the British Government could be assumed to have had knowledge
that there was a possibility that Norway might, at some future
time, try out a course in other parts of the coast, similar to that
which had been followed in the Sunnmore and Romsdal Decrees.

It is impossible to overlook the fact that the evidence clearly
indicates that the Government of the United Kingdom had no

actual knovledge of the Norwegian System, or of the nature and
extent of the rights claimed by Norway. Reference has already
been made to an attempt by SirCharlesWingfield to obtain inform-
ation, and to the refusa1 by Mr. Esmarch to give any real indi-
cation of the nature and extent of the Norwegian claims. There
are other instances of enquiries, and the Norwegian Agent gave
an exhaustive list of the answerç given (Statements in Court,
pp. 175-176). An examination of these answers shows that no
information was given to the Government of the United Kingdom,
at any time before the commencement of the dispute, that could
be regarded as actual or constructive notice that Nonvay was
asserting the right to establish a belt of territorial waters measured
from long base-lines departing from the line of the coast.

There is one of the "answers", to which the Norwegian Agent

referred. which requires special consideration, namely, the 1912
Report. This was a report of a Norwegian commission intended
for the information and guidance of the Norwegian executive and
legislative authorities.It contained extensive quotations from the
89 20 2 DISSEKTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ

Statements of Reasons for the 1869 and 1889 Decrees ; it showed
that the commissioners favoured the method of measuring tem-
torial waters from long straight base-lines ;and it put fonvard
concrete proposais, similar to those adopted in the 1935 Decree,
in the Annex No. I (supplemented by a later report by another
committee in 1913-Counter-Memonal, Annexes 36 and 37). The
Nonvegian Government withheld these documents so that it was
impossible for the British Government to understand the extent
of the claims. Enough remained, however, in the body of the 1912

Report to show that Norway might be claiming the right to measure
its belt of temtorial waters from long straight base-lines.

Accordingly, the question arises :whether this communication
of the 1912 Report was notice to the British Government of the
existence of the Norwegian System ; and, if so, whether there
was acquiescence by that Government, so as to enable the-claims
constituting that System to ripen into rules of customary inter-
national law.
Here, without going into the question whether the Report was
an adequate warning of the existence of the System, 1shaUconsider
whether the failure of the British Government to make specific

protests on receipt of the 1912 Report and of the Norwegian Note
of November zgth, 1913, can be regarded as acceptance 'of the
Nonvegian claims.

The circumstances attending this communication are plain
enough. Controversy regarding the extent of Norwegian waters
had arisen as a result of the seizure of the British trawler Lord
Roberts in the Varangerfjord in March 1911 (Counter-Memorial,
Annex 38). The difference between the two Governrnents, as under-
stood at the time, was stated in the British Minister's Note of
August zznd, 1913, asfollows :

"The points of view of the two Governments may be bnefly
defined as being that, while His Majesty's Governrnent contend
that, in the absence of any specific agreement to the contrary,
jurisdiction cannot be exercised in waters beyond a distance of
three marine miles from low-watermark, Norway claims as within
her temtorial jurisdictioaliwaters up to a distance of four marine
miles, together with the whole area compnsed in certain fjords."

The Minister proposed a modus vivendi, and, in his proposal,
made it clear that "....His Majesty's Government must insist on
leaving the question of principle intact, and cannot admit that,
failing a special understanding, the Norwegian Government are
entitled to settle the disputed point arbitrarily in their own favour."z03 DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ

In the Xorwegian Foreign Ministry's Note of November zgth,
1913, dealing with the proposal, reference was made to the 1912
Report :
"The reaçonsadvanced by Norway in support of her delimitation
of her territorial waters, are set finthe report of a Commission
appointed in 1911. A few copies of a French transiation of this
report were forwarded to pu unofficiallyat the time by my prede-
cesor Mr.Irgens. In it those principles of international law were
set forth, which, uithe opinion of the Norwegian Government,
were favourable to its point of view, together with the particular
circumstances obtaining in the matter of Nomegian. territorial
waters, including the recognition accorded thereto. either explicitly
or implicitly by-fore@ Powers."

The Ministry went on to suggest modifications of the proposal.
Nothing came of these negotiations, presumably because of the
intervention of war.
The 1912 Report was transrnitted and adopted by the Norwegian
Foreign Ministry as a statement of the principles of international
law supporting the Norwegian position. This was done, however,
in the course of negotiations for the establishment of a modus
vivendi. By its very nature, a modusvivendi irnplies the reservation
and preservation of the legal positions of both Parties to the con-
troversy. If nothing had been said, it would have been necessary
to imply an intention of both Parties to admit nothing and to
maintain their legal positions intact. In th& case, however. the
negotiations proceeded on the basis of an express stipulation to
leave "the question of principle intact".

In these circumstances, 1 think that the British Government
was justified in regarding al1aspects of the negotiations, including
the 1912 Report and the Note of November zgth, 1913, as covered
by the hic reservation. The omission to make a spdc reservation
or objection at this stage cannot possibly be treated as proof of
acquiescence in or acceptance of the Norwegian System.

There is the further point, that from the time of the seizure of
the Lord Roberts, in 1911, until the present the Parties have been
in controversy about the extent of Norwegian waters and about
the rights of British ships in areas which were regarded by the
British Govemment as part of the High sas. Parts of the con-
troversy have been settled by the British concessions with regard
to the four-mile limit, the fjords and sunds, and the recognition
of the outer fringe of the "skjargaard" as the coast line. Apart
from these concessions, the British Governrnent has never admitted

the right to measure temtorial waters from long base-lines depart-
ing from the line of the coast or the "skjargaard", and it has
maintained throughout the contention that the waters must be
9' 204 DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ

measured from the low-water mark. The transmission of the 1912
Report was made after the commencement of the dispute.

The position of the Parties regarding knowledge of the Norwegian
claims or notice of the existence of the Norwegian System may be
summed up. Shortly after the commencement of the dispute, in the
correspondence exchanged in 1913 and referred to above, the
British Government received some indication that Nonvay might
bemaking extensive claims as regards the demarcation of temtorial
waters, but no definite information as to the extent of the claim ;
and, as 1 have already indicated, the information was received in
such circumstances that the failure to make immediate protest couid
not have been regarded as acquiescence even if the extent of the
claim had been indicated. In 1923-1924 at the time of the Kanuck
incident, both the British Government and the Norwegian Foreign
Ministry were in the dark as to the nature and extent of the claims

which are now regarded as being involved in the Norwegian System.
The British Government was informed by the late Sir Francis
Lindley that the Norwegian Government was relying on the applic-
ation of the IO-mile de for the Persfjord. The Norwegian Foreign
Ministry thought that it was relying on the Harbakken-Kavringen
closing line for the fjord, 9.4 marine miles in length. The communica-
tion by the Norwegian Foreign Ministry to the Secretary-General
of the League of Nations, March 3rd, 1927, disclosed to the world
the fact that Nonvay was asserting the right to mark out the belt
of temtonal waters from long straight base-lines, although even at
that late date it was not yet clear that Nonvay was asserting the
right to use base-lines that departed from the line and direction of
the Coast or of the outer fringe of the "skjairgaard". In the corre-
spondence aiising out of the Lord Weir seizure, there was a marked
change on both sides. Sir Charles Wingfield's Note clearly indicated
that the Bntish Government had by that time learned that Nonvay
was acserting the right to use long straight base-lines, and that it
suspected that the Nonvegian claim might be even more extensive
than that which was involved in the closing line for the Syltefjord

then relied on by the Nonvegian authorities. The Bntish Govern-
ment was requesting definite information as to the nature and
extent of the Norwegian claim. Mr. Esmarch's Note shows clearly
that the Norwegian Foreign Ministry was then aware that much
more extensive claims were in the offing, but that it was still im-
possible to give any real information as to the nature and extent
of the claims. The British Memorandum to the Nonvegian Govern-
ment, Juiy 27th, 1933,set forth in the Counter-Memorial,Annex II,
shows that even then the Government was still waiting for an
authoritative statement as to the Nonvegian claim. It is clear,
therefore, that the British Govemment, notwithstanding repeated
requests, was unable to obtain any definite information as to the 705 DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ
true nature and character of the Norwegian System prior to the
judgment in the St. Jztstcase, and the publication of the Royal

Norwegian Decree of 1935.

In these circumstances, 1 cannot avoid reaching the conclusion
that it has not been proved that the Norwegian System was made
known to the world in time, and insuch a manner that other nations,
including the United Kingdom, knew about it or must be assumed
to have had construct.ive knowledge.

There is perhaps one qualification regarding the foregoing con-
clusion. It appears from the record of seizures and warnings to
trawlers that Norway, in 1923, began to assert and enforce exclusive
riglits in the waters in dispute. There is an isolated instance of
warning to a British trawler Caulonia in 1913, at a point outside
the Green Line ;but no other instance of either seizure or waming
at a point outside of that line before 1923. Between the years
1923-1949, there were twenty-four seizures and twenty-three wam-
ings of trawlers at points within the Disputed Areas.

Thére can therefore be no doubt that Nonvay, from 1923 on,

\vas vigorously asserting and enforcing extensive- exclusive- rights.
On the other hand, this was too late to support a claim to the
existence of the Iqonvegian System as a doctrine of customary
international law binding on the United Kingdom. The first of the
seizures, the Kanuck in 1923, was the subject of diplomatic nego-
tiation. \l'hile it would be entirely proper to attribute to the Govern-
ment of the United Kingdom knowledge that Nonvay, during the
period from 1923 to 1933, was asserting very wide claims as regards
the extent of territorial waters, this al1took place after the present
dispute had corne into being. It was too late to give effect to a
special or regional doctrine of international law binding on the
Government of the United Kingdom.

1 do not intend to comment on the different sectors of the coast,
or to indicate, in detail, the parts of the Disputed Areas whiçh
are open to objection as not having been delimited in conformity
with the pnnciples of international law. In East Finnmark 1
consider that the Disputed Areas between base-points 5 and 12 are
open to serious objection, and there 1 consider that the Green Line
fairly indicates theextent to which the Blue Line isnot in conform-
ity with international law. Between base-points 12 and 35, while
there are places where the Blue Line departs from the line and
direction cf the outer fringe of the "skjærgaard", the Green Line

93200 DISSESTING OI'INIOZS 01; JLIIGE REAI)
is unsiitisfactory for two reasons: (1) because it needs to be recti-

fivd in accordance with the British alternative submission ; and
(2) 1)vcacse further rectification would be necessary to take into
account penetrations in the fringe of the "skjærgaard" which in
reality have the characteristics of bays enclosed by groups of
islands.
Between base-points 35 and 48, while the matter is not frec.
from doubt, 1 am not incliried to question the Blue Linc.

Xccordingly, in view of al1 of the foregoing consideratioils, 1 am
led to the coriclusion that the delimitation of the fisheries zone
fixed by the Norwegian Royal Decree of July xzth, 1935. is not in

conformit? with the ruIes and principles of international law.

(Signed) J. E. READ.

Bilingual Content

DISSEXTISG OPINION OF JUDGE J. E. READ

While 1 agree with the majority of the Court in accepting the
Norwegian contentions as regards the Indreleia and the Vestfjord,
1 am unable to concur in parts of the judgment which relate to
other sections of the coast in question. It is, therefore, necessary
for me to state the reasons which have led me to the conclusion that
the establishment of certain of the base-lines by the Royal Norwe-
gian Decree of 1935 wasnot in conformity with international law.
The Government of the Cnited Kingdom has relied upon a rule
or principle of international law, which has been referred to as the
Tide-Mark or Coast-Line Rule. The contention is that the belt of
territorial waters must be measured from the coast line in the
widest sense of that term :fromthe low-tide mark on the mainland
coast and on islands ; and from the outer limit of internal waters.
It is conceded that the point of departure for the base-lines may
be the outer fringe of the "skjærgaard".
The Government of Norway contends that the coastal State is
entitled to establish its belt or zone of territorial watersmeasured
from straight lines drawn between the outermost isl'ands, rocks or
mainland points, with no restriction on the length of the lines.

Xorway admits to some limitations :geographic, such as visibility
and conformation to the general direction of the coast ; and others
of a political, social or economic character, such as the needs of
the coastal population and the location of fishing banks.

Xorway further contends that, even if international law recog-
nizes a Coast-Line Rule, it is not applicable to the Arctic coast of
Norway, because the rule is not and cannot be applied to broken
coast lines, and especially to the unique Norwegian coast.

Before examining the legal aspects of the dispute, it is necessary
to look at some of the facts.
Norway, by the Decree of 1935, has asserted a claim over exten-
sive areas of the seas off the coasts of Finnmark, Troms and part
of Nordland. The outer limit of these areas is shown on the Norwe-
gian charts, 3-9, by a heavy blue line, which may be referred to
as the Blue Line. It is parallel to and 4 sea miles distant from the
base-lines connecting points 1-48.

The United Kingdom concedes Norway's right to a marginal
belt of 4 miles, measured from the coast at low-water mark and

from the closing lines of fjords and sunds and other internal waters.
The extent of the waters thus conceded is indicated by the pecked
74 OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. J. E. READ
[Traduction]

Tout en étant d'accord avec la majorité de la Cour pour accepter
les conclusions norvégiennes relatives à 1'Indreleia et au Vestfjord,
je ne suis pas en mesure de souscrire aux parties de l'arrêt qui ont
trait à d'autres secteurs de la côte dont il s'agit. Il me faut donc
énoncer les motifs pour lesquels j'arriveà la conclusion que l'éta-
blissement, par le décret royal norvégien de 1935 de certaines lignes
de base n'était pas conforme au droit international.
Le Gouvernement du Royaume-Uni s'est fondésur une règle ou
principe de droit international qu'on a appelé règle de la laisse de
basse mer ou de la ligne de côte. Selon cette thèse, la ceinture

d'eaux territoriales devrait êtremesurée à partir de la ligne de
côte au sens le plus large du terme : àpartir de la laisse de basse
mer sur le continent et les îles, età partir de la limite extérieure
des eaux intérieures. Il est reconnu que le point de départ des
lignes de base peut êtrela frange extérieure du ((skjargaard )).
Selon la thèse du Gouvernement de la Norvège, l'État riverain
est fondé à établir sa ceinture ou zone d'eaux temtoriales en la
mesurant à partir de lignes droites tracées entre les îles, rochers
ou points du continent les plus éloignés,sans aucune limitation
quant à la longueur des lignes. La Norvège admet certaines limi-
tations :les unes d'ordre géographique, telles que la visibilité et
la conformité avec la direction générale de la côte ;les autres de
nature politique, sociale ou économique, telles que les besoins de

la population côtière et les lieux où sont situés les bancs de péche.
En outre, la Norvège soutient que, mêmesi le droit international
reconnaît une règlede la ligne de côte, cette règlen'est pas applicable
à la côte norvégienne de l'Arctique parce qu'elle n'est et ne saurait
être appliquée à des côtes déchirées,notamment à la côte de la
Norvège, unique dans son genre.
Avant d'étudier les points juridiques du différend,il est nécessaire
de passer en revue certains des faits.
Par le décret de1935 la Norvège a fait valoir une prétenti6n sur
des espaces étendus de la mer au large des côtes du Finnmark, du
Troms et d'une partie du Nordland. La limite extérieure de ces
espaces est indiquée sur les cartes norvégiennes 3 à9, à l'aide d'une

ligne bleue épaisse,qu'on appellera la ligne bleue. Elle est parallèle
aux lignes de base reliant les points à48 et se trouveà une distance
de quatre miiles marins de ces dernières.
Le Royaume-Uni reconnaît que la Norvège a droit à une mer
temtoriale de quatre milles, calculée à partir de la laisse de basse
mer de la côte et àpartir des lignes de fermeture des fjords, sunds
et autres eaux inteneures. L'étendue des eaux ainsi reconnue est
74 1~7 L)ISSESTISGOPISIOS 01; JCI>C;E READ

green line on these charts, which may be referred to as the Green
Line. This line would need minor modification to ensure exact
correspondence with the "pecked green line" marked on the British
charts. It would also need substantial readjustment on charts 5-9
to take into account the decision of the Court regarding the Indre-
leia and the Vestfjord, but this cari be disregarded for the time
being.

The parts of the sea between the Blue Line and the Green Line
are in dispute. They arc indicated in the British charts used during
the Oral Proceedings by yellow patches. The United Kingdom
claims that they are high seas ;Noru~ay, that they are territorial
waters. It will be convenient to refer to them as Disputed Areas.

Returning to the legal aspects of the problem, 1 have no doubt
that the Coast-Line Rule is an established rule of international law.

The collapse of the claims to maritime domain, based on mare
clausum and similar doctrines-including those asserted by the
Kingdom of Denmark and Norway-brought about the regime of
mare liberum, the freedom of the seas; under which the seas were
open to al1 mer. of al1nations for al1purposes. Pressure of belli-

gerents in naval warfare destroyed the older pretensions ;but the
needs of defence and neutrality led States, even under the new
regime, to assert new exclusive rights over belts or zones based on
the coast.

The recognition of such zones by belligerents was closely linked
with the power of the coastal State to exercise effective control,
and it was, at the outset, restricted to areas within cannon range
of fortified points. in tirne, it was extended to cover al1 areas
capable of being covered by cannon shot, whether they were
fortified or not. It was an easy step from the range of cannon
to the 3-mile limit : a belt of territorial waters I marine league
in breadth, subject to the exclusive authority of the coastal

State and from which foreign belligerent operations were excluded.
Some countries have claimed wider zones or more extensive areas ;
but, for a very long time, none has disputed the right of a coastal
Stateto assert sovereignty over a belt of territorial waters measured
from the coast. OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. READ 187
indiquéesur ces cartes par la ligne pointillée verte, qu'on appellera

la ligne verte. Il serait nécessaire d'apporter à cette ligne des
rectifications d'ordre secondaire pour la faire correspondre exacte-
ment à la ligne pointillée verte indiquéesur les cartes britanniques.
Il serait également nécessaired'apporter à cette ligne des modifica-
tions considérables sur les cartes 5 à 9 pour tenir compte de la
décision de la Cour quant à 1'Indreleia et au Vestfjord. Mais on
peut faire abstraction de cela pour l'instant.
Les régionsde la mer situées entre la ligne bleue et la ligne verte
sont les régions litigieuses. Sur les cartes britanniquesutilisées en
plaidoirie, elles sont indiquéespar des taches jaunes. Le Royaume-
Uni prétend que ces régionsfont partie de la haute mer ; selon la
Norvège, elles rentreraient dans les eaux temtoriales. Il sera
commode de les désigner par l'expression «régions litigieusesP.

Revenant aux aspects juridiques du problème, je ne doute pas
que la règlede la ligne de côte soit une règleétablie en droit inter-
national.
L'effondrement des prétentions à un domaine maritime, fondées
sur le mare clausum et sur les théories analogues - y compris
celles qui furent soutenues par le Royaume de Danemark et Nor-
vège - a donnénaissance au régimedu mare liberum, de la liberté
des mers, en vertu duquel les mers étaient ouvertes aux hommes
de toutes les nations et à toutes les fins. La pression exercée par
les belligérants dans la guerre navale a fait disparaître les anciennes
prétentions. Mais les besoins de la défenseet de la neutralité ont
conduit les États, mêmesous le nouveau régime, à affirmer des
droits exclusifs nouveaux sur les ceintures ou zones calculées à
partir de la côte.
La reconnaissance de telles zones par les belligérants se rattachait
étroitement au pouvoir, détenu par l'État riverain, d'ex, ~rcer un
contrôle efficace. A l'origine, cette reconnaissance fut restreinte

aux zones situéesen deçà de la portée de canon, à partir de points
fortifiés. Au cours des années, on étendit cette reconnaissance
comme comprenant toutes les zones susceptibles d'êtreprotégées
par la portée de canon, que ces zones fussent ou non fortifiées.
Il fut facile de passer de la portée de canon à la limite de trois
milles : ceinture d'eaux temtoriales d'une lieue de mer de largeur,
soumise à l'autorité exclusive de l'État riverain et soustraite aux
opérations des belligérantsétrangers. Certains États ont revendiqué
des zones plus larges ou des espaces plus étendus ; mais pendant
une très longue période, aucun n'a contesté le droit de l'État
riverain d'affirmer sa souveraineté sur une ceinture d'eaux ter-
ritoriales mesurée à partir de la côte.

75 188 DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ

In the course of the 19th century, it became necessary to give
further consideration to bays. The establishment of a belt of
territorial waters measured from the coast met most of the needs
of coastal States as regards defence and secunty. Such waters
were in their very nature part of thesea. Bays, however, presented
a special problem. They penetrated into the country, and were
largely enclosed by their headlands. The application of the concept
of a belt of territorial waters ofxed breadth to larger bays would
bring the sea, both high seas and territorial sea, into the heart
of the country. It would treat waters which were in their nature

internal, as part of the open sea, and it would bnng smugglers
and foreign warships and fishermen into the interior of the coastal
State, to the prejudice of its security and vital interests. The
solution of this problem developed along two different lines.

First: there was a tendency to recognize the right of the coastai
State to claim asinternal waters bays which penetrated the coast,
notwithstanding that the distance between the headlands was
greater than double the breadth of the marginal belt, e.g., more
than 6 or 8 miles. The records of State practice embodied in the
docunients prepared for the Hague Conference, 1930, indicated
that there was a readiness on the part of most States to recognize
such claims over bays not more than IO miles wide.

There were, however, maritime Powers which asserted the right

to claim as internal waters bays of greater breadth, or even to
claim al1 bays regardless of the distance between headlands ; but
there was no indication that such wider claims were recognized
by the international community. Further, there were some States
which adhered to a six-mile lirnit.
Second : it was recognized that, regardless of breadth, the
coastal State could treat as internal waters those bays over which
they had exercised sovereignty, without challenge, for a long time.
This is the doctrine of historic waters, and it is not confined to
bays, but can be applied to the assertion of rights over historic
waters which do not possess ail the characteristics of a bay. The
rights of the coastal State are, in this case, fuiiy supported by
customary law.
As regards these three types of waters-the belt of temtorial
waters, IO-mile bays and historic waters-there is no instance in
which the claim of a coastal State has been successduiiy chalienged
since the North Atlantic Fisheries Arbitration. They can, therefore,

d be regarded as established by rules of customary international
law. Whether or not claims to bays of greater breadth can be
supported, apart from historic factors, is a question which does
not need to be considered in this case. It should also be noted
76 OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. READ 188
Au cours du xlxme siècle, il devint nécessaire d'examiner de
plus près la question des baies. L'établissement d'une ceinture
d'eaux temtoriaies, calculée à partir de la côte, remplissait la

plupart des besoins des États riverains en matière de défense et
de sécurité. Lesdites eaux, de par leur nature même, faisaient
partir de la mer. Toutefois, les baies soulevaient un problème
particulier. Elles pénétraient dans le pays et étaient, dans une
large mesure, enfermées par des caps. L'application, à des baies
plus grandes, de la notion d'une ceinture d'eaux territoriales de
largeur déterminée, aurait amené la mer - tant la haute mer
que la mer territoriale - au cŒur du pays. On aurait abouti
ainsi à traiter comme espace de la haute mer des eaux qui par
leur nature même étaient intérieures. Des contrebandiers, des
navires de guerre et des pêcheurs étrangers auraient pénétréà
l'intérieur de l'État riverain, compromettant sa sécurité et ses
intérêtsvitaux. La solution donnée à ce problème a évoluéselon
deux tendances différentes.
En premier lieu, la tendance s'est manifestée de reconnaître à
l'État riverain le droit de revendiquer comme eaux intérieures les

baies qui pénétraient à l'intérieur de la côte, bien que la distance
séparant les caps fût supérieure au double de la largeur de la
mer territoriale (par exemple, plus de six ou de huit milles). La
pratique des États, telle qu'elle ressort des documents préparés
pour-la Conférencede La Haye de 1930, indique que la plupart
des Etats étaient disposésà reconnaître de telles prétentions sur
les baies dont la largeur ne dépassait pas dix milles.
Certaines Puissances maritimes ont cependant affirme le droit
de revendiquer, comme eaux intérieures, des baies de plus grande
largeur, ou mêmede revendiquer toutes les baies, quelle que fût
la distance entre les caps. Mais rien n'a indiqué que la communauté
internationale ait reconnu ces revendications plus amples. D'autre
part, certains États s'en sont tenus à une limite de six milles.
En second lieu, on reconnut que, abstraction faite de la lar-
geur, l'État riverain pouvait traiter comme eaux intérieures les
baies sur lesquelles il avait exercépendant longtemps une souve-

raineté incontestée. C'est la théorie des eaux historiques. Elle
n'est pas limitée aux baies mais peut s'appliquer à l'affirmation
de droits sur les eaux historiques qui ne possèdent pas toutes
les caractéristiques d'une baie. Dans ce cas, le droit coutumier
vient complètement à l'appui des droits de l'État riverain.
Quant à ces trois catégories d'eaux - ceinture d'eaux temto-
riales, baiesde dix milles, eaux historiqu-, il n'y a pas d'exemple
depuis l'arbitrage des pêcheries de l'Atlantique Nord, dans lequel
la prétention de l'État riverain a fait l'objet d'une contestation
couronnée de succès. On peut donc considérer que toutes ces trois
catégories sont admises par les rhgles du droit international
coutumier. Il n'est pas nécessaire,en la présenteespèce,d'examiner
s'il est possible ou non d'appuyer, indépendamment de facteurs

76It39 DISSENTING OPINIOPY 01: JUDGE READ

that, in the case of al1types of bays or historic waters, the marginal
belt of territorial waters is measured from the outer limit of the
intemal waters.

In this case Norway is asserting the right to measure the 4-mile
belt, not from the coast line, but Irom long straight base-lines.
These lines depart from the line of the coast in Eastern Finnmark,
and from the line of the outer fringe of the "skjærgaard" between
the North Cape and the Vestfjord. The Court is concerned with
this question :

-whether customary international law recognizes the right of
a coastal State to use straight base-lines for the delimitation
of its belt of territorial waters in such a manner as to depart
from the line of the coast, and to encroach upon the high seas,
thus depriving other States of rights and privileges to which
they had previously been entitled under the rules of inter-
national law.

It has been contended that such a claim can be denved from the
sovereignty of the coastal State, but 1 do not see how this can be.
Here, we are not dealing with the exercise, by a State, of sovereignty
within its domain. We are dealing with State action which extends
its domain, and purports to exclude al1other States from areas of
the high seas. We are dealing with expansion of the maritime domain
designed to deprive other States of rights and privileges which,
before the extension, they were entitled to enjoy and exercise, under
the rules of internationaI law.

In these circumstances, 1shoiild have much difficulty in justifying
the Nonvegian system as an exercise of powers inherent in State
sovereignty.

The question remains : whether action by a State, encroaching
on the high seas and depnving other States of their rights and
privileges,can be justified by customary international law.
The true legal character of the problem has been obscured. It
has been treated as if the issue concerned the existence or non-
existence of a rule of customary international law restncting the
exercise of sovereign power by coastal States. It has been assumed
that the United Kingdom must establish the existence of such a
restrictive de in order to challenge the validity of the1935 Decree.
It has been suggested that the British case must fail, unless it can
be proved that such a restrictive rule is founded on customary
international law.

The actual legal problem with whicli we are concerned is dif-
ferent. By the Decree of 1935, Norway has attempted to enlarge
the KI>,-wegianmaritime domain and to encroach on extensive
77 OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. READ 1~9

historiques, les prétentions à des baies plus larges. Il convient
également de relever que, dans le cas de toutes les catégories de
baies ou d'eaux historiques, la ceinture d'eaux territoriales est
calculée à partir de la limite extérieure des eaux intérieures.
La Norvège soutient en l'espèce qu'elle a le droit de calculer
la bande de quatre milles non point à partir de la ligne de côte,
mais à partir de longues lignes droites de base. En réalité,ces
lignes s'écartent de la ligne de la côte du Finnmark oriental,
ainsi que de la ligne de la frange extérieure du (skjzrgaard »,
entre le cap Nord et le Vestfjord. La Cour est saisie de la question
suivante :

Le droit international coutumier reconnaît-il à l'État
riverain le droit de faire usage de lignes droites de base pour
la délimitation de ses eaux temtoriales en lui permettant de
s'écarter de la ligne de la côte et d'empiéter sur la haute
mer, privant ainsi d'autres Etats des droits et privilèges
dont ils étaient auparavant fondés à joi-ir en vertu des règles
du droit des gens ?

On a soutenu qu'une telle prétention peut se déduire de la
souveraineté de l'État riverain. Mais je n'eritrevois pas comment
cela est possible.Il ne s'agit pas ici de l'exercice par un État de
la souveraineté à l'intérieur de son territoire. Il s'agit d'un acte
qu'un État accomplit pour étendre son territoire et qui vise à
exclure tous les autres États de certains espaces de la haute mer.
Il s'agit d'un élargissement du domaine maritime, ce qui tend à
priver les autres États de droits et de privilèges dont ils Staient
fondés à jouir età pratiquer l'exercice en vertu des règlesdu droit
international, avant ledit élargissement.
Dans ces conditions, j'éprouverais de grandes difficultés à

justifier lg système norvégien comme étant l'exercice des pouvoirs
inhérents à la souveraineté étatique.
La question demeure : le droit internationalcoutumier autorise-
t-il un État à empiéter sur la haute mer et à priver d'autres États
de leurs droits et privilèges ?
On a obscurci la véritable nature juridiqne du problème. On a
traité celui-ci comme si la question visait l'existence .ou la non-
existence d'une règle de droit international coutumier limitant
l'exercice, par les États riverains, de leur compétencede souverain.
On est parti de l'idéeque le Royaume-Uni devait établir l'existence

d'une telle règle restrictive pour pouvoir contester la validité du
décret de 1935. On a affirmé que la thèse britannique doit être
rejetée, à moins qu'il ne soit possible de prouver qu'une règle
restrictive de cet ordre est fondée sur le droit international cou-
tumier.
Le réel problèmejuridique dont nous sommes saisis est différent.
Par le décret de 1935, la Norvège s'est efforcée d'agrandir le
domaine maritime norvégien en empiétant sur des espaces étendus OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. READ IgO
de la haute mer, en saisissant et condamnant des navires étrangers.
Nous devons donc examiner si une telle méthode est justifiée.
Laissant de côté, pour l'instant, le facteur historique,il nous faut
tout d'abord considérer l'étendue de la compétence que le droit
international a conférée à un État riverain, en ce qui concerne la
délimitation de son domaine maritime.

Je n'ai à cet égard aucun doute. La compétence conférée à un
État pour délimiter son territoire maritime est la mêmeque celle
qu'il possède pour délimiter toute autre partie de son territoire.Il
peut agrandir celui-ci de toutes les manières qui ne portent pas
atteinte aux droits des autres États ou de la communauté inter-
nationale. Par exemple, il peut occuper un territoire sans maître,
res nullius; il peut annexer un territoire occupé,avec l'assentiment
du souverain territorial. Il ne saurait dépasser les limites tem-
toriales de sa souveraineté existante s'il devait en résulter une
atteinte aux droits ou privilèges que le droit internationalconfère
à d'autres États.
Dans le cas de la mer, il ne se pose aucune question deresnullius
ou d'annexion. Au delà de la limite des eaux territoriales, toutes
les nations jouissent de tous les droits et de tous les privilèges sur
toutes les mers. Il s'ensuit que la compétence de l'État riverain
pour délimiter son territoire maritime ne saurait &tre utilisée de
manière à lui permettre d'empiéter sur la haute mer et de porter
atteinte aux droits et privilèges précités. Sa compétence est
restreinte à la délimitation des régions déjà soumises à sa
souveraineté.
Il est donc nécessaire d'examiner l'étendue réelledes eaux tem-
tonales norvégiennes, telles qu'elles étaient reconnues par le droit

international coutumier avant l'adoption du décret de 1935. Il est
certain que cette mer territoriale comprenait une ceinture d'eaux
de quatre milles marins de largeur. Mais il s'agit de déterminer les
points de départ d'où cette ceinture devrait êtrecalculée.
Peu d'États ont délimitéleur territoire maritime, et le procédé
adopté parla Norvège en 1869,1881,1889 et 1935 était exceptionnel.
De manière générale,la question a étélaisséeaux tribunaux natio-
naux, aux cours de prises, aux tribunaux arbitraux etaux méthodes
diplomatiques dans les cas innombrables qui se sont présentéset
ont étéréglésdans la pratique des États. Au cours des cent
cinquante dernières années, l'on trouve des centaines de cas de
saisies de navires étrangers par les autorités des États riverains.
Ces cas se sont produits lors de guerres navales et dans des ques-
tions de contrebande, de protection des pêcheries, etc. Ils ont
soulevé des problèmes juridiques d'ordre national et international.
Il s'agissait presque toujours de la démarcation des eaux terri-
toriales, des zones douanières, ou de la fixation d'une distance à
partir de la côte, et la solution est intervenue par la voie de tribu-
naux nationaux ou internationaux, ou par celle de négociations
diplomatiques. En cas de guerre sur mer, les commandants ont 191 DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ

Customary international law is the generalization of the practice
of States. This cannot be established by citing cases where coastal
States have made extensive claims, but have not maintained their
daims by the actual assertion of sovereignty over trespassing
foreign ships.Such claims may be important as starting points,
which, if not challenged, may ripen into historic title in the course
of time.

The only convincing evidence of State practice is to be found
in seizures, where the coastal State asserts its sovereignty over the
waters in question by arresting a foreign ship and by maintaining

its position in the course of diplornatic negotiation and inter-
national arbitration.
Here, it is necessary to rule out seizures made by Nonvay at
and since the commencement of the dispute. They met with
immediate protest by the United Kingdom, and must, therefore,
be disregarded. Seizures made in bays need not be taken into
account, because it is common ground that coastal States may
measure the belt of temtorial waters from straight base-lines
joining the headlands of bays.

Setting aside these instances which are irrelevant to the present
issue, State practice may be examined. To begin with, the Record
in this case shows that Norway has maintained a four-mile limit
for territorial waters since 1745. For part of the time this was
used only for neutrality and prize ;but, for much of the time,
it was applied to fisheries. During the whole of the period since
1747 foreign fishermen have been fishing in the neighbourhood of

the Norwegian coast ; Russians in the north, and, during the last
eighty or ninety years, French and Swedish fishermen in the south.
Further, there have been many naval wars in which Nonvay was
neutral, and the Record shows that infringements of neutrality
and incursions of privateers were a serious menace to the country.
It is noteworthy that there is not a single instance in which Nonvay
asserted sovereignty in any of the Disputed Areas-or, indeed,
over waters measured from long base-lines in other parts of the
country-by seizing a foreign poaching fisherman or by action
taken against a trespassing privateer, prize or man-of-war.

The same situation obtains in the case of other coastal States.
No instance has been cited by either Party in which a coastal

79 OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. READ I9*

reçu des instructions et les cas de saisies ont étédéférésaux cours
de prises.
Le droit international coutumier est la gbnéralisation de la
pratique des États. On ne sayrait démontrer cette pratique en
citant les cas dans lesquels les Etats riverains ont formulé d'amples
revendications mais ne les ont pas maintenues sous la forme d'une
affirmation réelle de leur souveraineté à l'encontre des navires
étrangers qui, sans autorisation, pénétraient dans cette zone. Il
est possible que de telles revendicationssoient importantes comme
points de départ ;si elles ne sont pas contestées, elles peuvent se
transformer, avec le temps, en titres historiques.
La seule preuve convaincante de la pratique des États est fournie
par les saisies,'Etat riverain affirmant sa souveraineté sur les eaux
dont il s'agit en arrêtant les navires étrangers et en maintenant
son point de vue au cours de négociations diplomîtiques et d'arbi-
trages internationaux.

A cet égard il faut exclure les saisies auxquelles la Korvège a
procédéau moment où le différenda éclaté etdepuis lors. Ces saisies
ont fait l'objet de protestations immédiates de la part du Royaume-
Uni. Il faut donc les écarter du débat. Il n'est pas nécessaire de
prendre en considération les saisies qui ont eu lieu dans des baies,
car les deux Parties ont admis que les États riverains peuvent
mesurer la ceinture de leurs eaux territoriales à partir de lignes
droites de base reliant les caps des baies.
Après avoir écartéces exemples, qui sont dépourvus de pertinence
dansla présente espèce,il convient d'examiner la pratique des Etats.
Remarquons tout d'abord que le dossier de la présente espèce
démontre que la Norvège a, dès 1745 , aintenu une limite de quatre
milles pour ses eaux territoriales.Pendant un certain temps, cette
limite n'a étéutilisée qu'aux fins de la neutralité et des prises, mais
pendant la période laplus longue elle a étéappliquée aux pêcheries.
Pendant la totalité de la période qui s'est écouléedepuis 1747,
les pêcheurs étrangers ont pratiqué la pêche dans le voisinage

de la côte norvégienne ;les Russes au nord et, pendant les quatre-
vingts ou quatre-vingt-dix dernières années, les pêcheurs français
et suédois au sud. En outre, de nombreuses guerres navales ont
eu lieu au cours desquelles la Norvège est restée-neutre, et il ressort
du dossier que des atteintes à la neutralité et des incursions de
corsaires ont constitué une grave menace pour le pays. Il convient
de remarquer que la Norvège, à aucune reprise, n'a affirmé sa
souveraineté sur l'une quelconque des régions litigieuses, ou, en
fait, sur des espaces de mer mesurés à partir de longues lignes
de base dans d'autres régions du pays - soit en arrêtant un
pêcheur contrebandier étranger, soit en intervenant contre un
corsaire, une prise ou un vaisseau de guerre qui avaient pénétrésans
autorisation dans ces espaces.
La mêmesituation se présente dans le cas d'autres États riverains.
Les Parties n'ont pas cité de cas où un État riverain aurait saisi192 DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ

State has seized a foreign ship and justified and maintained the
seizure, on the international plane, by relying on long base-lines
departing from the direction and sinuosities of the coast. It has
been a universal practice-in diplomatic negotiations, in prize
courts, in national tribunals (iso far as they were applying inter-
national law) and in international tribunals-to rely upon the
measurement of the territorial belt from the nearest land (or
interna1 waters).

There have been instances in which unsuccessful attempts have
been made to justify seizures on the basis of long straight base-
lines departing from the line and direction of the coast. There are

the Moray Firth cases, in urhich seizures were upheld by the Courts
on the authority of the local law, but in which the position thus
asserted was abandoned on the international plane by the Govern-
ment of the United Kinpdom. There are also the cases cited in
Moore (Internatinal Latu Diges tT,he 'Headland' Theory", Vol. 1,
pp. 785-788), where attempts to justify seizures on this basis were
frustrated, either in the course of diplomatic negotiation or by
international tribunals.
The practice of States in dealing with actual assertion and
enforcement of claims over territorial waters is clear, unequivocal
and consistent.It has been based upon the measurement of the terri-
torial belt from the nearest land. 1 am compelled to conclude that
"The Headland Theory", the claim by a coastal State to a belt
of territorial watersmeasured from long base-lines which depart
from the line of the coast, has no support in customary inter-
national law.

1 do not think that the Court is called upon to pronounce upon
the various methods by which hydrographers have worked out
the limits of territorial waters on charts.1 must, however, point
out that the so-called "arcs of circles method" is nothing more
or less than a technical expression, used to describe the way in
which the coast-line rule has been applied in the international
practice of the last century-and-a-half,
In the earliest days, the cannon on the coast, when traversed,
traced arcs by the splash of their shots. Later, the imaginary
cannon traced imaginary arcs which intersected and marked out
the limit based on cannon shot. Then, as now, the imaginary
cannon, mounted in minor concavities of the coast, were wasted,
because their arcs were within the limits of the intersection of
the shots from guns mounted at minor headlands. The substitution
of the 3 or 4-mile limit made no difference. The fisherman, the
smuggler, the master of the revenue cutter and the captain of

the cruiser al1fixed the Iimit of territorial waters by measurement
from the nearest land. Innumerable national courts, international
tribunals and prize courts settled the limits in thesame way. Air
80 OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. READ Ig2
un navire étranger, justifié et maintenu cette saisie sur le plan
international en se fondant sur de longues lignes de base qui
s'écartaient de la direction et des sinuosités de la côte. Il a été
de pratique universelle - au cours des négociations diplomatiques,

devant les cours de prises ou les tribunaux nationaux (dans la
mesure où ceux-ci appliquaient le droit international) et devant
les tribunaux internationaux - de se fonder sur un calcul des
eaux territoriales à partir de la terre la plus proche (ou des eaux
intérieures).
Dans certains cas, on tenta sans succès de justifier des saisies
en se fondant sur de longues lignes droites de base qui s'écartaient
de la ligne et de la direction de la côte. Dans les affaires d((Moray
Firth »,les tribunaux ont sanctionné des saisies en se prévalant
du droit local ; mais sur le plan international, le Gouvernement
du Royaume-Uni renonça à maintenir cette attitude. D'autres
cas sont cités par Moore (International Lazu Digest, "The 'Head-

land' Theory", volume 1,pp. 785-788) : il s'agissait de tentatives
faites sans succès au cours de négociations diplomatiques ou
devant des tribunaux internationaux pour justifier des saisies sur
cette base.
En matière d'affirmation effective et de mise en vigueur de
prétentions à des eaux territoriales, la pratique des États est
claire, logique et dépourvue d'ambiguïté. Cette pratique a été
fondée sur le calcul des eaux territoriales à partir de la terre la
pIus proche. Il me faut donc conclure que la théorie des caps,
c'est-à-dire la revendication, par un État riverain, d'une ceinture
d'eaux territoriales mesurée à partir de longues lignes de base
qui s'écartent de la ligne de la côte, ne trouve aucun appui en
droit international coutumier.
A mon avis, la Cour n'est pas appeléeàprononcer sur les diverses

méthodes d'après lesquelles les ingénieurs hydrographes ont tracé
sur les cartes la limite des eaux territoriales.Il me faut cependant
faire observer que la méthode dite des arcs de cercle » n'est rien
d'autre qu'une expression'technique utilisée pour décrirela manière
selon laquelle la pratique internationale a appliqué la règle de la
ligne de côte au cours des cent cinquante dernières années.
Tout au début, le canon situé sur la côte, lorsqu'il était pointé
en direction de la mer, traçait des arcs par l'éclaboussement de ses
boulets sur la mer. Plus tard, le canon imaginaire traçait des arcs
imaginaires qui par leur intersection marquaient la limite fondée
sur la portée de canon. A cette époque, de mêmequ'aujourd'hui,
le canon imaginaire, placé dans des concavités secondaires de la
côte, ne servait à rien parce que les arcs qu'il traçait restaient en

de@ des limites de l'intersection des coups tirés de canons placés
sur des caps secondaires. L'introduction de la limite de trois ou de
quatre milles ne fit aucune différence.Le pêcheur, lecontrebandier,
le capitaine du bateau douanier et le capitaine du croiseur fixaient
tous la limite des eaux territoriales en la calculant à partir de la
80I93 DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ
patrols have followed the same course. Al1reached the same result ;

and it did not make any difference where the problem arose or
what was the nationality of the ships. What is more, al1 reached
precisely the same result as a hydrographer gets, by drawing
circles on achart.

Before turning to the historic aspect of the problem, 1 must
deal with the Nonvegian contention that, even if international
law recognizes a Coast-Line Rule, it is not applicable to broken
coast lines, or, in any event, not to the unique coast in question.

It is unrealistic to suggest that the northern coast of Nonvay
is unique or exceptional in that it has a broken coast line in East
Finnmark, or because West Finnmark, Troms and Nordland are
bordered by a coastal archipelago, deeply indented by fjords and
sunds. In other parts of the world, different names are used, but

there are many other instances of broken coast lines and archipel-
agoes. The Court has seen the west coast of Scotland on the charts
produced at the hearings. There are coastal archipelagoes, deeply
indented bays and broken coast lines on the north, south, east
and west coasts of Canada, in the panhandle of Alaska, in South
America, and, doubtless, in other parts of the world. There could
be no greater danger to the structure of international law than
to disregard the general mles of positive law and to base a deci-
sion on the real or imaginary exceptional character or uniqueness
of'the case under consideration.

1 cannot overlook the fact that the rejection of "The Headland
Theory" by positive international iaw was based, to a very large
extent, on the precedents collected in Moore's InternationalDigest,
cited above. They arose on the coast of Nova Scotia and Prince

Edward Island, a coast line deeply indented and broken by bays
and other inlets, fringed in many places with groups of islands,
rocks and reefs, a coast to which the terms "exceptional" and
"unique" could readily be applied.

1am therefore led to the conclusion that the rules of intert~ational
law which, under comparable circumstances, are applicable to other
countries in other parts of the world, must be applied to the coast
of Norway.

Having reached the conclusion that the Norwegian claim to
measure its belt of temtorial waters from long straight base-lines
which depart from the line of the coast has no support in customary

81 OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. READ I93
terre la plus proche. Un nombre immense de tribunaux nationaux
et internationaux et de cours de prises ont fixéles limites de la
mêmemanière. Les patrouilles aériennes ont suivi la mêmemé-
thode. Ils ont tous obtenu le même résultat sans qu'importât
l'endroit où le problème surgissait ou la nationalité des navires.

Il y a plus : tous ont obtenu exactement le mêmerésultat qu'un
ingénieur hydrographe par le tracé de cercles sur une carte.
Avant d'examiner l'aspect historique du problème, il me faut
traiter la thèse norvégienne selon laquelle, même si ledroit inter-
national admet la règlede la ligne de côte, cette règlene serait pas
applicable aux lignes de côtes déchiquetées, ou en tout cas pas à
la côte dont il s'agit, unique dans son genre.
Il est vain d'affirmer que la côte septentrionale de la Norvège
serait unique ou exceptionnelle en ce que la ligne de côte du Finn-
mark oriental serait déchiquetéeou que le Finnmark occidental,
le Troms et le Nordland seraient bordés par un archipel côtier et
profondément échancréspar des fjords et des sunds. Dans d'autres
parties du monde on fait usage de termes différents, mais il y a
beaucoup d'autres exemples de lignes de côtes bfiséeset d'archipels.
La Cour a pu étudier la côte occidentale de 1'Ecossesur les cartes

produites en plaidoirie. On trouve des archipels côtiers, des baies
profondément échancréeset des lignes de côtes déchiquetées au
Canada, sur les côtes nord, sud, est et ouest, en Alaska méridional,
en Amérique du Sud et sans doute dans d'autres parties du monde.
Aucun danger ne saurait plus gravement menacer la structure du
droit international que la méconnaissance des règles généralesdu
droit positif et qu'unedécisionfondéesur le caractère exceptionnel,
réel ou imaginaire, ou sur la nature unique de l'affaire dont il
s'agit.
Je ne saurais écarter le fait que le rejet de la théorie des caps par
le droit international positif a étéfondédans une très large mesure
sur les précédents réunisdans le Diges trécitéde Moore. Ces cas
se sont présentés sur la côte de la Nouvelle-Ecosse et de l'île du
Prince Édouard ;il s'agit là d'une ligne de côte profondément

échancréeet déchiquetéepar des baies et des bras de mer, frangée
en beaucoup d'endroits de groupes d'îles, de rochers et de récifs
- côte que l'on pourrait facilement qualifier d'«exceptionnelle »
et d'«unique ».
J'arrive donc à la conclusion qu'il faut appliquer à la côte norvé-
gienne les règles de droit international qui, dans des circonstances
comparables, sont applicables à d'autres pays dans d'autres parties
du monde.

Après êtrearrivé à la conclusion que dans le droit international
coutumier on ne trouve aucune justification à la prétention de
la Norvège à mesurer sa ceinture d'eaux territoriales à partir de I94 . DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ

international law, it is necessary to consider the question of historic
title. This aspect of the problem has ansen in two ways, both of
which involve decisions on the same basic questions of fact. Both
are related to the existence and application of the Norwegian
System.

The Norwegian System involves the assertion, by Norway, of
sovereignty over ali the fjords and sunds, and over a 4-mile belt
of temtoriai waters, measured from base-lines connectingpoints on
the mainland, or on the outermost islands, islets or rocks not con-
tinuously submerged by the sea. The System involves appreciation
and selection of the base-points by Norway, taking into account the
social and economic needs of the local population. There is no
limitation on the length of the lines. On the other hand, it is recog-
nized that they must be reasonable and that they must conform to
the general direction of the coast. By general direction is meant a
fictional direction related to the country as a whole, and not to the
sector of the coast under consideration. The System does not admit
of any need to conform to the real direction either of the outer
fringe of the "skjærgaard" or of the mainland coast.

The first way in which the historic aspect of the problem arises

concerns the doctrine of histonc waters. If it can be shown that
the Norwegian System was actually applied to the Disputed Areas,
they can be regarded as historic waters, and the British case fails.

The second way in which it arises concerns the general doctrines
of international law. If it cen be shown that the Norwegian System
has been recognized by the international community, it followsthat
it has become the doctrine of international law applicable to Nor-
way, either as special or as regional law, and the British case fails.

In both cases the burden is upon Norway to prove the following
facts :

1st- that the Norwegian System came into being as a part of
the law of Norway ;
end-that it was made known to the world in such a manner
that other nations, including the United Kingdom, knew
about it or must be asumed to have had knowledge ; and

3rd-that there has been acquiescence by the international com-
munity, including the United Kingdom.
As regards the question of historic waters there isthe additional

point referred to above, narnely, that it must be shown that the
System was actuaily applied to the Disputed Areas. In the second
case, treating the System as special or regional law, it would be
enough to show that Norway had asçerted competence to apply its
82 OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. READ
I94
longues lignes droites de base qui s'écartent de la ligne de la côte,
il me faut aborder l'examen de la question du titre historique.
Cet aspect du problème s'est présentéde deux manières, toutes
les deux impliquant des décisionssur les mêmesquestions fonda-
mentales de fait. Les deux se rattachent à l'existence et à l'appli-

cation du système norvégien.
Le système norvégien présuppose, de la part de la Norvège,
une prétention à la souveraineté sur tous les fjords et sunds et sur
une bande maritime d'eaux territoriales de quatre milles de largeur
mesuréeà partir de lignes de base reliant des points sur le continent
ou sur les îles, îlots et rochers les plus éloignésqui ne sont pas
constamment recouverts par la mer. Le système présuppose que
la .Norvègeapprécie et choisit les points de base en tenant compte
des besoins sociaux et économiques de la population locale. La
longueur des lignes n'est soumise à aucune limitation. En revanche,
il est reconnu que ces lignes doivent êtreraisonnables et qu'elles
doivent suivre la direction généralede Ia côte. Par ces termes, on
entend unedirection fictiverelative au pays considérédans l'ensemble
et non au secteur de la côte dont il s'agit. Le système n'exige
pas de se conformer à la direction réellesoit de la frange extérieure
du «skjærgaard »,soit de la côte du continent.
C'est à l'égardde la doctrine des eaux historiques que l'aspect

historique du problème se pose d'abord. S'il peut êtredémontré
que le système norvégien a étéréellement appliqué aux régions
litigieuses, celles-ci peuvent êtreconsidérées commeeaux histo-
riques, et la thèse britannique ne saurait êtreretenue.
Le problèmese pose en second lieu à propos des théoriesgénérales
du droit international. S'ilpeut êtredémontréquele systèmenorvé-
gien a étéreconnu par la communauté internationale, il s'ensuit
qu'il est devenu une théorie du droit international applicable à la
Norvège, soit comme droit particulier, soit comme droit régional,
et la thèse britannique ne saurait êtreretenue.
Dans les deux cas il incombe à la Norvège de démontrer les faits
suivants :

1) que le système norvégien a pris corps en tant qu'élémentdu
droit norvégien ;
2) qu'il a étCporté à la connaissance du monde de manière
telle que d'autres nations, y compris le Royaume-Uni, l'ont
connu ou doivent êtreprésuméesl'avoir connu ;

3) qu'il y a eu assentiment de la communauté internationale,
y compris le Royaume-Uni.

En ce qui concerne la question des eaux historiques se présente
le point additionnel mentionné ci-dessus, à savoir qu'il faut démon-
trer que le système a étéréellementappliquéaux régions litigieuses.
Dans le second cas, en considérant le système comme droit parti-
culier ou droit régional, il suffirait de démontrer que la Norvège
82195 DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ

provisions to the coasts of Norway in general, including the Dis-
puted Areas. It would, however, be necessary to show that the
1935 Decree conformed to the requirements of the System.

This case, therefor e, turns on the date when the Norwegian System
came into being, as a system :part of the public law of Norway ;
applicable or applied to the coast in question;known to the world ;
and acquiesced in by the international community.

It willbe convenient to begin by examining the question :whether
the System was actually applied to the Disputed Areas before the
commencement of the dispute. Ifnot, the Norwegian contentions
fail, as regards the doctrine of histonc waters in the strict sense.

As the judgment of the Court does not rely on historic title in
this sense, it is possible to treat it briefly. For that purpose, con-
sideration can be given to the sector of the coast where most

evidence is available-the Disputed Area between base-points 5
and 6 in East Finnmark. The question is whether the Norwegian
System was applied to this Disputed Area so that it became subject
to the doctrine of historic waters.

The highest Court in Norway decided, in the St. Just case,
that the application of the Norwegian System, on that sector,
meant the assertion of exclusive Norwegian rights over a belt
of waters four miles in breadth measured from the base-line
between points 5 and 6.
Uncontradicted evidence, presented by the Norwegian Agent,
proves that the Norwegian Foreign Ministry, when defending the
seizure of the Kanuck in 1923, relied upon the measurement of
Norwegian territorial waters from the Harbakken-Kavringen base-
line (9.4 miles) and not the Norwegian System. This is proved by
the Norwegian Note of February di th,1924, and confirmed by
the affidavit of Mr. Esmarch, Secretary-General of the Norwegian
Foreign Ministry (Counter-Memoriai, Annex 41).

In 1930-1931, the diplomatic correspondence between Sir Charles
U'ingfield and Mr. Esmarch, arising out of the seizure of the
Lord Weir ,trongly confirms this position. It is not contradicted
by any evidence produced in the record. The statement made by
Sir Charles Wingfield was questioned by the Norwegian Agent,
who did not produce any evidence to the contrary. The statement
was that the ground relied upon to justify the seizure of the
83 OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. READ I9.5

a soutenu qu'elle était compétente pour appliquer ces dispositions
aux côtes norvégiennes en genéral, y compris celles (les régions
litigieuses. Toutefois, il serait nécessairede démontrer que le décret
tle1935 ét"t conforme aux exigences du système.
Cette affaire dépend donc de la date à laquelle le svstème norvé-
$n est apparu en tant que système :partie du droit public de
la Norvège, applicable ou appliqué à la côte clont il s'agit, connu
du monde, ayant obtenu l'assentiment de la communauté inter-
nationale.

Il convient d'examiner pour commencer si le système norvégien
a étéréellement appliqiié aux régions litigieuses avant le début

du différend. Si tel n'est pas le cas, l'argumentation norvégienne
ne saurait être retenue en cc qui concerne la théorie des eaux
historiques au sens strict du terme.
Puisque la Cour, dans son arrêt, n'entend pas se prévaloir en
ce sens du titre historique, ilest possible de se borner à un bref
examen de ce point. A-cette fin, il convient de prendre en consi-
dération le secteur d<:la côte à prop)s duquel l'on dispose des
preuves les plus nombreuses : il s'agit de la régionlitigieuse située
au Finnmark oriental, entre les points de base 5 et 6. La question
est ceiie de savoir si le systéme norvégien a étéappliqué à cette
région litigieuse de telle sorte qu'elle soit soumise à la théorie
des eaux historiques.
Dans l'affaire du SI. Just,la Cour suprêmede Norvège a décidé
que l'application du système norvégien audit secteur signifiait
l'affirmation de droits norvégiens exclusifs sur une ceinture d'eau

de quatre miiles de largeur mesurée à partir de la ligne de base,
entre les points 5 et 6.-
Des preuves incontestées, produites par l'agent norvégien,
démontrent que le ministère norvégien des Affaires étrangères,
dans la défense qu'il a présentée à propos de la saisie du Kanuck
en 1923, s'est fondé sur un calcul des eaux temtoriales norvé-
giennes à partir de la ligne de base Harbakken-Kavringen
(9,4 milles), et non point sur le système norvégien. C'est ce que
démontre la note de la Norvège, en date du II février 1924, et
ce que confirme l'affidavit de M. Esmarch, secrétaire généraldu
ministère norvégien des Affaires étrangères (contre-mémoire,
annexe no , ,.
En 1930-193 I, la correspondance diplomatique échangéeentre
sir Charles Wingfield et M. Esmarch, à propos de la saisie du
Lmd Weir, confirme fortement cet état de choses. Aucune preuve

contraire ne figure au dossier de l'affaire. La déclaration de
sir Charles Wingîîeld a étécontestée par l'agent norvégien, qui n'a
produit aucune preuve contraire. Selon cette déclaration, pour
justifier la saisie du Lord Weir, on avait invoqué le motif que,
83 DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ
196
Lord Weir was "that on the night of 15th September she had
fished at a spot 3.6 nautical miles outside the line Haabrandnesset-
Klubbespiret : i.e. more than 4 nautical miles from the nearest
land". The Nonvegian Agent had access to the Court records in
Norway. The diplomatic correspondence was set forth in the

Memorial, Annex IO. He had four opportunities to produce
contradictory evidence :in the Counter-Memorial, in the Rejoinder
and at the two stages of the oral proceedings. He did not choose
to do so and in the circumstances 1 am compelled to accept
Sir Charles Wingfield's statement. It proves: (1) that, in 1930-1931,
the Norwegian judicial znd police authorities were measuring
territorial waters from the Haabrandnesset-Klubbespiret base-line
(thesame closing lines of Syltefjord as were subsequently adopted
in the Reply at p. 248) ; (2) that, in 1930-1931, No~way was
not applying the Norwegian System to the East Finnmark coast ;
(3) that Sir Charles Wingfield put fonvard specific requests for
information as to the nature and extent of the Nonvegian claims ;

(4) that Mr. Esmarch's reply was not responsive, and, even at
that late date, he did not give any information that would enable
the British Government to appre- -te the nature and extent of
the Norwegian System.

The evidence with regard to the Kanuck and Lord Weir incidents
shows, beyond al1 reasonable doubt, that the Nonvegian System
was not being asserted and applied in the Disputed Area in 1923,
1930 or 1931. On the other hand, it is equally clear that the
Norwegian System was being applied in the year 1933. This point
is settled by uncontradicted evidence ansing out of the seizure
of the St. Just on November 3rd, 1933. In that case, the St. Just

was seized, prosecuted and condemned for having fished within
a territorial bel4 miles in breadth measured from a line connecting
base-points 5and 6.These base-points had not then been authorized
by the 1935 Decree. It is only possible to assume that at some
time between August t th, 1931, and the seizure, the Norwegian
Government decided to commence the assertion and enforcement
of a claim to a temtonal belt measured from long base-lines
connecting the outermost mainland points, islands, etc. In other
words, during this penod the Norwegian Government decided to
put the Norwegian System into force.

It is, therefore, clearly established that the Norwegian System
was not actualiy applied to the Disputed Areas until after
August rxth, 1931. That date was long after the dispute had
arisen, and the Norwegian contention fails, as regards historic
title in the strict sense. OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. READ
19~
(dans la nuit du 15 septembre, ce bateau avait pratiqué la pêche
à un endroit situé à 3,6 milles nautiques au delà de la ligne
Haabrandnesset-Klubbespiret, c'est-à-dire à plus de quatre milles
nautiques de la terre la plus proche D. L'agent norvégien a eu

accès aux archives judiciaires en Norvège. La correspondance
diplomatique est reproduite à l'annexe IO du mémoire. Il avait
donc quatre occasions pour produire des preuves contraires :dans
le contre-mémoire,dansla duplique et, à deux reprises, en procédure
orale. Il a préférén'en rien faire ;dans ces conditions, il me faut
accepter la déclaration de sir Charles Wingfield. Il en résulte :
1) qu'en 1930-1931 les autorités norvégiennes de justice et de
police mesuraient les eaux territoriales à partir de la ligne de
base Haabrandnesset-Klubbespiret (les mêmeslignes de fermeture
du Syltefjord, qui furent par la suite adoptées dans la réplique,
p. 248); 2)qu'en 1930-1931la Norvègen'appliquait pas le système
norvégien à la côte du Finnmark oriental ; 3) que sir Charles
Wingfield a formulé des demandes précises d'information quant

à la nature et à-l'étenduedes revendications norvégiennes ;4) que
M. Esmarch a répondu à côté dela question et que, mêmeà cette
date récente. il n'a pas donné de renseignements qui eussent
permis au Gouvernement britannique d'apprécier la nature et la
portée du système norvégien.
Les preuves relatives aux incidents du Kanuck et du Lord Weir
démontrent sans doute possible que le système norvégien n'était
ni affirméni appliqué dans la région litigieuse en 1923, en 1930
ou en 1931. En revanche, il est non moins clair que le système
norvégien était appliqué en 1933. Ce point est établi par des
preuves non contestées se rapportant à la saisie du St. Just, le
3 novembre 1933. Dans cette affaire, le St. Just fut saisi et fit
l'objet de poursuites judiciaires et d'une condamnation pour avoir

pratiqué la pêcheà l'intérieur d'une bande temtoriale de quatre
milles, mesurée à partir d'une ligne reliant les points de base 5
et 6. L'usage de ces points de base n'avait pas alors étéautorisé
par le décret de 1935. On peut seulement supposer qu'à une
certaine date, entre le II aoQt 1931 et la saisie, le Gouvernement
norvégien décida de commencer à affirmer et à mettre en vigueur
ses prétentions sur une ceinture temtoriale mesurée à partir de
longues lignes de base, reliant les points les plus avancés de la
côte, des îles, etc. En d'autres termes, pendant cette période le
Gouvernement norvégien décida de mettre en vigueur le système
norvégien.
Ilest donc clairement établi que le système norvégien n'était

pas appliqué effectivement à la région litigieuse avant le II août
1931. Cette date est bien postérieure à la naissance du litige, et
la thèse norvégienne ne saurait êtreretenue en ce qui concerne
le titre historique au sens strict du terme.I97 DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ

Having dealt with the claim to the Disputed Areas as historic

waters in the strict sense, the question remains : whether the
Norwegian System can be treated as a doctrine of special inter-
national law, asserted by Norway, and recognized by the inter-
national community.

For this purpose, it is not necessary to show that it was actually
applied in the Disputed Areas before 1933 or 1935. It would be
sufficient to prove that Nonvay had consistently and persistently
asserted the right to apply the System to the Nonvegian coast
generally, and that there had been acquiescence in this claim by the

international community.
At the outset, 1 must explain that 1 do not regard the older
historical data as important. 1 think that Nonvay has sufficiently
proved that, at the close of the 18th century and under the inter-
national law of the time, Nonvay was asserting exclusive rights

oves!a belt of waters which, as regards fishing rights, was based on
the range of vision. This belt was much more extensive than that
which was marked out by the 1935 Decree. The maritime domain,
at that time and for fishing purposes, extended beyond the Blue
Lines and certainly included nearly al1 of the Disputed Areas.
These extensive Nonvegian rights were not much different from the
rights of other countries where exclusive fishing rights based on
range of vision were recognized by the early international law.

One might ask :how and when did Norway lose these rights ?

They disintegrated or fell into desuetude in Norway in the same
manner as in other maritime countries. In Norway, as elsewhere,
it is difficult to point to a particular decree or to special govern-
mental action marking the end. It is, however, possible to point,
with reasonable certainty, to the date.

In the 18th century, the only foreigners engaged in fishing off
the northern coast were Russians. They were excluded from a belt
of waters I league from the coast ; but were permitted to fish in
what were then regarded as Xorwegian waters beyond that limit,
on payment of dues which covered both the fishing and shore

privileges.These arrangements were based on diplomatic negotia-
tions and on the Rescript of 1747.

In the course of time, however, there was general recognition
that the fishing by the Russians beyond the 4-mile limit was
of right and not dependent on permission from the Norwegian
authorities.

85 OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. READ I97

En ayant terminé avec la prktention sur la région contestée eri
tant qu'eaux historiques au sens strict, il nous reste à examiner
la question suivante : le système norvégien peut-il être traité
comme une doctrine faisant partie d'un droit international par-
ticulier, appliquée par la Norvège et reconnue par la communauté
internationale ?
A cette fin, il n'est pas nécessaire de démontrer que ce système
était effectivement appliqub dans les régions litigieuses avant 1933
ou 1935. Il suffirait de démontrer que la Norvège a, d'une façon
continue et cohérente, affirmé le droit d'appliqiier ce système à
la côte norvégienne en général et que cette revendication a obtenu
l'acquiescement de la communauté internationale.

Il me faut d'emblée expliquer que je ne considère pas les données
histofiques les plus anciennes comme importantes. Je pense que
la Norvège a suffisamment établi qu'à la fin du XVIII~~ siècle et
en vertu du droit international de l'époque, elle a affirmé jouir
de droits exclusifs sur une ceinture d'eaux mesurée, en ce qui
concerne les droits de la pêche,par le système du rayon visuel.
Cette ceinture était beaucoup plus étendue que celle qui a été
tracée par le décret de 1935. En matière de pêche, le domaine
maritime à cette époque s'étendait au delà des lignes bleues et
recouvrait certainement la presque-totalité des régions litigieuses.

Ces droit étendus de la Norvhge n'étaient pas très différents de
ceux d'autres pays où le droit international ancien reconnaissait les
droits de pêclic exclusifs, mesurés d'après le système du rayon
visuel.
On pourrait être tentéde demander comment et à quelle époque
la Norvège a perdu ses droits. Ils se sont évanouis ailbien sont
tombés en désuétude en Norvège comme dans les autres pays
maritimes. En Norvège comme ailleurs, il est difficile d'indiquer
un décret ou un acte gouvernemental déterminé qui en marquerait
la fin.On peut cependant, avec une approximation suffisante, en
déterminer la date.
Au XVIII~~ siècle, les seuls étrangers pratiquant la pêche au
large de la côte nord étaient les Russes. Ils étaientenys en dehors
d'une ceinture d'eaux d'une lieue de la côte, mais on leur per-
mettait de pêcher dans ce qui était considéréalors comme eaux
norvégiennes au delà de cette limite, moyennant paiement d'une
redevance en considération des privilèges de pêcheet de l'usage
des installationsà terre. Cet accord se fondait sur des négociations

diplomatiques et sur le rescrit de 1747.
Avec le temps, toutefois, on a reconnu d'une façon généraleque
les Russes pratiquaient la pêcheau delà de la limite des quatre
milles parce qu'ils en avaient le droit, et non grâce une autorjsa-
tion des autorités norvégiennes.19~ DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ

The Royal Cominission established in 1825-1826 to examine
measures relating to the economic development of Finnmark,.
looked upon the fishing beyond the 1-league limit as a special
concession granted to the Russian fishermen. The Royal Legislative
Commission took a different view and favoured the opinion that
fishing beyond the 1-league limit was in pnnciple free from restric-
tion.
The Finnmark Commission had proposed for incorporation in
Article 40 of its draft proposa1 for a law relating to trade in both
East and West Finnmark specific words which would have made it
clear that the Russian fishing beyond the 1-league limit was per-
missive. These words were not included, and in Article 40 of the

Law of 1830 the expression used read as foilows :"If the Russians,
by reason of such fishing as they indulge in beyond the distance of
I league from the coast, should wish to come ashore, the places
where they land must not be ...."It is, therefore, clear that the
views of the Royal Legislative Commissionprevailed. (SeeRejoinder,
Annexes, pp. 31-32.)
This position is confirmed by the statement in the Report of
the Temtorial Waters Boundary Commission dated February zgth,
1912, which may be referred to as the 1912 Report, page 18 :
"Whatever may have been the object of the Rescript, a legal
practice was nevertheless soon to develop whereby the dues were
paid for the sojourn on land, and fishing beyond the distance of
I league (1 mil) was regarded as fishing on the open seas."

,There can, therefore, be no doubt about date. By 1830 there
was definite recognition that fishing beyond the +mile limit was to
be regarded as fishing on the open seas. The ancient exclusive
rights of the offshore fishing grounds beyond that limit had disap-
peared in so far as Finnmark was concemed. Whether or not this
situation obtained in other parts of Norway is not clearlyestablished
in the Record. There is no reason to believe that there was any
difference in other parts of the country ; but, in any event, by the
year 1862 it was certain that the 4-mile limit had been established
for the whole of the coast and for all purposes including fishing.
(See Counter-Memonal, Annex No. 14.)

Accordingly, it is now necessary to consider how and when the
Norwegian System came into being as a part of the public law of
Norway.
The origin of certain elements of the Norwegian System-the
four-mile limit, and the claims regarding the fjords and sunds and
the "skjaergaardJ'-are to be found in the 18th century or earlier :
but the use of long straight base-lines departing from the coast is
a modern invention.
The foundation of the base-line doctrine has been attnbuted to
the Royal Decree of 1691, which prohibited captures "within sight
of Our coasts, which is computed as 4 or 5 leagues from the out- OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. READ 19~

La Commission royale, constituée en 1825-1826 pour examiner
les mesures se rapportant au développement économiquedu Finn-
mark, a considéréla pêcheau delà de la limite d'une lieue comme
une concession spéciale accordée aux pêcheurs russes. La Com-
mission législative royale a adopté un point de vue différentet s'est
proclamée en faveur de l'idéeque la pêcheau delà d'une limite
d'une lieue était en principe libre de restrictions.
La Commission du Finnmark avait proposé d'incorporer dans
l'article 40 de son projet de loi sut le commerce dans le Finnmark
oriental et occidental des termes précisqui auraient indiqué claire-

ment que la pêchepratiquée par les Russes au delà d'une limite
d'une lieue résultait d'une permission. Ces mots n'ont pas été
inséréset, dans l'article 40 de la loi de 1830, on trouve les termes
suivants :« Si les Russes, en raison de la pêchequ'ils pratiquent
au delà de la distance d'une lieue du rivage, désirent séjourner à
terre, leurs refuges ne doivent se trouver qu'à ...» Il est donc clair
que l'opinion de la Commission législative royale a prévalu. (Voir
Duplique, annexes, pp. 31-32.)
Cette position est confirmée par le passage du rapport déposé,
à la date du 29 février 1912, par la Commission de la frontière des

eaux territoriales (qu'on peut appeler le Rapport de 1912). Il est
dit à la page 18 : (Quel que fût l'objet du rescrit, toujours est-il
qu'on vit se développer la pratique juridique que la redevance
était acquittée pour le séjour à terre, et que la pêcheen dehors
de la distance d'une lieue (1 mil) était considérée commepêche
en mer libre. ))
En conséquence, on ne saurait avoir de doute quant à la date.
En 1830, il était reconnu qu'au delà de la limite de quatre milles la
pêche était considéréecomme pêcheen haute mer. Les anciens
droits exclusifs sur les bancs côtiers au delà de cette limite avaient
disparu en ce qui est du Finnmark. Le dossier n'indique pas claire-

ment si cette situation s'étendait à d'autres parties de la Norvège.
Il n'y a pas de raison de croire qu'il y eût une différencea-uelconque
dans d'autres parties du pays, mais, en tout cas, dès l'année1862,
il était certain que la limite des quatre milles était établie pou1
l'ensemble de la côte et à toutes fins, y compris la pêche(contre-
mémoire,annexe no 14).
En conséquence, il faut examiner maintenant de quelle façon
et à quelle date le système norvégien est apparu comme partie du

droit public de la Norvège.
L'origine de certains élémentsdu système norvégien - la limite
de quatre milles et les prétentions 'sur les fjords, les sunds et le
"skjærgaard - remonte au XVIII- siècleou mêmeplus tôt ; mais
l'usage de longues lignes droites de base s'écartant de la côte est
une invention moderne.
On a attribué le fondement de la théorie de la ligne de base au
décret royal de 1691, qui interdit les captures "dans le rayon visuel
de Nos côtes, lequel doit êtreporté à quatre ou cinq lieues des

86 199 DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ

lyiiig rocks". 1 am unable to accept this view, because 1 think that
tliis Decree meant what it said. "Four or five leagues from the
oiitlyiiig rocks" meant a distance measured from the rocks, and
iiot from imaginary base-lines many miles seaward from the out-
lying rocks. "Within sight of the coast" meant range of vision.
Range of vision, from its very nature, must be measurcd from
something visible, a rock or the coast Iine. It is inconceivable that
the Decree rneant measurement from imaginary base-lines, invisible
at short range, and, a fortioirnvisible at a distance of four or five
leagues. There is nothing in the language used in subsequent laws
or decrees, between 1691and 1868, that indicates any change from
the old, traditional pmctice of measurement from the coast line
and outermost rocks, reefs and islands.

This view is confirmed by the fact that there is not even one

instance, arising before the commencement of the dispute and cited
in the Record of this case, in which Nonvegian claims to waters
measured from straight base-lines (apart, of course, from bays) were
enforced against a poaching or trespassing foreign ship, under the
Decrees of 1691,1745,1747, 1756or 1812,or under the Law of 1830.

The first suggestion of abase-line doctrine is to be found in the
Statement of Reasons by the Ministry of the Interior which led to
the Sunnmore Decree of 1869, and in the Norwegian Note No. 4 in
the diplornatic correspondence with France, February 8th, 1870.
The Norwegian System has had many restatements, and in the
course of restatement there have been refinements and definitions
and possibly even additions, but the heart of the System is to be
found in these two documents.

Accordingly, while the matter is not free from doubt, 1 shall
proceed on the assumption that the Norwegian System came into
being in 1869.
Itis not enough to prove that the Norwegian System came into
being in order to establish it as a special doctrine of international
law. 1.tmust be proved that it was made known to the world in
such manner that other nations, including the United Kingdom,
knew about it or must be assumed to have had knowledge.

The first attempt by Norway to rely upon this doctrine was in
the Sunnmore Decree of 1869. There is no text of this Decree
(or of the similar Decree of 1889) in the Record of this case. In
the circumstances, it is necessary to rely upon a quotation con-
tained in paragraph 59 of the Counter-Mernoriai which does not
purport to set forth the whoie text of the Decree, but which
probably does so, and which reads as follows :

87 OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. READ I99
écueilsles plus éloignés".Je ne puis me ralàicette opinion parce
que, selon moi, le décretsignifie ce qu'i« Quatre ou cinq lieues
des écueilsles plus éloign1)signifie une distance mesuràepartir
des écueils,et non pointà partir de lignes de base imaginaires se

trouvant à une distance de nombreux milles au large des écueils
les plus éloigné«Dans le rayon visuel)signifieà portée devue des
côtes. Le rayon visuel, par sa nature même,doit êtremesuré à
partir de quelque chose qui est visible, un rocher ou la ligne de
côte. On ne saurait concevoir que le décret signifiât un calcil1 à
partir de lignes de base imaginaires, invisàbcourte distance et,
a fortioirnvisibles à une distance de quatre à cinq lieues. Les lois
et décrets ultérieurs,promulguésentr1691 et1868 ,e contiennefit
rien dans leur texte qui indique une modification de la pratique
ancienne et traditionnelle d'un calcul à partir de la ligne de côte
et des rochers, récifs et iles les plus éloignés.
Cette opinion est corroboréepar le fait qu'on ne trouve dans le
dossier de l'affaire aucun exemple antérieur au début du différend
où les prétentions norvégiennes sur des eaux calculéàspartir de
lignes droites de base (à l'exception, bien entendu, des baies) aient
étéappliquéescontre un navire étranger pratiquant la contrebande
ou pénétrant dans ses eaux sans autorisation, cela en vertu des
décrets de1691 ,e 1745 ,e 1756 ou de 1812 ,u en vertu de la loi
de 1830.
La première allusion à une doctrine des lignes de base se trouve,

d'une part, dans l'exposédes motifs du ministère de l'Intérieur,
qui a abouti au décretdu Sunnmore de 1869 ,t d'autre part, dans
la note norvégienne no4,du 8 févrie1870 ,u cours de la corres-
pondance diplomatique échangéeavec la France.
Le système norvégiena fait l'objet de nombreuses réaffirmations,
et, au cours de ces réaffirmations, il a étéperfectionné, défini.et
peut-êtremêmeaccru ;mais on en trouve le noyau dans ces deux
documents.
Par conséquent, et encore que la question ne soit pasà l'abri
de certains doutes, je partirai de l'idéeque le système norvégien
a pris naissance en1869.
Il ne suffit pas d'établirque le système norvégiena pris naissance
pour qu'il soit consacré comme une doctrine spéciale du droit
international. Il faut encore établir qu'il a été portéà la connais-
sance du monde de telle manière que les autres nations,compris
le Royaume-Uni, en eussent étéau courant ou doivent êtreprksu-
mCes l'avoir été.
La première tentative de la Norvègepour invoquer cette doctrine
figure dans le décretdu Sunnmore de869 .e dossier de la présente
affaire ne contient pas le texte de ce décret (ni du décretsemblable
de 1889) D.ans ces conditions, on doit se rapporter à une citation

au paragraphe 59 du contre-mémoire, qui ne préte~d pas donner
le texte du décret tout entier mais qui, probablement, le donne et
qui est rédigé commesuit :
87 200 DISSESTING OPINIOX 01; JUDGE RE.4D

"59. Thc Koval Decree of October 16th, 1869, provides that
'a straight line at a distance of one geographical league,parallel
with a straight line joining the islet of Storholmen and the island
of Svinoy should be considered as the limit of the sea belt offthe
bailiwickof Sondinore, withinwhichthe fishingshall be exclusively
reserved to the indigenous inhabitants'."
The text of the Decree is unequivocal. It establishes a line of
demarcation for a sector of the- Norwegian coast far from the

Disputed Areas (the same is true for the 1889 Decree). It says
nothing about the coasts of Finnmark, Troms or Nordland. It
does not pretend to lay down any principles of general application.
In itself, its no bearing on the present case. On the other hand,
it does lay down a long base-line connecting two remote islands.
The question to be decided is whether the making of one Decree,
limited in its scope and applicable only to the particular coast of
Sunnmore in 1869, followed by a similar Decree continuing the
line and using long straight base-lines for the particülar coast of
Romsdal in 1889, was enough to make known to the world the
existence of the Norwegian System.
The British concession that the waters covered by the Sunnmore
and Romsdal Decrees are Norwegian historic waters would justify
a finding that these Decrees were sufficiently well known, but they

did not make any claims extending beyond these two localities.

On the other hand, neither the Norwegian Note to France,
nor the Statement of Reasons was brought to the attention of
other governments and certainly not to the attention of the
British Government.
Counsel for Norway reviewed the reasons for assuming British
knowledge of the Norwegian System. He showed that the Decrees
of 1869 and 1889 had been published in a gazette called the
"Bulletin of the Ministries" and in books like Fulton and the
Reports of the Institute of International Law. He made a good
case for the view that the Decrees were weil known to the world,
but he did not point to any instance in which either the Statement

of Reasons or the Note to France, No. 4,was communicated to the
British Govemment, or, indeed, to any other foreign government.

Inthese circumstances, 1 am unable to conclude that the British
Government, or, indeed, any other foreign government except
France, had any reason to believe that a Norwegian System had
corne into being in 1869-1889,or that these Decrees were anything
more than local ad hoc measures.
1do not intend to review al1 the officia1acts and public state-
ments of the Norwegian Government or to examine the texts of
the Laws and Decrees delimiting Norwegian waters, whether
for fishing, prize or other purposes. For my part it is enough

88 OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. READ 200

« 59. Le décret royal du16 octobre 1869ordonne « qu'une ligne
cdroite tirée à la distance d'une lieue géographiqueet parallé-
clement à une ligne droite joignant l'îlot de Storholmen à l'île
(Svinoysoit considéréc eominela limite de la zone de mer au large
(du bailliage de Sunnmoreoù la pêchesera réservée exclusivement
«à la population du pays ».))

Le texte du décret ne prête pasà l'équivoque. Il fixe une ligne
de démarcation pour un secteur de la côte norvégienne situé loin
des régions litigieuses (il en est de mêmedu décret de 1889). Il ne
dit rien des côtes du Finnmark, du Troms ou du Nordland. Il ne
prétend poser aucun principe d'application générale.En lui-même,
il est sans pertinence pour la présente affaire. En revanche, il trace
effectivement une longue ligne de base entre deux îles éloignées.

Il s'agit de savoir si la publication d'un décret de portée limitée,
applicable seulement à la côte particulière du Sunnmore en 1869,
suivi d'un décret analogue, continuant cette ligne et utilisant de
longues lignes droites de base pour la côte particulière du Roms-
da1 en 1889, suffisait pour faire connaître au monde l'existence
du système norvégien.
Le fait que la Grande-Bretagne reconnaît que les eaux visées
par les décrets de Sunnmore et de Romsdal sont des eaux norvé-

giennes historiques justifierait la conclusion que ces décretsétaient
suffisamment connus, mais ils ne contenaient pas de revendications
s'étendant au delà de ces deux localités.
En revanche, ni la note norvégienne à la France ni l'exposé des
motifs n'ont étéportés à l'attention des autres gouvernements, et
certainement pas à l'attention du Gouvernement britannique.

Le conseil du Gouvernement norvégien a passé en revue les
raisons de présumer que le Gouvernement britannique avait eu

connaissance du système norvégien. Il a établi que les décrets de
1869 et de 1889 avaient étépubliés dans une gazette dénommée
t(Bulletin des Ministères ))et dans des livres tels que l'ouvrage de
Fulton et les Rapports de l'Institut de droit international. Il a
fourni de bons arguments pour plaider que les décrets étaient bien
connus dansle monde, mais il n'a pas indiquéde cas où soit l'exposé
des motifs, soit la note no 4 adresséeà la France, auraient étécom-
muniquésau Gouvernement britannique ni à aucun autre gouverne-

ment étranger.
Dans ces conditions, je ne suis pas en mesure de conclure que
le Gouvernement britannique, ou tout autre gouvernement étranger
à l'exception de la France, ait eu des raisons de croire qu'un système
norvégien fût entré en vigueur en 1869-1889, ou que ces décrets
aient viséautre chose qu'une réglementation locale et ad hoc.
Je n'ai pas l'intention de passer en rpvue tous les actes officiels
et les déclarations publiques du Gouvernement norvégien,ni d'exa-

miner le texte des lois et décrets portant d4limitation des eaux
norvégiennes en matière de pêcheries,de prises, ou à d'autres fins.
88201 DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ

to Say that they cover a long period of time, and that they
indicate :

1st-that there was no Norwegian System under which exclusive
rights were asserted o.ver the fisheries in the Disputed
Areas ;
2nd-that the public acts of the Norwegian Government were,
during this period, consistent with claims to a belt of
territorial waters, four miles in breadth, measured from
the coast ;
3rd-that there was nothing in these public acts and documents
which would lead the British, or any other foreign govern-

ment, to believe that Norway was claiming the Disputed
Areas ;or a right, as regards the whole country, to measure
territorial waters from long base-lines departing from the
line and direction of the coast.

These circumstances greatly increase the difficulty which con-
fronts me, when 1am asked to find that there has been constructive
notice to the British Government of the existence of the Norwegian
System, or of such claims by the Norwegian Government. At most,
the British Government could be assumed to have had knowledge
that there was a possibility that Norway might, at some future
time, try out a course in other parts of the coast, similar to that
which had been followed in the Sunnmore and Romsdal Decrees.

It is impossible to overlook the fact that the evidence clearly
indicates that the Government of the United Kingdom had no

actual knovledge of the Norwegian System, or of the nature and
extent of the rights claimed by Norway. Reference has already
been made to an attempt by SirCharlesWingfield to obtain inform-
ation, and to the refusa1 by Mr. Esmarch to give any real indi-
cation of the nature and extent of the Norwegian claims. There
are other instances of enquiries, and the Norwegian Agent gave
an exhaustive list of the answerç given (Statements in Court,
pp. 175-176). An examination of these answers shows that no
information was given to the Government of the United Kingdom,
at any time before the commencement of the dispute, that could
be regarded as actual or constructive notice that Nonvay was
asserting the right to establish a belt of territorial waters measured
from long base-lines departing from the line of the coast.

There is one of the "answers", to which the Norwegian Agent

referred. which requires special consideration, namely, the 1912
Report. This was a report of a Norwegian commission intended
for the information and guidance of the Norwegian executive and
legislative authorities.It contained extensive quotations from the
89 OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. READ 201
En ce qui me concerne, il me suffira de dire qu'ils s'étendent sur

une périodetrès longue et font ressortir :
1) qu'il n'existait pas de système norvégien en vertu duquel des
droits exclusifs auraient étéaffirméssur les pêcheriesdans les
régions litigieuse;

2) que les actes publics du Gouvernement norvégien à cette
époque étaient conformes à la revendication d'une ceinture
d'eaux territoriales de quatre milles mesurée depuis la côte ;

3) que rien dans ces actes et documents publics n'était de nature
à amener le Gouvernement britannique, ou tout autre gouver-

nement étranger, à croire que la Norvège revendiquait les
régions litigieuses ou le droit, à propos du pays tout entier,
de mesurer ses eaux territoriales à partir de longues lignes
de base s'écartant de la ligne et de la direction de la côte.

Ces circonstances aggravent considérablement les difficultés
quand je suis invité à constater qu'il y a eu notification implicite,
à l'adresse du Gouvernement britannique, de l'existence d'un
système norvégien, ou de revendications en ce sens de la part du
Gouvernement norvégien. Tout au plus pourrait-on supposer que
le Gouvernement britannique avait eu connaissance de la possi-

bilité que la Norvège, à quelque date ultérieure, essayerait, dans
d'autres secteurs de la côte, une méthode pareille à celle qu'elle
avait adoptée dans les décretsrelatifs au Sunnmore et au Romsdal.
Il est impossible d'écarter le fait que, d'après les preuves, il
ressort à l'évidenceque le Gouvernement du Royaume-Uni n'avait
pas réellement connaissance du système norvégien, non plus que
de la nature et de l'étendue des droits revendiqués par la Norvège.
Nous avons déjàfait allusion à la démarche tentée par sir Charles
Wingfield en vue d'obtenir des renseignements et au refus, de la
part de M. Esmarch, de donner des indications réelles quant à
la nature et à l'étendue des revendications norvégiennes. Il y a

d'autres exemples de demandes de renseignements, et l'agent
norvégien a fourni une liste très complète des réponses qui y ont
étédonnées(plaidoirie,pp. 175-176).Cesréponsesrévèlentqu'avant
le début du différendle Gouvernement du Royaume-Uni n'avait,
à aucun moment, reçu de renseignements susceptibles d'êtreconsi-
déréscomme une notification, réelle ou implicite, que la Norvège
entendait affirmer le droit d'établir une ceinture d'eaux territo-
riales mesurée depuis de longues lignes de base s'écartant de la
ligne de la côte.
L'une des ccréponses » auxquelles se réfère l'agent norvégien

mérite un examen particulier. Il s'agit du rapport de 1912, qui
émanait d'une commission norvégienne et avait pour objet
d'informer et de guider les autorités exécutives et législativesde la
Norvège. Ce rapport contenait d'amples citations des exposésdes
89 20 2 DISSEKTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ

Statements of Reasons for the 1869 and 1889 Decrees ; it showed
that the commissioners favoured the method of measuring tem-
torial waters from long straight base-lines ;and it put fonvard
concrete proposais, similar to those adopted in the 1935 Decree,
in the Annex No. I (supplemented by a later report by another
committee in 1913-Counter-Memonal, Annexes 36 and 37). The
Nonvegian Government withheld these documents so that it was
impossible for the British Government to understand the extent
of the claims. Enough remained, however, in the body of the 1912

Report to show that Norway might be claiming the right to measure
its belt of temtorial waters from long straight base-lines.

Accordingly, the question arises :whether this communication
of the 1912 Report was notice to the British Government of the
existence of the Norwegian System ; and, if so, whether there
was acquiescence by that Government, so as to enable the-claims
constituting that System to ripen into rules of customary inter-
national law.
Here, without going into the question whether the Report was
an adequate warning of the existence of the System, 1shaUconsider
whether the failure of the British Government to make specific

protests on receipt of the 1912 Report and of the Norwegian Note
of November zgth, 1913, can be regarded as acceptance 'of the
Nonvegian claims.

The circumstances attending this communication are plain
enough. Controversy regarding the extent of Norwegian waters
had arisen as a result of the seizure of the British trawler Lord
Roberts in the Varangerfjord in March 1911 (Counter-Memorial,
Annex 38). The difference between the two Governrnents, as under-
stood at the time, was stated in the British Minister's Note of
August zznd, 1913, asfollows :

"The points of view of the two Governments may be bnefly
defined as being that, while His Majesty's Governrnent contend
that, in the absence of any specific agreement to the contrary,
jurisdiction cannot be exercised in waters beyond a distance of
three marine miles from low-watermark, Norway claims as within
her temtorial jurisdictioaliwaters up to a distance of four marine
miles, together with the whole area compnsed in certain fjords."

The Minister proposed a modus vivendi, and, in his proposal,
made it clear that "....His Majesty's Government must insist on
leaving the question of principle intact, and cannot admit that,
failing a special understanding, the Norwegian Government are
entitled to settle the disputed point arbitrarily in their own favour." OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. READ 202
motifs à l'appui des décrets d1869 et de 1889. Il montrait que les
commissaires étaient favorablesà la méthode consistant à mesurer
les eaux territoriales partir de longues lignes droites de base. Il
énonçait des propositions concrètes semblables à celles qui furent
adoptées par le décret de1935, dans l'annexe no I (compIétéepar
un rapport ultérieur d'une autre commission, en 19x3- voir

annexes 36 et 37 du contre-mémoire). Le Gouvernement norvégien
avait retenu ces documents, de sorte que le Gouvernement
britannique était dans l'impossibilité de comprendre l'étenduedes
revendications. Il en restait cependant assez, dans le corps du
rapport de 1912, pour montrer que la Norvège revendiquait peut-
êtrele droit de mesurer sa ceinture d'eaux temtonales à partir de
longues lignes droites de base.
La question se pose donc de savoir si la communication du rapport
de 1912 emportait notification, au Gouvernement britannique, de
l'existence du système norvégienet, dans l'affirmative, si le Gouver-
nement britannique a donné son assentiment, ce qui permettrait
aux revendications constituant ce système de se transformer en
règles de droit internationaloutumier.
Sur ce point, et en laissant de côté la question de savoir si le
rapport constituait un avertissement suffisant de l'existence du
système, j'examinerai si le fait que le Gouvernement britannique
n'a pas formuléde protestations précises enrecevant le rapport de
1912 et la note norvégienne du 29 novembre 1913, peut être
considéré commeentraînant acceptation des revendications nor-
végiennes.
Les circonstances entourant cette communication sont fort
simples. Une controverse, relativà l'étendue deseaux temtoriales.
avait surgià la suite de la saisie, en ma1911 , u chalutier britan-
nique le Lord Roberts dans le Varangerfjord (contre-memoire,
annexe no 38). La controverse entre les deux gouvernements, telle
qu'eue fut comprise à l'époque,fut énoncéede la manière suivante

dans la note du ministre britannique à la date du 22 août 1913 :
nLes points de vue desdeux gouvernementspeuvent êtredéfinis
brièvement comme les suivants :le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté
soutient que, en l'absence d'un accord spécifiantle contraire,
souveraineténe saurait êtreexercéepar un État dans des eaux
s'étendantau delà d'une distancedetroismillesmarinsà partirde
la laissede basse me;la Norvégerevendi ue. au contraire, comme
une distance de quatre millemsarins ainsqiue toute l'étenduede
certains fjords.

Le ministre proposa un modus vivendi, en précisant ce qui suit :
u ...Le Gouvernement de Sa MajestC doit insister pour que la
question de principe reste intacte, et ne saurait admettre que le
Gouvernement norvégien, en l'absence d'un accord spécial,soit en
droit de réglerarbitrairement en safaveur le point en litigeDz03 DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ

In the Xorwegian Foreign Ministry's Note of November zgth,
1913, dealing with the proposal, reference was made to the 1912
Report :
"The reaçonsadvanced by Norway in support of her delimitation
of her territorial waters, are set finthe report of a Commission
appointed in 1911. A few copies of a French transiation of this
report were forwarded to pu unofficiallyat the time by my prede-
cesor Mr.Irgens. In it those principles of international law were
set forth, which, uithe opinion of the Norwegian Government,
were favourable to its point of view, together with the particular
circumstances obtaining in the matter of Nomegian. territorial
waters, including the recognition accorded thereto. either explicitly
or implicitly by-fore@ Powers."

The Ministry went on to suggest modifications of the proposal.
Nothing came of these negotiations, presumably because of the
intervention of war.
The 1912 Report was transrnitted and adopted by the Norwegian
Foreign Ministry as a statement of the principles of international
law supporting the Norwegian position. This was done, however,
in the course of negotiations for the establishment of a modus
vivendi. By its very nature, a modusvivendi irnplies the reservation
and preservation of the legal positions of both Parties to the con-
troversy. If nothing had been said, it would have been necessary
to imply an intention of both Parties to admit nothing and to
maintain their legal positions intact. In th& case, however. the
negotiations proceeded on the basis of an express stipulation to
leave "the question of principle intact".

In these circumstances, 1 think that the British Government
was justified in regarding al1aspects of the negotiations, including
the 1912 Report and the Note of November zgth, 1913, as covered
by the hic reservation. The omission to make a spdc reservation
or objection at this stage cannot possibly be treated as proof of
acquiescence in or acceptance of the Norwegian System.

There is the further point, that from the time of the seizure of
the Lord Roberts, in 1911, until the present the Parties have been
in controversy about the extent of Norwegian waters and about
the rights of British ships in areas which were regarded by the
British Govemment as part of the High sas. Parts of the con-
troversy have been settled by the British concessions with regard
to the four-mile limit, the fjords and sunds, and the recognition
of the outer fringe of the "skjargaard" as the coast line. Apart
from these concessions, the British Governrnent has never admitted

the right to measure temtorial waters from long base-lines depart-
ing from the line of the coast or the "skjargaard", and it has
maintained throughout the contention that the waters must be
9' OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. REXIJ z03
Une note, datée du 29 novembre 1913, émanant du ministère
norvégien des Affaires étrangères, au sujet de cette proposition,
contient la référencesuivante au rapport de 1912 :

« Les raisons invoquéespar la Norvège à l'appui de la délimita-
tion de ses eaux territoriales sont exposéesdans le rapport d'une
commission nomméeen 1911, rapport dont mon prédécesseur,
M.Irgens, vous a en son temps transmis, sous main, quelques exem-
plaires en traduction française.Dans ce rapport il est rendu compte
des principes du droit international quià l'avis du Gouvernement
norvégien,parlent en faveur de son point de vue, ainsi que des
circonstances particulières qui se font valoir pour ce qui concerne
le temtoire maritime norvégien,y compris aussi la reconnaissance
octroyée, soit expressément, soit tacitement, par les Puissances
étrangères.
Le ministère poursuivait en suggérant d'apporter certaines modi-
fications à ladite proposition. Les négociations n'aboutirent pas,

probablement à cause de la guerre.
Le rapport de 1912 fut transmis, et adopté par le ministère
norvégien des Affaires.étrangères comme une déclaration des prin-
cipes du droit international à l'appui de la thèse norvégienne.
Mais il en fut fait ainsi au cours des négociations tendant à établir
un modusvivendi. De par sa nature même,un modusvivendi implique
que les deux parties à la controverse réservent et maintiennent
leurs positions juridiques respectives. Mêmesi rien n'avait été
dit, il eût été nécessaire de présumer l'intention des deux parties
de ne rien reconnaître et de maintenir intactes leurs positions
juridiques. Toutefois, en l'espèce, les négociations eurent lieu sur
la base d'une stipulation expresse prévoyant de laisser ((intacte
la question de principe 1).
Dans ces conditions, j'estime que le Gouvernement britannique
était fondé à admettre que tous les aspects des négociations, y

compris le rapport de 1912 et la note du 29 novembre 1913, étaient
visésparla réserve fondamentale. On ne saurait vraiment considérer
comme la preuve d'un assentiment au système norvégien ou d'une
acceptation de ce système, l'omission de formuler une réserve ou
une objection précise à ce moment-là.
Ily a plus : depuis l'époquede la saisie du Lord Roberts,en 1911,
jusqu'à ce jour, les Parties ont été engagées dans une controverse
au sujet de 1'Ctendue des eaux norvégiennes et des droits des
navires britanniques dans des régions que le Gouvernement britan-
nique considérait comme faisant partie de la haute mer. Certains
points de la controverse ont étéréglés à la suite des concessions
britanniques relatives à la limite des quatre milies, aux fjords et
aux sunds, et à la reconnaissance, comme ligne de côte, de la frange
extérieure du «skjærgaard ».Indépendamment de ces concessions,

le Gouvernement britannique n'a jamais reconnu le droitde mesurer
des eaux temtoriales à partir de longues lignes de base s'écartant
de la ligne de côte ou du «skjærgaard u ;il a constamment main- 204 DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ

measured from the low-water mark. The transmission of the 1912
Report was made after the commencement of the dispute.

The position of the Parties regarding knowledge of the Norwegian
claims or notice of the existence of the Norwegian System may be
summed up. Shortly after the commencement of the dispute, in the
correspondence exchanged in 1913 and referred to above, the
British Government received some indication that Nonvay might
bemaking extensive claims as regards the demarcation of temtorial
waters, but no definite information as to the extent of the claim ;
and, as 1 have already indicated, the information was received in
such circumstances that the failure to make immediate protest couid
not have been regarded as acquiescence even if the extent of the
claim had been indicated. In 1923-1924 at the time of the Kanuck
incident, both the British Government and the Norwegian Foreign
Ministry were in the dark as to the nature and extent of the claims

which are now regarded as being involved in the Norwegian System.
The British Government was informed by the late Sir Francis
Lindley that the Norwegian Government was relying on the applic-
ation of the IO-mile de for the Persfjord. The Norwegian Foreign
Ministry thought that it was relying on the Harbakken-Kavringen
closing line for the fjord, 9.4 marine miles in length. The communica-
tion by the Norwegian Foreign Ministry to the Secretary-General
of the League of Nations, March 3rd, 1927, disclosed to the world
the fact that Nonvay was asserting the right to mark out the belt
of temtonal waters from long straight base-lines, although even at
that late date it was not yet clear that Nonvay was asserting the
right to use base-lines that departed from the line and direction of
the Coast or of the outer fringe of the "skjairgaard". In the corre-
spondence aiising out of the Lord Weir seizure, there was a marked
change on both sides. Sir Charles Wingfield's Note clearly indicated
that the Bntish Government had by that time learned that Nonvay
was acserting the right to use long straight base-lines, and that it
suspected that the Nonvegian claim might be even more extensive
than that which was involved in the closing line for the Syltefjord

then relied on by the Nonvegian authorities. The Bntish Govern-
ment was requesting definite information as to the nature and
extent of the Norwegian claim. Mr. Esmarch's Note shows clearly
that the Norwegian Foreign Ministry was then aware that much
more extensive claims were in the offing, but that it was still im-
possible to give any real information as to the nature and extent
of the claims. The British Memorandum to the Nonvegian Govern-
ment, Juiy 27th, 1933,set forth in the Counter-Memorial,Annex II,
shows that even then the Government was still waiting for an
authoritative statement as to the Nonvegian claim. It is clear,
therefore, that the British Govemment, notwithstanding repeated
requests, was unable to obtain any definite information as to the OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. READ 204

tenu la thèse selon laquelle il fallait mesurer les eaàxpartir de
la laisse de basse mer. La transmission du rapport de 1912 a eu
lieu après le début du différend.
Il convient de résumer la position des Parties en ce qui concerne
la connaissance des revendications norvégiennes ou la notification

de l'existence du système norvégien. Peu après le début du diffé-
rend, dans la correspondance échangée en1913 et mentionnée ci-
dessus, le Gouvernement britannique reçut quelque indication que
la Norvège émettrait peut-être des revendications étendues en
matière de délimitation des eaux territoriales, mais sans aucun
renseignement précis sur l'étendue de ces revendications. Ainsi
que je l'ai déjà signalé, ces renseignements furent donnés dans
des circonstances telles qu'il eût étéimpossible de considérer comme
un acquiescement l'absence de protestation immédiate, mêmesi
l'étendue de la revenàication avait étéindiquée. En 1923-1924, à
l'époquede l'incident du Kanzlck, tant le Gouvernement britan-
nique que le ministère norvégien des Affaires étrangères étaient
dans l'ignorance quantà la nature et à 1'Ctenduedes revendications
qui sont aujourd'hui considérées commefaisant partie du système
norvégien. Feu sir Francis Lindley informa le Gouvernement bri-
tannique que le Gouvernement norvégien sefondait sur une appli-

cation de la règle des dix milles pour le Persfjord. Le ministère
norvégien des Affaires étrangèrespensait se fonder, pour le fjord,
sur la ligne de fermeture du Harbakken-Kavnngen, soit 9,4 milles
marins de longueur. La communication adressée le 3 mars 1927
par le ministère norvégien des Affaires étrangères au Secrétaire
généralde la Sociétédes,Nations, révélaau monde le fait que la
Norvège affirmait le droit de délimiter sa ceinture d'eaux tem-
tonales à partir de longues lignes droites de base, bien que, même
à cette date récente, il n'apparût pas encore clairement que la
Norvège affirmait le droit de faire usage de lignes de base qui
s'écartaient de la ligne et de la direction de la côte ou de la frange
extérieure du «skjaergaard ».Dans la correspondance échangée à
la suite de la saisie du Lord Weir apparaît, de part et d'autre,
une modification sensible. La note de sir Charles Wingfield indi-
quait clairement que le Gouvernement britannique était alors au

courant du fait que la Norvège affirmait le droit d'employer de
longues lignes droites de base et qu'il suspectait que la prétention
norvégienne pouvait mêmeêtreplus étendue que celle que faisait
ressortir la ligne de fermeture du Syltefjord, dont se prévalaient
alors les autorttés norvégiennes. Le Gouvernement britannique
demanda des renseignements précisquant à la nature et à l'étendue
de la prétention norvégienne. La note de M. Esmarch montre
nettement que le ministère norvégien des Affaires étrangèresétait
alors au courant du fait que des revendications beaucoup plus
étendues pointaient à l'horizon mais qu'il était encore impossible
de donner des renseignements réels sur la nature et l'étendue des 705 DISSENTING OPINION OF JUDGE READ
true nature and character of the Norwegian System prior to the
judgment in the St. Jztstcase, and the publication of the Royal

Norwegian Decree of 1935.

In these circumstances, 1 cannot avoid reaching the conclusion
that it has not been proved that the Norwegian System was made
known to the world in time, and insuch a manner that other nations,
including the United Kingdom, knew about it or must be assumed
to have had construct.ive knowledge.

There is perhaps one qualification regarding the foregoing con-
clusion. It appears from the record of seizures and warnings to
trawlers that Norway, in 1923, began to assert and enforce exclusive
riglits in the waters in dispute. There is an isolated instance of
warning to a British trawler Caulonia in 1913, at a point outside
the Green Line ;but no other instance of either seizure or waming
at a point outside of that line before 1923. Between the years
1923-1949, there were twenty-four seizures and twenty-three wam-
ings of trawlers at points within the Disputed Areas.

Thére can therefore be no doubt that Nonvay, from 1923 on,

\vas vigorously asserting and enforcing extensive- exclusive- rights.
On the other hand, this was too late to support a claim to the
existence of the Iqonvegian System as a doctrine of customary
international law binding on the United Kingdom. The first of the
seizures, the Kanuck in 1923, was the subject of diplomatic nego-
tiation. \l'hile it would be entirely proper to attribute to the Govern-
ment of the United Kingdom knowledge that Nonvay, during the
period from 1923 to 1933, was asserting very wide claims as regards
the extent of territorial waters, this al1took place after the present
dispute had corne into being. It was too late to give effect to a
special or regional doctrine of international law binding on the
Government of the United Kingdom.

1 do not intend to comment on the different sectors of the coast,
or to indicate, in detail, the parts of the Disputed Areas whiçh
are open to objection as not having been delimited in conformity
with the pnnciples of international law. In East Finnmark 1
consider that the Disputed Areas between base-points 5 and 12 are
open to serious objection, and there 1 consider that the Green Line
fairly indicates theextent to which the Blue Line isnot in conform-
ity with international law. Between base-points 12 and 35, while
there are places where the Blue Line departs from the line and
direction cf the outer fringe of the "skjærgaard", the Green Line

93 OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. READ z05

revendications. Il ressort du mémorandum britannique, adressé au
Gouvernement norvégien le 27 juillet 1933 (contre-mémoire, annexe
no II), que même à ce moment-là le Gouvernement britannique
attendait encore une déclaration officielle relativeà la prétention
norvégienne. Il est donc clair que le Gouvernement britannique,

malgré des démarches répétées, n'apas étéen mesure d'obtenir
des renseignements précis sur la nature et le caractère véritables
du système norvégien, jusqu'à l'arrêt rendu dans l'affaire du
StJust et à la publication du décret royal norvégien de 1935.
Dans ces conditions, je ne puis échapper à la conclusion qu'il
n'a pas étédémontré que le système norvégien aurait été, à temps,
porté àla connaissance du monde, et de manière telle que d'autres
nations, y compris le Royaume-Uni, le connussent ou dussent être
présuméesen avoir eu implicitement connaissance.

Il est peut-être bon d'apporter une réserve à la conclusion qui
précède.La liste des saisies et admonestations adressées aux chalu-
tiers montre qu'en 1923 la Norvège a commencé à affirmer des
droits exclusifs sur les eaux contestées et à prendre des mesures
d'exécution. Il existe un exemple isolé d'admonestation à un
chalutier britannique, le Caulonia, en 1913, en un point situé au
delà de la ligne pointillée verte. Mais il n'y a pas d'autres exemples
antérieurement à 1923 de saisies ou d'admonestations en un point
situéau dehors de cette ligne. Entre les années1923-1949, on compte
vingt-quatre saisies et vingt-trois admonestations concernant des
chalutiers, en des points situés dans les régions litigieuses.
Par conséquent, il n'y a pas de doute qu'à partir de 1923 la
Norvège affirmait avec énergie ses droits exclusifs et prenait des

mesures d'exécution. En revanche, il était trop tard pour invoquer
alors l'existence d'un système norvégien comme doctrine du droit
international coutumier opposable au Royaume-Uni. La première
saisie, celle duKanuck, en 1923, a fait l'objet de négociations diplo-
matiqiies. S'il est parfaitement naturel de considérer que le Gouver-
nement britannique a connu les très amples prétentions de la
Norvège concernant l'étendue des eaux territoriales au cours de la
période de 1923 à 1933, tout cela s'est produit après la naissance du
présent litige. Il était trop tard pour que pût recevoir effet une
doctrine de droit international particulier ou régional, opposable
au Gouvernement du Royaume-Uni.

Je n'ai pas l'intention de commenter les différents secteurs de la
côte, ni d'indiquer en détail les parties des régions litigieuses .qui
prêtent à critique pour n'avoir pas étédélimitées conformément
aux principes du droit international. Je considère que, dans le
Finnmark oriental, la région litigieuse située entre les points de
base 5 et 12 soulève de graves objections, et je considère qu'ici la
ligne verte indique assez exactement la mesure dans laquelle la
ligne bleue n'est pas conforme au droit international. Entre les
points de base 12 et 35, encore qu'il y ait des points où la ligne
bleue s'écarte de la ligne et de la direction de la limite extérieure

'i:200 DISSESTING OI'INIOZS 01; JLIIGE REAI)
is unsiitisfactory for two reasons: (1) because it needs to be recti-

fivd in accordance with the British alternative submission ; and
(2) 1)vcacse further rectification would be necessary to take into
account penetrations in the fringe of the "skjærgaard" which in
reality have the characteristics of bays enclosed by groups of
islands.
Between base-points 35 and 48, while the matter is not frec.
from doubt, 1 am not incliried to question the Blue Linc.

Xccordingly, in view of al1 of the foregoing consideratioils, 1 am
led to the coriclusion that the delimitation of the fisheries zone
fixed by the Norwegian Royal Decree of July xzth, 1935. is not in

conformit? with the ruIes and principles of international law.

(Signed) J. E. READ. OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. READ 206

du (skjærgaard », la ligne verte est critiquable pour deux raisons :
1) parce qu'elie doit être rectifiée conformément à la conclusion
alternative britannique ; et 2) parce qu'il serait nécessaire de la
rectifier encore pour tenir compte de pénétrations dans la frange
du ((skjaergaard » qui ont, en réalité,le caractère de baies enfermées.
par des groupes d'îles.

Entre les points de base 35 et 48, qu~iqu'il puisse y avoir des
doutes, je ne suis pas enclin à critiquer la ligne bleue.

C'est pourquoi, vu toutes les considérations qui précèdent, je
dois conclure que la délimitation de la zone de pêche,telle qu'elie
a étéfixéepar le décret royal norvégien du 12 juillet 1935, n'est
pas conforme aux règleset principes du droit international.

(Signé ). E. READ.

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Document Long Title

Dissenting Opinion of Judge J.E. Read

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