INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE
____________________________________________
CASE CONCERNING
AERIAL HERBICIDE SPRAYING
(ECUADOR v. COLOMBIA)
REJOINDER OF THE
REPUBLIC OF COLOMBIA
VOLUME VI
ANNEXES 60 - 74
1 FEBRUARY 2012 LIST OFANNEXES
VOLUME VI
UNITED NATIONS DOCUMENTS
Annex 60 8QLWHG▯1DWLRQV▯2I¿FH▯RQ▯'UXJV▯DQG▯&ULPH▯▯812'&▯▯▯Colombia
Coca Cultivation survey 2010▯▯-XQH▯▯▯▯▯▯▯▯SS▯▯▯▯▯▯▯▯▯▯▯▯▯▯▯▯▯DQG▯▯▯▯ ......1
OTHER DOCUMENTS
Annex 61 'HFLVLRQ▯1▯▯▯▯▯RI▯WKH▯&RPPLVVLRQ▯RI▯WKH▯&DUWDJHQD▯$JUHHPHQW▯
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Annex 62 'RFXPHQW▯▯▯▯▯▯'\QFRUS▯&DVH▯1R▯▯▯▯▯▯&9▯▯▯▯▯▯5:5▯▯▯8QLWHG▯
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Annex 63 $FFLyQ▯(FROyJLFD▯▯Report on the Investigation of the Fumigations’
Impacts on the Ecuadorian Border ▯ ▯-XQH▯ ▯▯▯▯▯▯▯ S▯▯ ▯▯ ▯3DJH▯ QRW▯
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DQQH[HV▯▯ ....................................................17
Annex 64 2UJDQLVPR▯$QGLQR▯GH▯6DOXG▯▯+LSROLWR▯+XQDQXH▯$JUHHPHQW▯▯Analysis
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Tulcán - San Lorenzo (Colombia - Ecuador)▯▯▯▯▯▯▯ ...................21
Annex 65 3LQHGD▯0HGLQD▯▯ -XDQ▯ DQG▯ 1DL]RW▯▯$QQH▯/LVH▯▯ )/$&62▯(FXDGRU▯▯
Social impact study of territorial threats in Guadualito and
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Annex 66 3UHVV▯LWHP▯▯³/HJDO▯$FWLRQ▯▯(FXDGRU▯DFFXVHV▯&RORPELD▯EHIRUH▯7KH▯
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Annex 67 3ODLQWLII▯ 4XHVWLRQQDLUH▯▯ $ULDV▯4XLQWHURV▯ Y▯▯ '\QFRUS▯ D.D.C.
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Annex 68 3ODLQWLII▯ 4XHVWLRQQDLUH▯▯ $ULDV▯4XLQWHURV▯ Y▯▯ '\QFRUS▯ D.D.C.
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Annex 70 3ODLQWLII▯ 4XHVWLRQQDLUH▯▯ $ULDV▯4XLQWHURV▯ Y▯▯ '\QFRUS▯ D.D.C.
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Annex 71 3ODLQWLII▯ 4XHVWLRQQDLUH▯▯ $ULDV▯4XLQWHURV▯ Y▯▯ '\QFRUS▯ D.D.C.
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Annex 72 3ODLQWLII▯ 4XHVWLRQQDLUH▯▯ $ULDV▯4XLQWHURV▯ Y▯▯ '\QFRUS▯ D.D.C.
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Annex 73 3ODLQWLII▯ 4XHVWLRQQDLUH▯▯ $ULDV▯4XLQWHURV▯ Y▯▯ '\QFRUS▯ D.D.C.
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Annex 74 3ODLQWLII▯ 4XHVWLRQQDLUH▯▯ $ULDV▯4XLQWHURV▯ Y▯▯ '\QFRUS▯ D.D.C.
▯(0▯9RO▯▯,9▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯▯▯▯:LWQHVV▯▯▯▯▯ ............................ ▯▯▯
iv Annex 60
U NITEDNATIONSOFFICE ONDRUGS ANDCRIME (UNODC),
COLOMBIAC OCACULTIVATION SURVE2010,UNE, 2011
(United 1DWLRQV▯2IILFH▯RQ▯'UXJV▯DQG▯&ULPH▯▯812'&▯▯▯SS▯ 16, 26, 30, 31, 73)
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▯ Annex 61
DECISIONN° 486OF THECOMMISSION OF THECARTAGENA
AGREEMENT ON THE COMMON PROVISIONS OINDUSTRIAL
PROPERTY,ART . 260, EPTEMBER 2000
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SUBREGIONAL INTEGRATION AGREEMENT (CARTAGENA AGREEMENT)
Decision 486—Common Provisions on Industrial Property*
(of September 14, 2000)
TABLE OF CONTENTS**
Articles
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Chapter II
Business Secrets
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12 Annex 62
DOCUMENT 148, YNCORP C ASENO . 1:07CV01042(RWR), NITED
STATES DISTRICTCOURT FOR THE DISTRICT OC OLUMBIA,
18 SEP. 2009
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16 Annex 63
ACCIÓN ECOLÓGICA , EPORT ON THEINVESTIGATION OF THE
FUMIGATIONS 'MPACTS ON THE ECUADORIAN BORDER (JUNE 2001),
P.3(P AGE NOT INCLUDED EITHER IN THA NNEX 161OF EMV OL.
IV,OR IN THE ORIGINAL ANNEXES).
17▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Report on the Investigation of Fumigation’s Impact on the Ecuadorian Border
Accion Ecologica
June 2001
[…]
the results of the water samples from Mataje River, a deviation of Mira River,
collected by the Navy Base in San Lorenzo, are not known yet. The clinical
reported stated that 26 children and 18 adults got sick and that 29 people from
other neighboring villages with the same health problems were given medical care.
(El Comercio, Quito, 22/Oct/00). In January the press reported the effects of
December spraying in Putumayo. “Tens of people have been forced to move out to
Nueva Loja, in Sucumbios, searching for medical care. In this town, the main
medical center in the Marco Vinicio Iza Hospital, where between 10 and 15 people
are cared for due to poisoning caused by the chemicals used. The acting director
of that hospital, José Viera, said that the most commonly observed symptoms for
that reason are skin and breathing problems.” Spraying operations affect the
municipalities of Valle del Guamuez and San Miguel, on the other side of the
Ecuadorian border. (El Comercio, Quito, 12/Jan/01.)
Justification
After these press reports, no more specific information on what effects people are
experiencing due to spraying. Spraying carried on until March in Putumayo, a
neighboring province with Ecuador. Campesinos in the border region have claimed
that the fumigations were carried out by various airplanes in groups of four to six,
accompanied by helicopters. During February and March the fumigations were
carried out between 7h00 and 12h00 in the morning and from 14h00 to 17h00 in
the afternoon, during three consecutive days (Cooperativa Nuevo Mundo). Others
claimed the fumigations were daily from 8h00 to 16h00, from December to
February and there were some nights that they sprayed during a shootout. The
fumigations were repeated after a period of one week to fifteen days (Organización
San Francisco). Campesinos report that after spraying started, a thick mist fell on
their communities, bringing a strong chemical odor to both air and water they
19$QQH[▯▯▯
drank. Farmers associations, grouped in the so called Associations Union, which
includes 38 farmers associations from Sucumbios and Orellana, have made a
number of claims on the impact of spraying on crops and health of Ecuadorian
border communities. No local, province or national authority responded to these
claims. No health, military or civilian authorities have come to visit these
communities. The lack of interest was seen again in the meeting on June 16 in
Lago Agrio, where the Ministers of Agriculture and the Environment, and the 14
authorities called to attend, turned down the farmers invitation. This meeting had
been scheduled so that farmers could express their claims and concerns about
what they were experiencing. Given thos situation, Accion Ecologica, which
participates in the creation of a Bi-national Commission in which the Government
and Civil Society will a follow up on the effects of Plan Colombia in Ecuador,
decided to document the situation that the border farmers communities are going
through in order to facilitate the Commission’s work, bring up a situation that
remains invisible to public opinion, and support the farmers organizations so that
their claims are heard.
[Page 3]
…
20 Annex 64
ORGANISMO A NDINO DSALUD ,HIPOLITOHUNANUE AGREEMENT ,
ANALYSIS OH EALTHSITUATION IN THBORDER,
PACIFIC/ANDEANC ORRIDORSNARIÑO/TULCÁN -SANLORENZO
(COLOMBIA -ECUADOR), 2009.
2122$QQH[▯▯▯
Classification made by ORAS - CONHU
ANDEAN-PACIFIC CORRIDOR NARIÑO / TULCÁN - SAN LORENZO (COLOMBIA-
ECUADOR)
September, 2010 Lima, Perú
Legal Deposit at Biblioteca Nacional, Perú N° XX
Compilation by: Dr.
Luis Beingolea More Eng.
Elisa Solano Villarreal
Organismo Andino de Salud - Hipólito Unanue Convention
Dra. Caroline Chang, Executive Secretary
Dr. Ricardo Cañizares Deputy Executive Secretary
Editorial Committe:
Dr. Luis Beingolea More, Coordinador de Vigilancia Epidemiológica y Salud Ambiental
(Epidemilogical Monitoring and Environmental Health Coordinator)
Eng. Elisa Solano Villarreal, Consultora PASAFRO
Editing Coordinator
Lic. Yaneth Clavo Ortiz
Layout: Tech.
Milagros Araujo
© ORGANISMO ANDINO DE SALUD - CONVENIO HIPOLITO UNANUE, 2009
Av. Paseo de la República N° 3832, Lima 27 - Perú
Telf.: (00 51-1) 422-6862 / 611-3700
http://www.orasconhu.org
[email protected]
First Ed. 2010
Copies : XX copies
Printing
The contents of this document may be reviewed, compressed or translated, in whole or
in part without prior authorization provided source is specifically cited and not to be
used for commercial purposes.
Rights reserved according to Law.
This publication has been financed by Corporación Andina de Fomento CAF, y ORAS-
CONHU.
24 $QQH[▯▯▯
ANDEAN-PACIFIC CORRIDORS NARIÑO / TULCÁN - SAN
LORENZO
(COLOMBIA-
ECUADOR)
Participating entities in ASIS production
Colombia
Ministry of Social Protection
Vice-Ministry of Health and Welfare
General Directorate of Public Health
Monitoring Group in Public Health
International Cooperation Bureau
Departmental Health Institute of Nariño
Ecuador
Ministry of Public Health
Directorate of Public Health Control and Improvement
Epidemiology Sub-process
Sub-process of National and International Cooperation
Carchi Provincial Directorate of Health
Esmeraldas Health Provincial
Pan American Health Organization
Representations in Colombia and
Ecuador
Corporación Andina de Fomento
ART/UNDP Program – Ecuador
Andean Health Organization - Hipólito Unanue
Agreement
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INSTITUTIONAL REPRESENTATIVES AT CENTRAL AND LOCAL LEVEL
COLOMBIA AND ECUADOR
MINISTRY OF SOCIAL PROTECTION MINISTRY OF PUBLIC HEALTH
COLOMBIA ECUADOR
Dr. Mauricio SANTAMARIA SALAMANCA Dr. David CHIRIBOGA ALLNUTT
Minister of Social Protection Minister of Public Health
Dr. Beatriz LONDOÑO SOTO Vice-
Dra. Ximena ABARCA
Minister of Health and Welfare
Health General Assistant Secretary
GENERAL DIRECTORATE OF PUBLIC HEALTH Dr. Xavier SOLORZANO
Assistant Secretary of Social Protection Extension.
Dr. Lenis Enrique URQUIJO VELASQUEZ
General Directorate of Public Health Dr. Carmen LASPINA
Director of General Health
Dr. Víctor Hugo ALVAREZ CASTYEAR Dr. Juan Martín MOREIRA
Coordinator Monitoring Group in Public Health
Director of Control and Improvement of Public
Health
Dr. María Isabel SCHOTBORGH SANTANDER
University Professional of the Monitoring NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL COPERATION
Group in Public Health
SUB-PROCESS
COOPERATION AND INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Eng. Gustavo GILER
BUREAU
Coordinator of International Cooperation
Dr. Gloria Beatriz GAVIRIA RAMOS
CARCHI HEALTH PROVINCIAL DIRECTORATE
Head of Office
DEPARTMENTAL HEALTH INSTITUTTE OF Dr. Roberto PALACIOS
NARIÑO
Provincial Director
Dra. Ana Belén ARTEAGA TORRES Directora
Departmental Health Institute of Nariño
PROVINCIAL DIRECTORATE OF
ESMERALDAS
Dra. Cecilia ESPINOSA PEREZ
Assistant Director of Public Health -IDSN
Dr. Cesar DÍAZ Provincial
Director
26 $QQH[▯▯▯
NATIONAL AND REGIONAL FOCAL POINTS PARTICIPATING IN THE COLLECTION,
ANALYSIS AND PREPARATION OF ASIS OF THE ANDEAN-PACIFIC CORRIDORS
NARIÑO / TULCÁN - SAN LORENZO (COLOMBIA-ECUADOR)
COLOMBIA ECUADOR
MINISTRY OF SOCIAL PROTECTION MINISTRY OF PUBLIC HEALTH
Dr. MÓNICA Cañas
Nurse Maria Belén JAIMES SANABRIA
Epidemiological Technician
Specialized Professional of the Monitoring Group
in Public Health Lic. Rina SÁNCHEZ
Tech. Cooperación Internacional
Dr. Maria ALEXANDRA DURAN ROMERO CARCHI – PROVINCIAL DIRECTORATE
University Professional of the Monitoring Group in
Public Health Lic. Melba NARVÁEZ
Epidemiology Technician DPSC
DEPARTMENTAL HEALTH INSTITUTE OF
NARIÑO
PROVINCIAL DIRECTORATE OF ESMERALDAS
Dr. Juan Carlos VELA SANTACRUZ
Specialized Professional Dr. Isaura BRIONES
Epidemiology Technician - DPSE
Mrs. Rocío DÍAZ ROSERO
Statistical Technician, Departmental Health
Institute of Nariño
27$QQH[▯▯▯
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
It will be impossible to mention all those who made the publication of this document
possible, some of whom are no longer with us, but we would like to mention those
who have participated in some way along this path and that without their generous
collaboration, we would not have been able to initiate and conclude the
Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo ASIS.
We also wish to extend special recognition to the Corporación andina de Fomento, CAF,
especially to Juan Pablo Rodríguez, Deputy Director of Regional Programs and Olympia
Icochea, social specialist for the Vice-President of Social and Environmental
Development, for their constant support and enthusiasm for the work for health in frontier
towns.
To the Ministry of Social Protection for the period 2003 - 2010, Dr. Diego Palacio
Betancourt, the Vice-Minister of Health and Welfare for the period 2008 - 2010, Dr. Carlos
Ignacio Cuervo Valencia, to officers Guillermina Agudelo Matías, who worked as
specialized professional of the International Cooperation Bureau of the Ministry of social
Protection. Luz Stella Méndez Martínez, specialized profesional of International
Cooperation of the Ministry of Social Protection of Colombia.
To the authorities of the Ministry of Public Health, Caroline Chang Campos ex Minister of
Health for the period 2007- 2010, to the Common System Group of Information of the
MSP, , Renata Jara, Rita Mosquera and Eduardo Aguilar for Improvement Process of
Public Health, Eulalia Narváez responsible for the Health Situation Division, Ruth Velasco
Carchi ex Provincial Director of Health Provincial, Hernán Yépez Director of the Luis G.
Dávila Hospital and its Statistics Team.
To the special participations of Ángel Roberto Sempertegui Ontaneda health evidence
advisor, sanitary safety and disease control OPS/OMS Colombia, Ana Cristina
Nogueira Representative of OPS/OMS in Colombia, Jorge Morales
Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Colombia
Participantes del taller de ASIS José Castillo, Melba Narváez, Teresa Reyes, Magola
Meneses, Marcia Burbano, Ludgarda Villarreal, Elisa Rodríguez, Sonia Gaicedo,
Magaly Mullo, Byron López, Patricio Chamorro, Mónica Cañas, Renata Jara, Eduardo
Aguilar Jarrín, Hetty Valencia MontYear, Guillermo Rodríguez, Jaime Ruano
Montenegro, Rocío Díaz, Teodulia Rodríguez, Maria Mercedes Muñoz Ramírez y
acompañamiento de
Matilde Fresa
To the participants of the prioritization workshop Guillermina Agudelo Matías MPS,
Maria Belén Jaimes Sanabria MPS, Vilma Fabiola Izquierdo, Nohora Espinosa
Pérez, Juan Carlos Vela Santacruz, Mauricio Guerrero, Luis Fernando Paredes
Information Systems, Rocío Díaz Rosero, Gloria Rodríguez, Shirley Ariana
Bustamante, Sol María Casanova, Miriam Chiran, Tito William Revelo, Maribel
Robles Miño, Hetty Valencia MontYear, Rina Sánchez, Mónica Cañas, Rita
Mosquera, Eduardo Aguilar, Ruth Velasco, Melba Narváez, Patricio Chamorro,
Fátima Tejada, Cristian Vinueza, Elva Villarreal Carmelo, Magaly Mullo
Maldonado, Priscila Pérez, Sonia Caicedo Urbina, Elisa Rodríguez, Gloria
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Yandún, Isaura Briones, Camilo Dueña, Mercedes Palacios, Alexandra Porras,
Víctor Arauz, Ecuador, Gustavo Bretas, and accompaniment of Sylvia Tovar.
To the General Directorate of Epidemiology Team of Peru, José Medina, Omar
Napanga, Marielena Ulloa, who made communications among countries possible.
Special support in meetings and seminar
preparation Milagros Araujo, Elsa Domínguez,
Maritza Yactayo, José Castillo
We wish to express our gratitude to each of the individuals who have contributed
to ASIS. We apologize for any possible unintentional omission.
29$QQH[▯▯▯
PRESENTATION HEALTH SITUATION ANALYSIS – ASIS - OF THE ANDEAN-
PACIFIC CORRIDORS NARIÑO / TULCÁN - SAN LORENZO ON THE ECUADOR –
COLOMBIA FRONTIER.
The Andean Health Organism – Hipólito Unanue Agrement (Organismo Andino de Salud - Convenio
Hipólito Unanue) (ORAS-COHNU), through the PASAFRO Project : Health Bridge for Peace and
Integration, based on its main objective to contribute to the permanent rise of quality of life for frontier
residents, promoting the integration in health in fontier, respecting ethnic and cultural diversity of its
peoples and registering health as a “bridge for peace ”, opening opportunities for Exchange between the
Ministry of Public Health of Ecuador and the Ministry of Social Protection of Colombia, makes available the
ASIS frontier of the “Nariño / Tulcán – San Lorenzo” as a result of a series of meetings in which we have
been able to compile indicators and analyze them based on the Guide for the health situation analysis of
populations in frontier areas of the Andean countries
This document is the first ASIS developed by binational teams of Colombia and Ecuador, which exposes
the main health problems in the area, described in the following components: demographic, mortality-
morbidity and social response, coupled with prioritization of attention areas and the main interventions
required by the area, such that the information given here supports the planning, preparation of binational
local projects that allow joint actions, complementary of effectiveness in the fight against poverty and
common health problems in the frontiers of our brother countries and link cantons and/or municipalities in
evidence based tasks that allow frontiers to become a place for peace, integration and local development.
We recognize that it has not been an easy task, but it is rewarding and even more, of satisfaction, since it
has allowed the exchange of knowledge in selected areas together, to see once more that frontier
disappear at local levels and the resident is idenfied with the problems and shortcomings of the other,
because he knows he cannot move forward unless the overall situation is improved.
Therefore, for me it is a great pleasure to introd uce the "Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo" ASIS axis, sure
that it will be used by local, regional and national authorities in favor of our Andean populations and we
continue to demonstrate that health is a privileged space for the integration of our peoples.
Dr. Oscar Feo
Executive Secretary ORAS-CONHU
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
ASIS: PRESENTATION
ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS
LIST OF TABLES, FIGURES, MAPS AND ANNEXES
OBJECTIVES
BACKGROUND OF FRONTIER ASIS
BACKGROUND OF ASIS IN COLOMBIA
BACKGROUND OF ASIS IN ECUADOR
INTRODUCTION OF THE NARIÑO / TULCÁN - SAN LORENZO ASIS
CHAPTER I: CONTEXTUAL INFORMATION
CONTEXT OF FRONTIER COUNTRIES, AXIS AND/OR CORRIDOR
CHAPTER II: ANALYSIS BY COMPONENTS
1. SOCIAL, DEMOGRAPHIC AND ECOLOGICAL COMPONENT
1.1- METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK
1.2.- ANALYSIS BY PROFILES
1.2.1. Territorial Environment Profile
1.2.2. Demographic profile
1.2.3. Socio-economic profile
1.3.- DISCUSSION
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2. HEALTH-DISEASE COMPONENT
2.1.– METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK
2.2.– ANALYSIS BY PROFILES
2.2.1. Morbidity profile
2.2.2. Mortality profile
2.3.- DISCUSSION
3. HEALTH SYSTEM OR ORGANIZED SOCIAL RESPONSE COMPONENT
3.1.- METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK
3.2.- ANALYSIS BY PROFILES
3.2.1. Resources, services and health coverage Profile
3.3.- DISCUSSION
CHAPTER III: PRIORITIZATION
1. PRIORITIZATION COMPONENT
1.1.- METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK
1.2.- PRIORITIZATION
1.3.DISCUSSION
CHAPTER IV
CONCLUSIONS AND MAIN INTERVENTIONS REQUIRED BY THE CORRIDOR
GLOSSARY OF TERMS –
BIBLIOGRAPHY –
ANNEXES
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ACCRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS
ART/UNDP: Articulation of Territorial Network / United Nations Development Program -
UNDP.
ASIS: Analysis of Health Situation (Análisis de la Situación de Salud).
CAF: Corporación Andina de Fomento.
CAN: Andean Community (Comunidad Andina).
CIE: Clasificación Estadística Internacional de enfermedades y problemas de salud.
(International Statistical Classification of diseases and health problems)
COPIAF: Comisión Presidencial de Integración y Asuntos Fronterizos. (Presidential
Commission for Integration and Frontier Matters)
IDH: Índice de Desarrollo Humano. (Human Development Index)
INEC: Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas y Censos. (Statistics and Census Institute)
IPS: Institución Prestadora de Servicios de Salud. (Health Provider Institution)
MBE: Medicina Basada en Evidencias. (Evidence Based Medicine)
MCR: Mecanismo de Coordinación Regional Andino. (Andean Regional Coordination
Mechanism)
MINSA: Ministerio de Salud. (Ministry of Health)
MOPECE: Módulos Principios de Epidemiología para el Control de Enfermedades.
(Epidemiology Principles Modules for Disease Control)
MPS: Ministerio de Protección Social Colombia. (Ministry of Social Protection Colombia)
MSP: Ministerio de Salud Pública. (Ministry of Public Health)
UBN: Necesidades Básicas Insatisfechas. (Unsatisfied Basic Needs)
ASTU: Nomenclatura de las Unidades Territoriales Estadísticas Andinas. (Nomenclature
of Andean Statistical Territorial Units- ASTU)
ODM: Objetivos de desarrollo del Milenio. (Millennium Development Objectives)
OMS: Organización Mundial de la Salud. (World Health Organization - WHO)
OPS: Organización Panamericana de la Salud.(Pan American Health Organization-
PAHO)
ORAS-CONHU: Organismo Andino de Salud: Convenio Hipólito UNANUE.(Health
Andean Organism: Hipólito UNANUE Agreement)
PAI: Programa Ampliado de inmunizaciones. (Expanded Immunization Program)
PAMAFRO: Control de la Malaria en las Zonas Fronterizas de la Región (Malaria Control
in Frontier Zones in the Andean Region)
PASAFRO: Plan Andino de Salud en Fronteras. (Andean Health Plan in Frontiers)
PIDS: Plan Integrado de Desarrollo Social. (Integrated Plan of Social Development)
RAVE: Red Andina de Vigilancia Epidemiológica. (Andean Epidemiological Monitoring
Network)
REMSAA: Reunión de Ministros de Salud del Área Andina. (Ministers Meeting of the
Andean Area)
RSI: Reglamento Sanitario Internacional. (International Health Regulations)
SIG: Sistemas de Información Geográfica. (Geographical Information Systems GIS)
SIISSE: Sistema Integrado de Indicadores Sociales del Ecuador (Integrated System of
Social Indicators of Ecuador)
UE: Unión Europea. (European Union EU)
ZIF: Zona de Integración Fronteriza. (Frontier Integration Zone)
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Tables:
Table 1: Main indicators country. Colombia and Ecuador 2007
Social, economic and ecologic component:
Table 2: Territorial extension. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Table 3: Longitude and latitude. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Table 4: Mode of transport and distances. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Table 5: Arrival time and distance to health institutions. Nariño / Tulcán - San
Lorenzo 2007.
Table 6: Access and communications means. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo
2007.
Table 7: Temperature, humidity and precipitation. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Table 8: Risk zones. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Table 9: Festivals. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Table 10: Population. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Table 11: General fertility rate. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Table 12: Birth and death rates. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Table 13: Population by age group. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Table 14: Male population by age group. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Table 15: Female population by age group. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Table 16: Indigenous population. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Table 17: Ethnic composition. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Table 18: School desertion. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Morbidity and mortality component
Table 19: Main causes for outpatient morbidity. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Table 20: Main causes of morbidity for hospital discharge. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Table 21: Malaria incidence rate. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Table 22: HIV AIDS incidence rate. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Table 23: Nutritional situation of children aged 0-5 years. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Table 24: Infant mortality. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Table 25: Neonatal mortality. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Table 26: Mortality in children under 5 years. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Table 27: EDA (acute diarrhea) mortality in children under 5 years. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Table 28: IRA mortality in children under 5 years. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Table 29: Maternal mortality. Razón por 100.000 nacidos vivos. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Component of Response to Society:
Table 30. Health Institutions and/or services. Nariño/Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Table 31: Availability of health resources. Ratio per 1.000 inhabitants. Nariño/Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Table 32: Community mothers and the like. Nariño/Tulcán-San Lorenzo 2007.
Table 33: Budget allocation. U.S. dollars as unit. Nariño/Tulcán-San
Lorenzo 2007.
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Table 34: Availability of beds, bed occupancy rate and hospital discharge. Ratio per 1.000 inhabitants.
Nariño/Tulcán - San Lorenzo, 2007
Table 35: Maternal care. Colombia - Ecuador. Nariño/Tulcán-San Lorenzo, 2007
Table 36: Vaccination coverage in children less than 1 year and 1 year old. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo
2007.
Table 37: Yellow fever vaccination coverage, tetanus toxoid (TD) in women of childbearing age / reproductive
(MEF), pregnant and non-pregnant. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Prioritization
Table 38: Prioritization of areas. Nariño/Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007
Table 39: Stratification of the social, demographic and ecological component.
Nariño/Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Table 40: Stratification of morbidity and mortality component. Nariño/Tulcán -San Lorenzo 2007
Table 41: Stratification of the organized reply to society component. Nariño/Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007
Table 42: Categorical location by components, according to their levels of health needs. Nariño/Tulcán - San
Lorenzo 2007.
Figures:
Social, economic and ecologic component:
Figure 1: Distances between axis NUTs. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Figure 2: Population growth rate. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Figure 3: Population pyramid of the frontier area. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo.
Figure 4: Population by area. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Figure 5: Expectant mothers. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Figure 6: UBN Index. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Figure 7: Total illiteracy. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007.
Morbidity and mortality component
Figure 8: Main causes of morbidity and hospital discharges. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007
Figure 9: Main causes of morbidity for emergency consultation. Nariño / Tulcán -San Lorenzo 2007.
Figure 10: TB Incidence Rate. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007
Figure 11: Chickenpox Incidence Rate. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007
Figure 12: Porcentaje de nacidos vivos con bajo peso (menor de 2.500 gramos). Nariño / Tulcán - San
Lorenzo.
Maps:
Map 1: ASTU 2 location of Andean / Pacific frontier. Nariño / Esmeraldas - Carchi (Colombia and Ecuador).
2010.
Map 2: ASTU 3 and 4 location forming corridors of the Andean / Pacific frontier. Colombia - Ecuador. 2010.
Map 3: Prioritization of ASTU 3 and 4 forming corridors of the Andean / Pacific frontier. Colombia – Ecuador
2010.
Annexes
Annex 1: Methodology for the Health Needs Index.
Annex 2: ASTU equivalence of Andean countries.
Annex 3: Indicators used by components and sources used for frontier ASIS production.
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OBJECTIVE
The ASIS frontier of Andean / Pacific corridors of Colombia and Ecuador is aimed primarily at
decision makers in the analyzed areas and the national ambit of both countries, expecting to find
important frontier data that allows them to plan actions to improve the quality of life of the
populations located in this area; we consider the contributions in this paper valuable because it
captures the health condition of a population group not unilaterally involved in the frontier areas
of the neighbor country.
It is also important to note that ASIS will contribute in project development of health investment in
the frontier areas for the relevant information it offers and because the arrival to the main
intervention which the axis requires has been based on evidence and co-participation of both
nations.
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BACKGROUND OF FRONTIER ASIS
In November 2002, the Ministers of Health issued an important Resolution at the REMSAA XXIV,
384 which approved the draft decision guidelines of the Andean Health Plan in Frontiers
(PASAFRO), whose main objectives are: Prioritizing health problems of each frontier and define
joint actions to address them; b) Establish binational networks of health services at the frontiers,
with special emphasis on Frontier Integration Zones (BIZ-ZIF), defined between the participating
countries, and c) Developing, implementing and evaluating cross-frontier projects in binational
health care. This resolution was presented to the Council of Foreign Ministers which approved
Decision 541, on March 11, 2003 in Bogotá creating the Executive Committee of the Andean Plan
composed of the responsible officers of the Offices of External Cooperation and International
Relations for implementation and monitoring.
In March 2006, during the V Andean Forum on Health Epidemiological Monitoring of Frontiers
several agreements related to ASIS were defined, one of which provides the conduction of at least
one study of binational health situation analysis conducted by the local teams for the support of the
Andean Health Organization during the XXVIII REMSAA held in Santa Cruz de la Sierra in March
2007, approved the Strategic Plan of the Health Andean Plan in Frontiers from 2007 to 2012 and
by Resolution 428, the need for conducting studies of the ASIS frontier was established.
Simultaneously with these developments, in 2007 the ORAS-CONHU performed a sustained
work to obtain an ASIS model to serve as a reference document for the Andean countries and
so, it identified a Guide that was being prepared by the Ministries of Health and Social Protection
of Colombia and the Ministry of the Popular Power for Health of Venezuela; the Guide was
subject to a review, consensus and development by technical teams, and the focal points were
designated by the Ministry of Popular Power for Health Ministry of Venezuela. The Ministry of
Social Protection of Colombia, the Ministry of Public Health of Ecuador, the Ministry of Health of
Peru and Chile, the Ministry of Health and Sports of Bolivia and PAHO-OPS technical support
for the creation of the "Guide for the analysis of health status populations in frontier areas of
the Andean countries ", the same that was approved for use in frontier areas by Resolution 445
agreed at the XXIX REMSAA, held in Quito, Ecuador in 2008, which also approved Resolution
444 requesting the Secretariat of the ORAS-CONHU to make strategic alliances with institutions
and cooperation agencies and countries outside the ORAS-CONHU for implementation of the
2007-2012 Plan.
In response to the mandate in March 2008, the Corporación Andina de Fomento (CAF)
approved the Strategic Plan of the Health Andean Plan in Frontiers and created the Frontier
Cooperation and Integration Fund (COPIF), aimed at supporting initiatives that promote
programs and activities that benefit the frontier areas of two or more CAF member countries;
that was how the PASAFRO Project: Health Bridge for Peace and Integration, 2009-2010 was
born.
In February 2009, the guide for the analysis of health situation of populations in frontier ambits of
the Andean countries was published, and on March 17, 2009 the teams of the central level of
Colombia and Ecuador (ASIS focal points of each country) attended a virtual meeting in which the
scope of the CAF-PASAFRO Project, one of whose objectives was the ASIS development of the
Nariño, Colombia and San Lorenzo-Carchi, Ecuador axis. Amongst the most important activities of
this binational ambit, AIS and prioritization workshops were held in Ipiales and Tulcán, respectively;
the conclusions of the first workshop are recorded in MiASTU of March 31, 2009, and of the
second workshop in MiASTU of September 9, 2009 where indicators were collected, analyzed and
deepened on priority issues on both sides of the frontier.
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ASIS BACKGROUND IN COLOMBIA
ASIS Colombia began with the proposal of PAHO / WHO in 1999. The background for developing
the process of analyzing health st atus (ASIS) are milestones such as XXXIII Binatio nal Meeting of
the Presidential Commission for Integration and Frontier Affairs, in which an agreement was signed
between the frontiers of Colombia and Venezuela, aimed to make an analysis of the health
situation and prioritize public health issues in the frontier area. In the context of the binational
meetings held during 2006, assessment indicators of the binational ASIS were identified.
In July, 2004, the binational meeting for the Comprehensive Health Care in the Colombian-
Peruvian Frontier was held, which proposed the implementation of binational networks for the
monitoring of public health events and a joint plan to address prevalent diseases was prepared.
Subsequently, in October 2006, as part of the meeting of the Binational Technical Health
Committees, indicators and methodology for the diagnosis of health in the frontier area, based on
the progress of work with Venezuela were agreed.
In 2006, the Pan American Health Organization-PAHO, approved the funding of Technical
Cooperation with Countries (TCC), focused on strengthening the response capacity for Public
Health Monitoring of local teams in the Colombian-Ecuadorian frontier, through which health
staff of the frontier municipalities was trained in basic epidemiology (MOPECE), Geographic
Information System with SIGEPI, socialization of tools for public health monitoring,
establishment and operation of the Epidemiological Monitoring Committees (COVES) and Status
Room operation.
In October 2007, officers of frontier departments and municipalities were trained in health
situation analysis, conclusion of indicators, ASIS methodology for the Colombian-Ecuadorian
Frontier Integration Zone (BIZ) and unification of data collection instruments. Additionally, public
health monitoring in the context of the Epidemiological Monitoring Andean Network (RAVE), the
International Health Regulations and the National Policy of Public Health were concluded.
Currently, the process of the Situation of the Health Analysis in Colombia includes information from
the Population Census, 2005 and vital statistics of the National Bureau of Statistics (DANE), annual
surveys of quality of life, National Mental Health Survey, 2003, National Survey of Demography and
Health (ENDS), 2005, amongst others.
The training workshop “Formulation of health projects in Frontier Areas of Colombia” was
conducted in June 2010; this workshop was organized by the Ministry of Social Protection with the
support and cooperation of ORAS-CONHU and PAHO. The workshop was attended by 35
persons representing 10 Colombian departments along the frontier with Brazil, Ecuador, Panama,
Peru and Venezuela as well as officers of the International Cooperation Office and the Public
Health Directorate of the Ministry of Social Protection and Universidad de la Sabana, venue of the
event. The preliminary preparation of three project proposals for frontier areas proposals for
projects was drafted.
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ASIS BACKGROUND IN ECUADOR
The former National Directorate of Epidemiology of the Ministry of Public Health (MSP) of Ecuador
initiated ASIS development as such since 2004. At present, it is the Epidemiology Coordination of
the MSP, through the Epidemiological Monitoring area, the entity responsible for conducting the
development of the health situation and situation room analysis.
Since 2005, there have been annual meetings with the heads of provincial epidemiology for
training and evaluation of ASIS development in each province. In early 2006, the first national
ASIS was published as an initial approach of the descriptive analysis of the health-disease
process (morbidity-mortality) and its determinants. Despite these efforts, this process has not
reached a structured and systematic development as in other countries in the region.
On the other hand, this activity starts as of 2006 in the Northern frontier with the implementation
of a technical cooperation Project between Colombia and Ecuador, whose one of its results was
the strengthening of the epidemiological monito ring system, training of binational monitoring
committees and the creation of binational ASISs. This cooperation framework already has a
preliminary document of Carchi´s frontier province ASIS. In this regards, the publication of
epidemiological bulletins is being used to provide information to epidemiologists in the country
on simple tools that can be used to achieve the provincial and local ASISs.
Therefore, we can say that ASIS in the Southern frontier (El Oro, Ecuador and Tumbes, Perú)
shows another development level due to the progress achieved with the support of the Ministry of
Health of Peru, which has allowed the creation of a binational study in January 2006 and that
generated from the methodology of the Andean ASIS, with the support of the Health Andean
Organization in the process of being published.
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INTRODUCTION
The search for the optimal health of our Andean populations starts by recognizing their health
problems, characterizing them, measuring them, explaining the health-disease profiles and their
determinants, whether belonging to the health sector or not. Over the past few years, the
Andean countries have acquired a better understanding of their sociocultural and health realities
with the use of ASIS, allowing them to know how ready they are to address the problems that
arise in their territories; however, the frontier areas are a challenge to resolve in the pursuit of a
healthy environment or a healthy frontier.
Frontiers deserve attention by the States because one cannot speak of a healthy frontier if it
involves only the health of a group of people belonging to the same geopolitical space. Frontiers
must work in a comprehensive and coordinated way, looking for a common purpose which is to
improve the quality conditions of the geographical-political units, including as a substrate the
different population groups defined by specific characteristics such as gender, age, occupation
amongst others and their development environment is the historical, geographical demographic,
social, economic, cultural, political and epidemiological context of the bi or tri frontiers, existing
complex relationships that determine and condition the state of health.
The Health Situation Analysis of ASIS is a methodological tool for the characterization,
measurement and explanation of health and its determinants, which has been applied mostly
unilaterally, providing vital information for one side of the frontier, but leaving unanswered
questions about what is happening a few kilometers apart. Here is where the needs to make the
diagnosis, analysis and prioritization of areas in which actions occur in more than one political
region and where the advance towards achieving the expected results require political actors
and the society to work together.
In 2009, the Andean Health Organization published the "Guide for the Health Situation Analysis
(ASIS) of the Population in Frontier Areas of the Andean Countries," as a result of the effort of six
Andean countries: Bolivia, Colombia, Chile, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela, neighbors and brothers,
and PAHO support, in order to have a reference document that allows the application of the ASIS
methodology in the frontier areas, standardizing information from different geopolitical areas of the
Andean countries, allowing to relate the health diagnosis, identified risk factors and their solution by
means of an articulated strategy that allows the participation of the affected communities, other
sectors of the social, economic and productive community in order to have information to know the
real picture, based on reliable and timely indicators by which it is possible to monitor the health
situation.
The Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo (Colombia and Ecuador frontier) ASIS belongs to the first
ASIS group, where the Pacific - Andean axis, Colombia´s ASTU 4 (Tumaco, Ricaurte, Cumbal,
Cuaspud and Ipiales), together with Ecuador´s ASTU 3 (San Lorenzo and Carchi) have been
analyzed, leaving the Amazon axis for future analysis. This ASIS was developed in 2009 in
various stages, initially with the socialization of the working tool, in this case the Andean Guide
for ASIS, from March 29-31, 2009, and then worked in the compilation of indicators, analysis,
prioritization and the arrival to the key interventions required by the frontier axis, working on
site workshops and virtual meetings.
The contents of the ASIS document is divided in four chapters: the first is contextual information
of each country, the second is the analysis by components and of each profile that makes up
ASIS, such as social, economic and ecological information, health-disease and the organized
response to society; Chapter 3 describes the Prioritization of areas based on the methodology of
the Health Needs Index (HNI), and Chapter 4 consists of the key interventions required by the
axis. We must note that the information contained in this technical paper comes from official
sources of both countries as do additional quotations of the indicators of the Andean countries.
The publication of the findings in this paper has been achieved thanks to the perseverance of
the technical teams of both countries, who have always participated with great enthusiasm,
dedication and mystics.
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CHAPTER ONE
CONTEXTUAL INFORMATION
COLOMBIA
Colombia Is a country situated on the Northern part of South America, with an
2 th
continental land area 1,141,748 Km and islands totaling 928,600 Km2. It is the 26
largest country in the world; it has land frontier with Venezuela, Brazil, Peru, Ecuador
and Panamá, maritime boundary in the Caribbean Sea with Panama, Costa Rica,
Nicaragua, Honduras, Jamaica, Haiti, Dominican Republic in the Pacific Ocean with
Panama, Costa Rica and Ecuador.
Constitutionally, Colombia is organized as a decentralized unitary republic, organized
in three administrative powers: executive, legislative and judicial branches and
exercised in each of the political-administrative divisions according to the level of
complexity. According to the political-administrative division, the next entity in
extension and responsibility is the Department, called ASTU 2, and the ASTU 4
municipality. This organization in three powers originates from the time when
Colombia finally achieved independence from Spain after winning the Puente de
Boyacá Battle, on August 7, 1819, nine years after declaring its independence, on July
20, 1810. Since that time, there have several Constitutions, but the 1886 Constitution
by Rafael Núñez was the longer and amended in 1991 by the National Constituent
Assembly.
Due to the heterogeneity of its development and population of the municipalities,
these have been classified into categories from one to six, the former being that which
groups the most developed groups and the last, the least developed. 96% of the
municipalities are in categories 4, 5 and 6 and for this reason, a constant support by
the State is needed to ensure the improvement of life conditions. The frontier towns
with Ecuador, are in categories 4, 5 and 6.
The Congress is the only body that cissue laws. At departmental level,
this power is exercised by “Departmental Assemblies” whose mandates are
ordinances and have constituency in their territories. At Municipal level is
the Municipal Council whose number ofmembers is proportional to the
complexity of each municipality.
Colombia´s estimated population at 2009 is 44,977,758, with the highest proportion
(56%) aged under 30 (56%) followed by ages between 30 and 60 (35%), and over 60
years in a lesser proportion (10%). Looking at data from previous years, there is a
reduction in birth rates, increased life expectancy, which today is 74 years, an aging
index of 20.5 and an increase in the population of the elderly, which indicates that
Colombia is in a period of demographic and epidemiological transition. The population
density is uneven in the five geographical regions of Colombia and at national level, it
has 28 inhabitants per km .
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These regions have been defined by geographical composition and are specified as
the Caribbean region located on the Atlantic coast, the Andean region located in the
central mountain region, the Orinoco region located in the Eastern plains, the
Amazon region in the Amazon rainforest and the Pacific region located in the coastal
zone of the Pacific Ocean. Each region is distinguished not only by its geography but
also by their habits and level of development, being the Andean region, the most
developed since it holds the most important populated centers including the capital.
As mentioned earlier, most of the population is in the Andean zone and is composed
by 87% mestizo, followed by 10,6% Afro, 3.43% indigenous communities and 0,01%
gypsies. Colombia´s Constitution has considered this multiethnic population in its
fundamentals and principles.
The diversity of climates and climatic zones ranging from desert to snowy peaks,
allows exuberance of flora and fauna, and several products such as coffee, the main
exportation product. Since the 1990´s several productive oil wells have been
discovered, particularly in the Eastern region, which has generated foreign currency
since it has become an important exportation product. GDP is USD 5,440 million.
Power service covers 93% of the population, water supply covers 83.4% and
sewerage 73%, which indicates that at country level, the provision of these services is
good. A similar situation is observed in the education sector, where illiteracy rates
have been reduced to 6% and the coverage level of education is 38%.
Like all frontier areas, language, the presence of ethnic groups and indigenous and
Afro-descendants, geography and a history of 500 years of Spanish domain, each
nation has similarities in the strengths and weaknesses. This work aims to improve
these weaknesses and empower the strengths such as joint and coordinated work
among brother nations.
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ECUADOR
The Republic of Ecuador is located at the Northeastern part of South America. On
the North, it frontiers with Colombia, at the South and East with Peru and at the West with
the Pacific Ocean. Its capital is San Francisco de Quito, venue of the main State bodies
and of the Government, and its largest city is Santiago de Guayaquil, the main maritime
port and important economic center.
According to the projection from the National Census in November 2001, the population of Ecuador for
2010 is 14,090,080, 49.6% were men and 50.4% women; 61.0% of the population lives in urban areas
and 39.0% in rural areas. With a total of 24 provinces, divided into seven regions, Ecuador has an
insular area consisting of the Galapagos Islands. I2s territorial sttension is 256,370 square kilometers
with a population density of 47 inhabitants per km , and is the 71 largest country in the world.
The 2001 census data indicated that 830,418 inhabitants declared themselves indigenous, however,
indigenous organizations estimate between 25% and 30% of its total population, which is mainly
concentrated in the Amazon and in the rural Andes. The 2000 Household Survey (EMEDINHO)
showed that 72% of the population over 15 years found appropriate the designation of "mestizo", 15%
defined themselves as "white", 6% as "indigenous", 4% "black " and 2%" mulatto."
The Ecuadorian population is very young. 35% of the population is under 15 years, 61% between 15
and 64 and only 4% is over 65 years. The population growth is very high, approximately 1.9%
annually, in spite that the migration index is 0.52 per 1,000 inhabitants. The birth rate is very high (25x
1,000 inhabitants), and the fertility rate is of almost three children per woman. The mortality rate is
relatively low (5.3 per 1,000 inhabitants), but the Infant mortality rate is as high as 32 per 1,000. In
spite of the above, life expectancy at birth is approximately 72 years. Ecuador´s population is one who
has not completed the demographic transition, but is clearly on the downward cycle.
Ecuador´s population is mostly urban, approximately 65% of the total has a percentage of rural
population older than in other neighboring countries (59.8% in Peru, Colombia 29%).
The population is unevenly distributed. Until the mid-twentieth century, most of it lived in the Sierra
(uplands), but today, almost half of Ecuadorians live in the Coast. On the contrary, the East is less
populated, with 3% of the total, while maintaining a higher percentage than other countries in the
Amazon region to oil fields.
Approximately 3'000 .000 people live in Guayaquil and its metropolitan area. This city is where the
southern coastal cities concentrate; it is Ecuador´s economic drive and its main port. The metropolitan
district of Quito, the Capital, and its area of influence has 2,000 ,000 inhabitants.
With regards to migration, emigration has been one of the most striking constant of the Population of
Ecuador. The movement has been from the people of the Sierra to the cities of the Coast and the
East, especially Guayaquil, Machala, Portoviejo, Manta and Esmeraldas. In the mountains have been
the main destinations Quito, Cuenca, Ambato, Loja, Ibarra and Riobamba.
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The 2001 census reflected that between 1996 and 2001, 378,000 Ecuadorians left the country in search
of labor opportunities. This represents 8.3% of the population economically active and 3.1% of the total
population registered in the Census. The volume of migration had an impact on the flow of remittances
entering the country, which became the second source of income followed after oil. Between 2000 and
2002, income from remittances to Ecuador was USD1,400 million, representing 7% of GDP. This income
contributed to raise the level of household consumption, an important factor for poverty levels to be
reduced after 2001.
Poverty levels: In 2004, the last measurement made by the INEC (ENIGHU, February 2003 -
January 2004) showed that 41.5% of the population was classified as poor and 8.5% as
extremely poor. It was found that the richest 20% of the population has access to 43.6% of all
consumer goods, whereas 20% of the poorest population has access to 6.5 times less (6.7%).
Four out of ten are poor in the cities, and eight out of ten are poor in rural areas.
For 2001, poverty at national level was estimated at 61.3%; the correlation between ethnic groups
identified as indigenous and black and poverty was evident because, 9 out of 10 households and
73.8% households of these groups respectively, live in poverty. While the average illiteracy in the
country was 9%, illiteracy in indigenous population was 28.2%, and 11.6% in Afro descendants;
in women, illiteracy is 10.3%, more than one percentage point above national average (9%). If we
combine two exclusion factors (indigenous and woman) the differences deepen further: 28% of
the indigenous women are illiterate; on the other hand, the schooling national average was 7.3
years while in the Indigenous population, this average was 3.3 years. Mothers with no schooling
have an average of 3.7 children, while those who have received higher education have 1.9
children. This effect is critical if we consider that large households are more likely to be poor. In
2001, 72% of households of more than six members were poor.
However, the incidence of poverty has different expression in relation to the head of household;
poverty among female-headed households is 58.3% in male-headed households it reaches
62.5%. This is important to consider in social investment programs in women. The private base
salary increased from US $ 146.00 in 2001 to USD163.80 in early 2002, while the value of the
basic basket was USS248.40 for the same year.
Health spending has been increasing, estimating a budget of USD845 million for 2007
corresponding to 8.3% of the national budget.
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Table 1. Main indicators at country level. Colombia and Ecuador 2007
INDICATORS COLOMBIA ECUADOR
CAPITAL Bogotá Quito
CURRENCY Colombian Peso US Dollar
INDEPENDENCE Declaration: July 29, 1810 August 10, 1809
Definition: August 7, 1819
2
AREA 2.080.408 Km of which 256.370 Km 2 -
1.141.748 are Continental
Continental
POPULATION 44,977.758 14,204.900
2 2
DEM. DENSITY 38 inhab/Km 47 inhab/Km
HID-IDH 0,807 0,806
EVN (life expectancy) 74 years 75 years
POPULATION GROUPED IN Andean region Coast
UBN (Basic needs unmet) 40.7% 61.3%
SOURCE OF INCOME Coffee Oil
Remittances
TGF (family rate) 2.45 children/woman 2.6 children/woman
TBN 21.5 x 1.000 inhab. 20.9 x 1.000 inhab
TBM 5.81 x 1.000 inhab. 4.3 x 1.000 inhab
HEALTH EXPENDITURE 7.4% of national budget 8.3% of national budget
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THE COLOMBIAN-ECUADORIAN FRONTIER
The Colombian-Ecuadorian Frontier Integration Zone (BIZ-ZIF) is comprised by ASTU 2,
corresponding to the departments of Nariño and Putumayo in Colombia and the Provinces of
Esmeraldas, Carchi and Sucumbíos in Ecuador; this zone has 2,665,471 inhabitants distributed
in 1,896,332 in the Colombian side and 768,139 inhabitants in the Ecuadorian side.
Administratively, this zone comprises 37 Municipalities (ASTU 4) in Colombia, and 20 Cantons
(ASTU 3) in Ecuador. From its geographical, natural and socio-cultural point of view, this zone is
distributed in three corridors: Pacific, Andean and Amazonia and in relation to ASIS, the Andean
and Pacific corridors have been integrated as follows:
ANDEAN AND PACIFIC CORRIDOR
Ecuador/ (ASTU 3)
n á c l u * T
* San Lorenzo
Colombia/ (ASTU 4)
* Cuaspud
* Cumbal
* Ipiales
* Ricaurte
* Tumaco
For the purposes of binational health situation, this corridor has been defined as the frontier
strip of the Colombian-Ecuadorian axis, two zones geographically identified as:
Andean Zone: Formed by the Tulcán Canton (ASTU 3) in Ecuador and the municipalities of
Cumbal, Cuaspud and Ipiales (ASTU 4) in Colombia .
Pacific Zone: Formed by the San Lorenzo Canton (ASTU 3) in Ecuador and the municipalities
of Ricaurte and Tumaco (ASTU 4) in Colombia.
The ASTU 3 cantons of Ecuador selected would be equivalent to the ASTU 4 municipalities in
Colombia. While there are records for Colombia´s ASTU 4, those of Ecuador refer to general
indicators.
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CHAPTER TWO
ANALYSIS BY COMPONENTS
The analysis of health, a tool for the characterization, measurement and explanation
of health condition and its determinants is made up by three components: the socio-
economic and ecological component, morbidity and mortality and organizer response
to society.
Tables and graphs form part of the ASIS data base jointly agreed and worked
between Ecuador and Colombia during 2009 and include indicators from official
sources of 2007.
1. SOCIAL, DEMOGRAPHIC AND ECOLOGICAL COMPONENT
An analysis of social, demographic and ecological factors is a necessary input for any
understanding of individual and/or collective behavior, since this component includes data on
areas where population is located, its concentrations and its social system (education,
poverty, amongst others). It is known that diseases are linked to low educational levels and
to poverty; thus, society develops modifies their epidemiological profile and we can see that
societies with higher income per capita are faced to chronic-degenerative diseases but have
better possibilities to overcome them, while poor societies are faced to communicable
diseases such as TB, produced to a large extent by subhuman conditions and claim social
justice and equality.
1.1 Methodology
The methodology for frontier ASIS development for the social, demographic and ecological
component follows the principles of the “Guide for the analysis of health situation in the
frontier populations of the Andean countries”
The social and demographic component is made up by three profiles, each of them
containing a group of indicators, the same that were identified and structure by a matrix and
background of each indicator, and finally standardized for frontier analysis. The year base for
the Colombian-Ecuadorian frontier ASIS is 2007, that is, that data in this component
correspond to that year, except where indicated.
Profile of the territorial environment: Geographically, it characterizes two ASTU 3 of
Ecuador and five ASTU 4 of Colombia selected for ASIS, and contains the following
indicators:
Geographical location, limits and territorial extension
Types of transport, distances and arrival times between more distant communities,
populated centers and the capital.
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Types of transport, distances and arrival time between health institutions of lesser to
higher complexity
Roads and access
Communication means
Climate
Natural Risk zones
Festivities
Profile of the demographic environment: Characterizes two ASTU 3 of Ecuador and
five ASTU 4 of Colombia, object of ASIS and includes the following indicators :
Total Population, by gender and age groups
Population by ethic group, urban or rural zone,
Growth rate
General fertility, birth and mortality rate.
Vulnerable groups
Displaced population and refugees
Disability
Life expectancy at birth
Socio-economic profile: characterizes the socio-economic profile of the frontier zone and
includes the following indicators :
UBN Index
Population below the poverty line and extreme poverty
Unemployment rate
Illiteracy
School desertion
Schooling years
1.2 ANALYSIS BY PROFILES
1.2.1. Profile of the territorial scope
The analysis of the territorial scope is done by integrating the formation of five municipal
territorial divisions of the department of Nariño, Colombia, classified as ASTU 4 (Tumaco,
Ricaurte, Cumbal, Cuaspud and Ipiales) with two Canton territorial divisions of the provinces
of Carchi and Esmeraldas in Ecuador, classified as ASTU 3 (Tulcán and San Lorenzo)
Territorial extension
The total territorial frontier area is 8,866.6 Km2, comprises three geographical areas clearly
defined: a) the Andean zone which includes Tulcán, Cumbal, Ipiales and Cuaspud, b) the
foot hill zone occupied by the municipality of Ricaurte, mostly forest area, and c) the Pacific
region which includes San Lorenzo and Tumaco. The municipality with the highest extension
is Tumaco, followed by Ipiales and Tulcán. The regions with less territorial extension in the
frontier strip are Cumbal, San Lorenzo and Cuaspud.
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Table 2: Territorial areas. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007
ASTU 4 / ASTU 3 Territorial area expressed in Km %
Cuaspud 52 0,59
Cumbal 667 7,52
Ipiales 1647 18,57
Ricaurte 1,211 13,66
San Lorenzo 277 3,12
Tulcán 1,256 14,17
Tumaco 3,757 43,37
TOTAL 8,866.58 100
Source: Municipal Government, Republic of Ecuador, Provincial Diagnostics / DAÑE Departamento Administrativo sticanal de Estadí
(Statistics Department), Colombia / 2007
Longitude and latitude
The Colombian-Ecuadorian frontier strip is mainly Equatorial, with a minimum longitude of 77°05'38"
and a maximum of 78°50'0" and a minimum latitude of 00°44'00''and a maximum of
Table 3: Longitude and latitude. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007
ASTU4 /ÑUTE 3 Longitude of ÑUTE 4 and 3 Latitude of ÑUTE 4 and 3
Cuaspud 77° 44' 12". 0° 51' 57''
Cumbal 77° 47' 42'' 0° 54' 43''
Ipiales 77° 05' 38" 0° 54' 25"
Ricaurte 78° 25' 52'' 01° 06' 41"
Tumaco 78° 41' 21'' 1° 32' 58''
Tulcán 77° 43' 0'' 00° 44' 0''
San Lorenzo 78° 50' 1° 15'
Source: Municipal Government, Republic of Ecuador, Provincial Diagnostics / DANE Departamento Administrativo Nacional de
Estadística (Statistics Department), Colombia / 2007
Modes of transport and distances
The mode of transport in the frontier zone is basically by land, except Tumaco where river is the
main mode of transport. The arrival time between the most remote communities in cantons and
municipalities and the main town averages 196,4 minutes, although in the cases of Tumaco and
Tulcán, this arrival time can exceed 300 minutes (5 hours) to the main town. The distance in
kilometers is 97.4 kilometers, but there are also extreme cases such as Cuaspud, the smallest
territorial area, whose most distant community is only 12 km away, and Tumaco, which is 270
km away from the forest area.
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Table 4: Mode of transport and distances. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007
ASTU4 /
ASTU 3 Mode of transport Arrival time to ASTU 4 or 3 Distance in kms to the
between development main town (from the main town (from the
centers and the remotest community of remotest community
remotest dispersed ASTU 4 or 3) in minutes of ASTU 4 or 3)
community
Cuaspud Land 60 12
Ricaurte Land 60 60
San Land 170 160
Lorenzo
Ipiales Land 180 30
Cumbal Land 240 36
Tulcán Land 305 114
Tumaco River 360 270
Average 196,4 97,4
Source: Field study. Local actors, Ecuador, / IDSN, Instituto Departamental (Health Institute Nariño) ,
Colombia, Field study / 2007
Figure 1: Distances between ASTU of the Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo axis 2007
Cuaspud
45 Cumbal
15 25Ipiales
145 15513R0icaurte
245
255 230100 Tumaco
20 305132 535Tulcán
San
270 280253585485250 Lorenzo
Source: Municipal Government of Tulcán, Republic of Ecuador / DANE Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística,
(Statistics Department) Colombia / 2007
Travel times and distances to health institutions
The average travel time from dispatching local health entities to higher complexity health entities is
169.6 minutes (approximately 3 hours) over a distance of 100 kms by road. In the case of the
Colombian frontier, the highest level of complexity is in Pasto, and for the frontier area of Ecuador,
the towns of highest complexity are Esmeraldas in the San Lorenzo canton and Quito in the Tulcán
canton .
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Table 5: Travel time and distance to health institutions. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007
ASTU 4/ Arrival time of sending Distance in kms from
ASTU 3 health entities of ASTU 4 sending health
or 3 to higher complexity entities of ASTU 4 or 3
level in minutes to higher complexity
level in minutes.
Ricaurte 90 60
Ipiales 90 89
Ricaurte 90 60
Cumbal 100 36
Cuaspud 120 12
San Lorenzo 180 160
Tumaco 300 235
Tulcán 300 235
Average 169,6 100,6
Source: Field study. Local actors, Ecuador, / IDSN, Instituto Departamental de Salud de Nariño (Health Institute Nariño), Colombia, Field study
/2007
Access and communications
Since the frontier strip region is a territory with two distinct geographical zones: Andean and
Pacific, we find different access forms, such as, by land, river and air; maritime access is also
important, especially in San Lorenzo and Tumaco, being Tumaco the most important maritime port
of the frontier strip. Also, most of the region has the main communication means, such as
telephone, fax, radio-telephone and e-mail; e-mail is not available in the San Lorenzo canton.
ASTU4 / ASTU 3
Forms of access Communication means
Cuaspud Land Telephone, radio, internet, fax
Cumbal Land Telephone, radio, internet, fax
Ipiales Air, land Telephone, radio, internet, fax
Ricaurte Land Telephone, radio, internet, fax
Tumaco Air, Land, River Telephone, radio, internet, fax
Tulcán Land, Air Telephone, fax, others
San Lorenzo Land Telephone
Source: Field study. Local actors Ecuador, / IDSN, Instituto - Departamental de Salud de Nariño, Colombia, Field study / 2007
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Temperature, humidity and rainfall
From the two geographical areas it can be seen that in the Andean region, the prevailing
temperature is cold with temperatures between 10°C and 13°C, while the Pacific region and the
foothills have temperatures between 22°C and 28°C, average humidity is 82%, with Tumaco the
most humid and Cuaspud the lesser. The average rainfall is approximately 1,580 mm. finding a
positive relationship between hot spots and this variable, as follows: Ricaurte, Tumaco and San
Lorenzo have the highest levels of rainfall and are the warmest areas.
Table 7: Temperature, humidity and precipitation. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007
Average temperature (in
ASTU4 / ASTU 3 Average humidity % Rainfall in mm
degrees Celsius)
Cumbal 10 84 951
Cuaspud 12 75 980
Ipiales 12 85 870
Tulcán 13 82 870
Ricaurte 22 88 3996
Tumaco 26 90 2191
San Lorenzo 28 70 1200
Average 17,6 82 1579,7
Source: Carchi Provincial Government, Republic of Ecuador, Provincial Diagnosis / DANE Departamento Adminisdeativo Nacional
Estadística, Colombia(Statistics Department, Colombia) / 2007
Risk zones
The frontier strip regions face various natural hazards: the Andean region, as an especially volcanic
1 2
area and with some of its volcanoes active (Galeras , Cumbal , amongst others) faces ongoing risk
of eruptions that could be of varying intensity with consequences seen, from falling ash or mud
avalanches to pyroclastic flows. On the other hand, the Pacific region keeps in constant risk of a
tsunami, in fact, on several occasions in recent years, an alert situation has remained for this
reason. Other natural hazards are earthquakes and floods. Man-made risks are also described,
such as pesticide poisoning and air, water and soil pollution.
1Galeras is a volcano in southern Colombia, located 7 km. from San Juan de Pasto, capital of Nariño. It is one of the most
active volcanoes in Colombia and the one with highest historical background, with reports of major eruptions since the
2ixteenth century.
Cumbal is the highest volcano in located in Nariño in southern Colombia; it has an altitude of 4.764 m a.s.l. In the past,
sulfur was extracted from its fumaroles and crater using traditional methods of mining. Miners also exploited ice, which in
some season covers the top, and offered it to the Ipiales market; this volcano has not shown any activities sin the 1930´s.
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Table 8: Risk zones. Nariño / Tulcán – San Lorenzo 2007
ASTU 4 / ASTU 3 Risk Zones:
(Landslides, volcanoes, avalanches, floods, storms, earthquake, pollution)
Cuaspud Cumbal volcano, Chiles volcano, highest risk in the village of Chvisnan and Macas, due to its
closeness
Cumbal Cumbal volcano risk zone
Ipiales Ipiales (earthquake )
Ricaurte Pan American road, landslides
Timaco Tumaco (island) (Tsunami and earthquake)
Mira river bank (overflow)
Tulcán Landslides, massive flow of displaced, air, water, soil pollution
San Lorenzo Massive flow of displaced, pesticide poisoning, traffic accidents
Source: Health Staff references of local units. Ecuador / IDSN, (Health Institute of Nariño), Colombia, field work / 2007
Festivals
Throughout the year there are festivals in the frontier strip area, mostly religious, they share the
Christmas and New Year festivities, in some regions such as Ipiales, Easter is of special importance 3
because of the religious connotations, and there is tourism around the Las Lajas sanctuary , also
in January there are carnivals in 4 of the 7 frontier regions, in July, 3 towns have festivals, and the
only month carnivals are held in four of the seven frontier regions, on July 3 towns have festivals;
May is the only month that does not have celebrations or festivals.
Table 9: Festivities. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo
ASTU4/ASTU3 Festival calendar
Cuaspud White and black carnival, 4, 5 and 6 January – Patron saint festival in honor of St. Nicolas de Bari,
December 4-8, Maria Inmaculada, July 16-20, Virgen del Carmen – San Rafael October 24 – San
Francisco de Asis October 2 and 3.
Cumbal White and black carnival, 4, 5 and 6 January – Patron saint festival in honor of St. Nicolas de Bari,
December 4-8, Maria Inmaculada, July 16-20, Virgen del Carmen – San Rafael October 24 – San
Francisco de Asis October 2 and 3.
Ipiales “White and black” carnival, 4, 5 and 6 January – June 21 Sun Day - festival in honor ofSeñor del Rio –
January 15-20 – Virgen del Carmen July 16-20, Virgen de Las Lajas September 15.
Ricaurte “White and black” carnival, 4, 5 and 6 January -Divino Niño.Jan Francisco. June 27-30. Señor de
Cuaiquer. August 15
Fire carnival – February 11-16. - San Andrés Tumaco, November 30
Tumaco
Tulcán Canton festival – April 11; Province festival – November 19; Christmans and New Year, carnival
San Lorenzo Patron saint festival – August 19 – Canton festivial – March 22
Source: Health Staff references of local units. Ecuador / IDSN, (Health Institute of Nariño), Colombia, field work / 2007
3
Las Lajas is a Catholic temple of worship and veneration ofNuestra señora de las Lajas in southern Colombia.
Since the XVIII century, it has been the destination of pilgrimage and tourism. The sanctuary located in the Guaitara
river canyon, in the village of Las Lajas, municipality of Ipiales, 7 kms from the town municipal center in the
department of Nariño in southern Colombia and 10 km from the frontier with Ecuador. The current building, the fourth
th th
since the XVIII century, replaced a chapel from the 19 century and is a gray and white stone church, of the late 14
century Gothic style, consisting of three aisles built over a two-arch bridge that crosses the river and serves as atrium
or square of the Basilica, joining it with the other side of the canyon.
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1.2.2. Demographic Profile
Population 2007
The total population of the frontier strip region is 454,083 and the regions with highest number of
population are Tumaco, Ipiales and Tulcán. The municipalities with less population are Ricaurte
and Cuaspud. It is important to note that the Andean region has a population of 254,453
corresponding to 56,1% of the total and the Pacific zone, 199,629 corresponding to 43,9%.
Table 10: Population. Nariño / Tulcán – San Lorenzo 2007
ASTU4 / ASTU 3 Total Population 2007 %
Cuaspud 8187 1,80
Ricaurte 15613 3,44
San Lorenzo 32084 7,07
Cumbal 32221 7,10
Tulcán 83824 18,46
Ipiales 114609 25,24
Tumaco 167545 36,90
Frontier 454083 100
Source: INEC, Census data base Ecuador / DANE Ecuador base datos de censo de población / DANE Departamento Administrativo Nacional
de Estadística, (Statistics Department) Colombia / 2007
Growth rate 2007.
Growth rate during 2007 was 1.78% in average for the seven ASTU of the Colombian-Ecuadorian
frontier strip, being Ipiales, Ricaurte, Tumaco and San Lorenzo the regions with higher growth, and
Cumbal, Cuaspud and Tulcán, the regions with lower growth.
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Table 12: Birth and mortality rates. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007
Birth gross rate Mortality gross rate
ASTU4 / ASTU 3
(1.000) (1.000)
Ipiales 20,0 4,3
Cumbal 20,0 2,2
Cuaspud 22,8 4,2
Ricaurte 27,0 3,8
Tulcán 28,0 4,3
Tumaco 28,1 3,9
San Lorenzo 54,0 1,6
Frontier 24,3 3,5
Source: SIISE, Sistema Integrado de Indicadores Soci(Social Indicator SysteEcuador. Version 4.5/ DANE Departamento
Administrativo Nacional de Estadística, (Statistics Department) Colombia / 2007
Population pyramid
The features of the population pyramid of the frontier area are those of developing regions; that is, a
broad base and a narrow top. Population of children under 1 year is 54.887 (12.1%); if we widen
the population range, the population under 15 years is 157,977 (34.8%); for its part, population over
65 years is only 26,320 adults (5.8%). Gender differences are not significant, there are 226,963
men representing 49.99%, and 227,120 women, representing 50.01% of the total population. No
significant differences either between men and women percentages by age groups except for
women over 65 years (6.2%) that show a slight increase as compared to men (5.4%).
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Table 14: Male population by age groups. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007
AGE CUASPUD CUMBAL IPIALES RICAURTE TUMACO TULCÁN SAN LORENZO TOTAL
GROUPS Male. % Male. % Male. % Male. % Male. % Male. % Male. % Male. %
00-04 473 11,4 1728 10,7 6070 10,8 1108 13,6 12186 14,4 4206 10,0 2274 14,1 28.045 12,4
05-09 488 11,8 1761 10,9 5850 10,4 1120 13,8 10703 12,7 4502 10,7 2179 13,5 26.603 11,7
10-14 454 10,9 1776 11,0 5865 10,5 1005 12,4 10194 12,1 4512 10,8 2019 12,5 25.825 11,4
15-19 415 10,0 1594 9,8 5417 9,7 838 10,3 9193 10,9 4179 10,0 1713 10,6 23.349 10,3
20-24 349 8,4 1544 9,5 4908 8,8 767 9,4 7955 9,4 3395 8,1 1318 8,2 20.236 8,9
25-29 301 7,3 1346 8,3 4685 8,4 717 8,8 7054 8,4 3380 8,1 1110 6,9 18.593 8,2
30-34 263 6,3 1171 7,2 4017 7,2 510 6,3 5513 6,5 3163 7,5 993 6,2 15.630 6,9
35-39 231 5,6 1119 6,9 3930 7,0 407 5,0 4754 5,6 2765 6,6 907 5,6 14.113 6,2
40-44 193 4,7 881 5,4 3529 6,3 338 4,2 4080 4,8 2315 5,5 814 5,0 12.150 5,4
45-49 181 4,4 664 4,1 2935 5,2 284 3,5 3249 3,8 1962 4,7 694 4,3 9.969 4,4
50-54 167 4,0 606 3,7 2228 4,0 240 3,0 2529 3,0 1783 4,2 563 3,5 8.116 3,6
55-59 166 4,0 564 3,5 1801 3,2 203 2,5 2028 2,4 1589 3,8 433 2,7 6.784 3,0
60-64 134 3,2 455 2,8 1499 2,7 149 1,8 1509 1,8 1291 3,1 333 2,1 5.370 2,4
65-69 104 2,5 333 2,1 1124 2,0 147 1,8 1198 1,4 1077 2,6 273 1,7 4.256 1,9
70-74 85 2,0 262 1,6 883 1,6 138 1,7 969 1,1 816 1,9 195 1,2 3.348 1,5
75-79 72 1,7 196 1,2 648 1,2 84 1,0 580 0,7 574 1,4 142 0,9 2.296 1,0
80-+ 72 1,7 189 1,2 630 1,1 71 0,9 702 0,8 456 1,1 160 1,0 2.280 1,0
Total 4148 100,0 16189 100,0 56019 100,0 8126 100,0 84396 100,0 41965 100,0 16120 100,0 226.963 100,0
Source: INEC, Ecuador base datos de censo de Población (Database Population Census / DANE Departamento Administrativo Nacional de
Estadística, (Statistical Department) Colombia / 2007
Table 15: Female population by age groups. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007
AGE CUASPUD CUMBAL IPIALES RICAURTE TUMACO TULCÁN SAN TOTAL
GROUPS LORENZO
Fem. % Fem. % Fem. % Fem. % Fem. % Fem. % Fem. % Fem. %
00-04 467 11,6 1551 9,674 5872 10,0 967 12,9 11769 14,2 4034 9,6 2182 13,7 26.842 11,8
05-09 464 11,5 1698 10,6 5990 10,2 1023 13,7 10549 12,7 4328 10,3 2095 13,1 26.147 11,5
10-14 415 10,3 1729 10,8 5553 9,5 914 12,2 9609 11,6 4349 10,4 1946 12,2 24.515 10,8
15-19 372 9,2 1512 9,4 5074 8,7 751 10,0 8576 10,3 4050 9,7 1660 10,4 21.995 9,7
20-24 314 7,8 1474 9,2 5113 8,7 695 9,3 7692 9,3 3322 7,9 1290 8,1 19.900 8,8
25-29 279 6,9 1303 8,1 4994 8,5 686 9,2 6986 8,4 3342 8,0 1098 6,9 18.688 8,2
30-34 251 6,2 1134 7,1 4416 7,5 497 6,6 5675 6,8 3158 7,5 992 6,2 16.123 7,1
35-39 234 5,8 1113 6,9 4308 7,4 394 5,3 4877 5,9 2781 6,6 912 5,7 14.619 6,4
40-44 199 4,9 929 5,8 3912 6,7 317 4,2 4032 4,8 2341 5,6 823 5,2 12.553 5,5
45-49 179 4,4 711 4,4 3150 5,4 253 3,4 3378 4,1 1997 4,8 707 4,4 10.375 4,6
50-54 164 4,1 630 3,9 2542 4,3 223 3,0 2680 3,2 1832 4,4 578 3,6 8.649 3,8
55-59 169 4,2 566 3,5 2003 3,4 203 2,7 2015 2,4 1646 3,9 448 2,8 7.050 3,1
60-64 146 3,6 477 3,0 1584 2,7 151 2,0 1459 1,8 1357 3,2 350 2,2 5.524 2,4
65-69 117 2,9 381 2,4 1317 2,2 140 1,9 1219 1,5 1163 2,8 295 1,8 4.632 2,0
70-74 101 2,5 318 2,0 1129 1,9 127 1,7 1071 1,3 912 2,2 218 1,4 3.876 1,7
75-79 83 2,1 250 1,6 879 1,5 74 1,0 748 0,9 665 1,6 165 1,0 2.864 1,3
80-+ 85 2,1 256 1,6 754 1,3 72 1,0 814 1,0 582 1,4 205 1,3 2.768 1,2
Total 4039 100,0 16032 100,0 58590 100,0 7487 100,0 83149 100,0 41859 100,0 15964 100,0 227.120 100,0
Source: INEC, Ecuador base datos de censo de Población (Databse Population Census / DANE Departamento Administrativo Nacional d e
Estadística, (Statistical Department) Colombia / 2007
Population by regions
With regards to population by regions, we find three aspects: areas with mostly urban population
such as Ipiales (68.7% urban) and Tulcán (61% urban), areas with mostly rural population such as
Ricaurte (86.2% rural), Cumbal (78.2% rural) and Cuaspud (74.7% rural), and areas with similar
percentages between urban and rural, such as Tumaco (53.6% urban and 46.4 rural) and San
Lorenzo (55% urban and 45% rural).
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Indigenous population
75% of the indigenous population is concentrated mainly in the municipalities of Ipiales, Cumbal
and Ricaurte; 4% (AWA community) live in the Tulcán and San Lorenzo cantons.
Table 16: Indigenous population. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007
%
ASTU4 / Indígenas
ASTU 3 (Population
total)
San Lorenzo 1.425 1,9
Tulcán 1.592 2,1
Cuaspud 7.068 9,2
Tumaco 7.419 9,7
Ricaurte 10.512 13,7
Cumbal 19.689 25,6
Ipiales 29.140 37,9
Frontier 76.845 100
Source: INEC, Database population Census Ecuador / DANE Departamento Administrativo Nacional(Statistics Department)
Colombia / 2007
Gypsy Population
During 2007, the gypsy population (known in Colombia as ROM population) recorded 84 gypsies
living in Ipiales, no gypsy population is recorded in the remaining municipalities .
4
Ethnic composition
The ethnic composition of the frontier strip, except indigenous communities, is formed by two
ethnias: mestiza 217.135 representing 48.6% of the overall region and Afro descendants: 152.758
representing 34.2%; additionally, we must take into account that 76.845 indigenous represent
17.2% and gypsy population, 0.6%. It is clear that there are broad differenced in the ethic
distribution by regions; Afro descendants are mostly concentrated in Tumaco and San Lorenzo,
and mestizos although they can be found across the territory, their higher percentage is in Tulcán
and Ipiales .
Table 17: Ethnic composition. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007
% e % t i h % W
ASTU4 / ASTU 3 Mestizos Afro descendants
Cuaspud 1.118 0,5 1 0 0 0
San Lorenzo 4.277 1,9 22.811 14,9 0 0
Ricaurte 4.951 2,3 150 0,1 0 0
Cumbal 12.525 5,8 7 0 0 0
Tumaco 30.702 14,1 129.424 84,7 0 0
Tulcán 78.375 36,1 167 0,1 0 0
Ipiales 85.187 39,2 198 0,1 0 0
Frontier 217.135 100 152.758 100 0 0
Source: INEC, Database population Census Ecuador / DANE Departamento Administrativo Nacional(Statistics Department)
Colombia / 2007
4
There is a difference of 4,494 people when comparing total populations with total ethnic composition plus indigenous and gypsypopulation.
This is possible due to population adjustments or final ethnic composition.
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Table 18: School dropout. Nariño / Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007
% % %
ASTU4 / Pre.school Primary school Secondary
school
ASTU 3 Dropout Dropout Dropout
Cuaspud 3,4 2,1 4,2
Tulcán 5,8 2,9 6
Cumbal 5,9 5,2 5,3
Ipiales 13,9 5,8 5,8
Ricaurte 17,1 15,4 18,9
San Lorenzo 30,4 44,7 11,8
Tumaco ND ND ND
Frontier 12,7 12,7 8,7
ND: No Data
Source: ME, Data base Dirección Provincial de Educación , Carchi, Ecuador / DANE Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística,
(Statistics Department) Colombia / 2007
Schooling (years)
On average, men and women over 15 years in the Colombian-Ecuadorian frontier region only
attend school 6.2 years; the difference between gender shows that men in the frontier area on
the Colombian side show 0.1 percentage point less schooling. In Tulcán, schooling years for
men and women is equal, but not in San Lorenzo, where men have 0.6 percentage points more
schooling than women .
1.3 DISCUSSION
In this component, the axis is characterized by a geographical, climatic and cultural variety
where several health conditions converge and where a permanent exchange of consumption
habits and behavior can be observed, possibly due to the fact that this corridor brings together
Andean and Pacific cantons.
The structure of the population pyramid shows a broad base, children who some years ahead
will be an economically active population, representing an encouraging demographic group that
requires investment in education.
This corridor shows high fertility and birth rates, low life expectancy at birth, poor social
development with disturbing unemployment indexes, poverty, school dropout, illiteracy and high
basic needs unmet.
The rural population corresponds to more than half the region and is affected by the poor
geographical access to urban health centers; this vulnerability factor is increased by the cultural
and ethnic diversity,
[Page 53]
a determinant factor of the existing inequality observed in the regions that form the zone.
The bi-territorial zone also shares specific natural and biological risks of the two clearly
differentiated zones, such as the Pacific coast with tsunamis and tropical diseases and the
Andean zone with volcanic threats, landslides and floods.
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Below are some indicators worth of attenti on in this axis and that may propitiate
attention actions:
Tumaco is the remotest municipality of the corridor (270 km), geographically difficult to access.
It is a seaport and link to river transportation.
The Andean zone is mainly volcanic with some of its volcanoes active (Galeras, Cumbal,
amongst others).
The Pacific zone has permanent tsunami risk, natural risks such as earthquakes and floods,
man-made risks such as pesticide poisoning, air, water and soil pollution.
The overall fertility rate of Tumaco, Ricaurte and Cuaspud show the highest rates, exceeding
100 births per 1000 women.
The San Lorenzo birth rate doubles overall average with 54.03% per 1000 women.
The mortality rate for Tulcán, Ipiales and Cuaspud show the highest values in the corridor.
For the year under study, there is a total of 12,236 expectant mothers, most of them in Tumaco
and Ipiales and in the canton of Tulcán.
75% of the indigenous population is mainly concentrated in the municipalities of Ipiales, Cumbal
and Ricaurte.
Basic needs unmet in the Colombian-Ecuadorian frontier reach 62.4%, ASTU with highest UBN
index are Cumbal (84%), Ricaurte (76%), Cuaspud (67%) and San Lorenzo (65%).
Data for poverty indicate that 65,6% of the population of the border corridor lives in poverty and
26,9% in extreme poverty. San Lorenzo is the place with highest poverty levels.
The unemployment rate is approximately 10.8% in the Colombian-Ecuadorian frontier, and for
the municipalities in Colombian frontier this rate is 12.3%
Overall illiteracy percentage in the region is 15.9%, with San Lorenzo, the highest: 16.9%
[Page 54]
Pre-school and primary school dropout is 12.7% in this age group and 8.7% in secondary
school. In all cases, school dropout is mostly marked in San Lorenzo, where primary school
dropout reaches almost 45% and pre-school dropout, 30.4%, and Ricaurte where secondary
school dropout reaches 18.9% and pre-school dropout, 17.1%
On average, men and women over 15 attend 6.2 years of school.
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Desertion from preschool and primary is 12.7% of those age groups and 8.7% from
secondary. In all cases the ,most marked desertion takes place in San Lorenzo, with 45%
in primary and 30.4% in Preschool. In Ricaurte, secondary desertion is 18.9% and
preschool 17.1%.
On average, men and women over 15 have attended 6.2 years of schooling.
2. HELATH-DISEASE COMPONENT
The development of this component is a better-documented feature of public health, using
information drawn from:
Death statistics
Disease burden statistics.
The death statistics reflect the frequency of occurrence of deaths and informs us about the
period and geographical area. The figures ar e compiled routinely and universally and
provide an accessible statistic. The system of recording is an essential source of data for
ASIS, and it has improved over the years, much more since the implementation of the
International Classification of Diseases (ICD). The causes of death are coded
homogeneously once entered. Therefore, they are important as a means of obtaining an
epidemiological view of a disease.
The groups with the highest international classification of diseases morbidity and mortality
have a high risk of being in a worse state of health in successive time periods. This means
that a prompt intervention in these populati on groups not only eliminates health problems
found but also improves the prognosis for the future health situation.
2.1 Method
The method used to develop ASIS on the frontier for the Health-Disease Component
follows the guidelines of the “Guide for the analysis of the health situation of populations in
frontier contexts in the Andean countries.”
For our ASIS, we will give a description of the main diseases that form the core of the
Health-Disease Component and not the causes of out-patient consulting for the primary
health services and basic second-level hospi tals, and morbidity related to hospital
discharges.
The Health-Disease Component has two profiles, each containing a group of indicators,
and structure through a matrix and history of each indicator; and finally, they are
standardized for the analysis of frontiers. The base years for the ASIS on the Colombia-
Ecuador frontier is 2007, which means that the data collected for this component belong to
that year, unless otherwise indicated.
The sources of data used to analysis this component are the Ecuadorian Health Ministry
and information from its Social indicators System SIISSE; and information on mortality
67$QQH[▯▯▯
comes from the INEC census bureau; and for less publicized indicators specific surveys
were taken and in some case, recourse was taken to subsystems by programs. For
Colombia, the figures come from the information systems of the Social protection Ministry
and the statistical bureau DANE and the Public health Monitoring System SIVIGILA.
Morbidity Profile
This describes the main causes of disease in the two ASTU3 of Ecuador and the 5 ASTU4
of Colombia in ASIS, with the following indicators:
x % live births with LBW (live births with weight under 2,600g)
x % of under-5s with acute malnutrition
x % of under-5s with global malnutrition
x % of under 5s with chronic malnutrition
x Mandatory-reporting diseases
x TB rate per 100,000 inhabitants
x Dengue rate per 100,000 inhabitants
x HIV/AIDS rate per 100,000 inhabitants
x Malaria rate per 100,000 inhabitants
x Chicken-pox rate per 100,000 inhabitants
x Nutritional state of children aged 0.5
x Main causes of morbidity
x First causes of emergency consultation
Mortality profile
This describes the main causes of death from disease in the 2 ASTU3 of Ecuador and 5
ASTU4 of Colombia in the ASIS, with the following indicators:
x Main causes of mortality
x AD mortality
x ARI mortality
x Maternal mortality rate
Analysis by profiles
2.2.1 Morbidity
Morbidity records on the Colombia-Ecuador frontier come from primary attention centres
and subcentres in Ecuador and Health IPS in Colombia. For Ecuador this includes all
those attended to by private health services and dispensaries, and for Colombia it includes
all those attended to by the health services of the frontier municipalities in Nariño.
Intestinal parasitosis ranks first with 43.1 per 1000 inhabitants in the total for out-patient
consultation on the frontier corridor. The second cause was primary hypertension, at a rate
of 27.3 per 1000 inhabitants.
There is a predominance of infectious diseases which are the main cause of death in the
corridor, together representing 138.4 per 1000 inhabitants, with a predominance of
parasitosis (41.3 per 1000 inhabitants), 8urinary tract infections (26.7), acute non-specific
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infection of the respiratory tract (26), infectious origin diarrhea and gastroenteritis (25.5),
acute rhinopharyngitis (17.7), acute tonsillitis (8.3) ), pneumonia (7.6), acute bronchitis
(6.9) and bacterial intestinal infections (4.4).
The diseases of the gastrointestinal tract – c hronic gastritis (10.2), non-specific gastritis
(5.3) are also major causes of the demand for health services in the corridor.
Table 19.Primary causes of morbidity for out-patient consultation Nariño/Tulcán-San
Lorenzo 2007.
No. Code Cause Noo.f rate per
cases 1000*
1 8829 Non-specific intestinal parasitosis 18,617 41.3
2 110X Primary hypertension 13,234 27.3
3 N390 Non-specific infection of the urinary tract 12,031 26.7
4 J22 Non-specific acute infection of the lower respiratory 11,730 26.0
system
5 A09X Infectious origin diarrhea and gastroenteritis 11,479 25,5
6 J00X Acute rhinopharyngitis (common cold) 7,980 17.7
7 M545 Non-specific lumbago 5,355 7.6
8 K295 Non specific chronic gastritis 4,615 10.2
9 J039 Non-specific acute tonsillitis 3,740 8.3
10 J189 Non-specific pneumonia 3,444 7.6
11 J209 Non-specific acute bronchitis 3,121 6.9
12 K297 Non-specific gastritis 2,407 5.3
13 T149 Non-specific traumatism 2,139 4.7
14 A049 Non-specific bacterial intestinal infection 1,976 4.4
15 M069 Non-specific rheumatoid arthritis 1,903 4.2
Subtotal 102,861 228.2
Other causes 144,861 321.4
Total 247,222 549.6
x The population is 338,175 in Colombia and 112,581 in Ecuador, totalling 450,756. Source:
Ecuadorian health Ministry Provincial and local SCI, Colombian Ministry of Social Protection.
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Table 20. First causes of morbidity for hospital discharges Nariño/Tulcán-San
Lorenzo 2007.
No. Code Cause Noo.f rate
cases per
1000*
1 O809 Non-specific single childbirth 1,639 3.6
2 J189 Primary hypertension 1,424 3.2
3 A09X Infectious origin diarrhoea and gastroenteritis 1.408 3.1
4 N390 Non-specific infection of the urinary tract 1,210 2.7
5 110X Primary hypertension 852 1.9
6 0800 Spontaneous single birth, head to vertex 762 1.7
7 O829 Non-specific caesarean section 574 1.3
8 O039 Non-specific assisted single birth 500 1.1
9 O034 Incomplete spontaneous abortion, without complications 392 0.9
10 O234 Non-specific infection of the urinary tract during pregnancy 331 0.7
11 S069 Non-specific Intracranial traumatism 313 0.7
12 O808 Spontaneous single birth, other presentations 305 0.7
13 J459 Asthma 300 0.7
14 O654 Labour obstructed by disproportion pelvis/foetus, non specific 227 0.5
15 K359 Non-specific acute appendicitis 225 0.5
Subtotal 10,237 22.7
Other causes 22,425 49.7
Total 32,662 72.5
x The population is 338,175 in Colombia and 112,581 in Ecuador, totalling 450,756. Source:
Ecuadorian Health Ministry Provincial and local SCI, Colombian Ministry of Social Protection.
While childbirth is not morbidity as such – since morbidity refers to disease – the
chart attempts to reflect the use of hospital services.
The causes of hospitalization by the corridor health services are led by childbirth
(3.6 per 1000 inhabitants) followed by pneumonia (3.2), presumed infectious-origin
diarrhoea and gastroenteritis is third (3.1). Urinary tract infections is fourth (2.7).
There is also a preponderance of chronic degenerative hypertension (1.9) in fifth
place. The other causes are related to complications in childbirth, abortion and
infections of the urinary tract during pregnancy. Cranial trauma, asthma and acute
appendicitis appear as causes of hospitalization.
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Figure 8. First causes of morbidity form hospital discharges Nariño/Tulcán-San
Lorenzo 2007.
Non-specified acute appendicitis 0.5
Obstructed labor due to fetus disproportion, with no other 0.5
specification
Asthma, non-specified 0.7
Single spontaneous birth 0.7
Intracranial trauma, non-specified 0.7
Non-specified infection of urinary tract during pregnancy 0.7
Spontaneous, incomplete abortion, without complication 0.9
Assisted childbirth, with no other specification 1.1
Cesarean birth, with no other specification 1.3
Single spontaneous childbirth 1.7
Hypertension
1.8
Urinary tract infection, non-specified 2.7
Diarrhea and gastroenteritis of infectious origin 3.1
Pneumonia 3.2
Spontaneous single childbirth, with no other specification 3.6
Source: Ecuadorian health Ministry Provincial and local SCI/Colombian Ministry of Social Protection
As with the causes of out-patient consultation, diarrhoea and gastroenteritis of
infectious origin is the first cause of consultation in the hospital emergency services
(18.1%) and urinary tract infections (7.5%) and intestinal bacterial infections (7.1%)
in second and third place; hypertension (6.5%) is another important emergency
service problem. The other pathologies are almost all of infectious origin but we
can also alcoholism (3.1%) as the tenth cause and threatened abortion (2.4%) as
other causes of consultation.
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Figure 9. Prime causes of mortality , taken from emergency admissions. Nariño
/Tulcán-San Lorenzo, 2007
Non-specified gastritis 1,5
Non-specified, asthma 1,7
Vaginitis, vulvitis and vuvovaginitis in infectious diseases
and parasites 2,0
Threatened abortion 2,4
Non-specified acute tonsillitis 2,5
Non-specified alcohol 3,1
Dyspepsia 3,0
Volume depletion 3,6
Non-infectious colitis and gastroenteritis 4,4
Non-specified infection of urinary tract in pregnancy 4,6
Other acute gastritis 4,8
Essential (primary) hypertension 8,5
Non-specified bacterial intestinal infection 7,1
Urinary tract infection in non-specified locus 7,5
Diarrhea and gastroenteritis of presumed infectious origin 18,1
Damage subject to epidemiological monitoring
Ecuador's Ministry of Public Health and Colombia's Minister of Social Protection
conduct epidemiological monitoring of the damage of interest to public health in
each country, through their epidemiological monitoring offices. The bi-Frontier
ASIS considers damage monitored jointly, and that which is of greatest importance
to the public health of populations in the frontier corridor.
Malaria
Due to its climatic characteristics, the Tumaco-San Lorenzo frontier corridor is
endemic for transmissible diseases such as malaria. During 2007, the PAMAFRO
project, and the health teams of Ecuador and Colombia undertook interventions
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designed to mitigate the action on climate change, through a "clean house, clean
yard" strategy, and the strengthening of the diagnosis and treatment by health
volunteers, which was a decisive contribution to the progressive reduction of
incidents.
For the year analyzed, there were 2,176 cases of malaria, and a frontier API of
290.9 per 1000 inhabitants, with the highest rates observed in Tumaco (1,138.2),
and San Lorenzo (848.5), these two places becoming transmission zones
Table 21. Table of malaria incidence. Nariño/Tulcan-San Lorenzo 2007
ASTU 4/
ASTU3 Cases API
Cuaspud 0 0
Tulcán 0 0,0
Cumbal 2 6,2
Ricaurte 5 32,0
Ipiales 13 11,3
San Lorenzo 244 848,5
Tumaco 1907 1138,2
Frontier 2171 290,9
Source: National, Provincial and local SCI, Health Ministry-Ecuador/Ministry of Social Protection-Colombia
Dengue
Due to the climate, geography and socioeconomic characteristics, the Andean and
Pacific frontier corridor i s an endemic zone for epidemics of dengue. The warm
climate and rainfall are conditions which favor the reproduction of the vector. It is
considered the collection of water in receptacles in homes due to the scarcity of
water is one of the factors which causes the persistence of Aedes aegypti in this
region.
The collection system of solid waste is inadequate, and limited in some urban
centres. This contributes to the present of unusable receptacles in most houses in
the region, and they become potential breeding grounds for Aedes aegypti ,
especially during the rainy season, and the risk of transmission of dengue in the
region increases.
During 2007, the incidence of dengue in the frontier corridor was limited to a single
municipality (Tumaco), at 2.4 per 1000 inhabitants, that is, four cases.
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Figure 10. Incidence of tuberculosis. Nariño/Tulcán-San Lorenzo, 2007
Source: National, Provincial and local SCI, Health Ministry-Ecuador/Ministry of Social Protection-Colombia
Chickenpox
During 2007, there were 6,006 cases of chickenpox, or 104 per 100,000
inhabitants, the greatest incidence was in ASTU 2, Ipiales, with 348 cases or 303.6
per 100,000 inhabitants. Cuaspud has 20 cases (244.3 per 100,000 inhabitants),
Cumbal has 54 (167.6 per 100,000),Tulcán 122 (145.5 per 100,000 inhabitants)
Figure 11. incidence of chickenpox, Nariño/Tulcán present San Lorenzo 2007
Source: National, Provincial and local SCI, Health Ministry-Ecuador/Ministry of Social Protection-Colombia
Low birth weight
An analysis of low-birth-weight showed that the highest incidence occurred
Cuaspud, followed by Cumbal, The problem related to several socio-economic
factors, including poverty, education, pregnancies before the age of 20 and after
40.
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Figure 12. Percentage of live births with low-birth-weight (less than 2500 g).
Nariño/Tulcán-San Lorenzo, 2007
Source: National, Provincial and local SCI, Health Ministry-Ecuador/Ministry of Social Protection-Colombia
Malnutrition
An analysis of the nutritional state of children under-5, shows that 15.7 per 1000 of
under-5s suffer from chronic malnutrition, Tulcán being the highest percentage (38
per 1000 under-5), and the lowest Tumaco with 0.6 per 1000 under-5.
The percentage of overall malnutrition in the corridor is 11.3 per 1000 among
under-5s, in ASTU 4 in Colombia, between 0.6 and 1.7 per 1000 among the under-
5s. In ASTU three, Ecuador it is 35.3 per 1000 under-5s in San Lorenzo, and 38
per 1000 among under-5s in Tulcán, for 2007.
Table 23. Nutritional status of children under-5. Nariño/Tulcán-someone's in 2007
ASTU 4/ ASTU 3 Global malnutrition in undeChronic malnutrition in over-5s
Cua spud 1,6 4,5
Cumba l 1,7 3,7
Ipiale s 1,4 2,0
Ricaurte 0,4 0,8
0,6 0,6
Tumaco
Tulcán 38,0 38,0
35,3 35,3
San Lorenzo
Frontier 11,3 15,7
Source: SIISE Ecuador 2008/Ministry of Social Protection.Colombia
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2.2.2. MORTALITY PROFILE
Infant mortality
The infant mortality rate (IMR) at level ASTU0 (country) for 2007 in Ecuador is
12.4. For ASTU2, it is 17.9 in Carchi and 7.4 in Esmeraldas. For Colombia ASTU0
is 15.9, and for ASTU2 -Nariño it is 16.6 per 1000 live births. Ecuador, ASTU3 San
Lorenzo has an infant mortality rate 13.3 times higher than the national average
and for Colombia infant mortality in each of the ASTU2 is below the national
average and its ASTU2.
Table 24 shows that the ASTU with greatest the vulnerability for infant mortality is
ASTU3 - San Lorenzo
ASTU4/ IMR IMR Male IMR Female
ASTU3
San Lorenzo 23,7 31,25 15,9
Tulcán 20,9 19,9 22,5
Tumaco 14,2 14,6 13,9
Ipiale s 10,9 11,1 10,7
Cua spud 10,7 0,0 22,0
Ricaurte 4,8 4,6 4,9
Cumba l 4,6 6,0 3,2
Source: Ministry of Public Health Information System Ecuador 2007/DANE Estadisticas vitales-Colombia
Neonatal mortality
ASTU Cuaspud and Cumbal have no neonatal deaths recorded for 2007. The
greatest incidence are in the ASTU of Tulcán and San Lorenzo. In an analysis by
sex, women are more vulnerable to die in the Colombian ASTU and men in the
Ecuador ASTU.
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Table 25. Neonatal mortality. Nariño/Tulcán-San Lorenzo, 2007
ASTU4/ IMR IMR Male IMR Female
ASTU 3
Tulcán 16,1 25,9 6,7
San Lorenzo 11,8 19,5 3,9
Tumaco 6,2 4,4 7,9
Ipiales 6,1 3,6 8,5
Ricaurte 2,4 0,0 4,6
Cuaspud 0,0 0,0 0,0
Cumba l 0,0 0,0 0,0
Source: Ministry of Public Health Information System Ecuador 2008/DANE Estadisticas vitales-Colombia
Mortality among the under-5s
The children with greatest vulnerability to death before reaching the age of five live
in Ipiales, where the mortality rate is double than that of Cuaspud, which is second.
A comparison of mortality rates, for every child that dies in Tulcán, 63.3 die in
Ipiales. In distribution by genders, there is a marked difference in Ricaurte, where
for each female death there are 3.5 male deaths. In the rest of the ASTU, the
difference is much smaller.
Table 26. Mortality among the under-5s. Nariño/Tulcán-December 2, 2007
NUTEs4/ IMR under 5s IMR under 5s IMR under 5s
NUTEs3 male female
Ipiale s 1323,1 1318,0 1328,3
Cua spud 744,7 634,2 856,5
Cumb al 548,9 694,4 386,8
San Lorenzo 448,8 483,7 412,5
Tumaco 430,0 467,7 390,9
Ricaur te 241,0 361,0 103,4
Tulcán 20,9 19,9 22,5
Source: Ministry of Public Health Information System Ecuador 2007/DANE Estadisticas vitales-Colombia
The highest rate of mortality due to AD was reported by San Lorenzo. The,
mortality for this cause was seven times greater than in Tumaco, which is the
second-highest ASTU for mortality. Similarly, the ASTU of Cuaspud, Cumbal and
Ricaurte did not report mortality through due to AD in this type of in this group of
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the population. Distribution by gender variable from ASTU to ASTU, and Tulcán
reported no information.
Table 27. AD mortality among the under-5s. Nariño/Tulcán - San Lorenzo 2007
Key:
NUTE = ASTU
TM por AD<5 años = AD MR under 5s
TM por AD < 5 añios hombres = AD MR under 5s male
TM por AD < 5 años mujeres = AD MR under 5s female
Source: Ministry of Public Health Information System Ecuador 2007/DANE Estadisticas vitales-Colombia
Ipiales reported the highest ARI mortality rate in this frontier area. For each death
due to ARI in Tulcán, there were 21 Ipiales. Cuaspud and Ricaurte did not report
and deaths from this cause. In the distribution by gender, it can be seen that in San
Loernzo and Ipiales all the deaths were among women, while in Cumbal, men were
the more vulnerable sex. In Tulcán, there are no data by gender.
Table 28. ARI mortality among the under-5s. Nariño/Tulcán-San Lorenzo 2007
Key:
NUTE = ASTU
TM por IRA <5 años = ARI MR under 5s
TM por IRA < 5 añios hombres = ARI MR under 5s male
TM por IRA < 5 años mujeres = ARI MR under 5s female
Source: Ministry of Public Health Information System Ecuador 2007/DANE Estadisticas vitales-Colombia
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Maternal mortality
The Cuaspud and Cumbal ASTU reported no maternal mortality in 2007. This may
be due to under-record ing. The greatest incidence of maternal mortality was in
Ricaurte with 712.6 per 100,000 live births, which represents 90.8 times the
number of deaths for the same cause in Tulcán.
San Lorenzo has a rate which is almost 4 times higher than that of the rest of the
country (62.02).
Table 29. Maternal mortality. Per 100,000 live births. Nariño/Tulcán-San Lorenzo
2007
Key:
NUTE = ASTU
Número de miertes maternas = No. of maternal deaths
Razón de mortalidad maternal per 100,000 NV= Ratio of maternal mortality per 100,000 live births
* Account is taken of the population registere(413) plus those registered late in 2008 (452), total for
2007 (865). (Tulcán 1557, 2007)
Source: Ministry of Public Health Information System Ecuador 2007/DANE Estadisticas vitales-Colombia
General mortality
In the analysis of the first 15 causes of general mortality in the population of the
Andean and Pacific corridors in 2007, the commonest relates to cardiovascular
problems (43.1 per 100,000 population), followed by violence, due to aggression
with firearms (20.2 per 100,000 inhabitants). The ASTU where the population is
most vulnerable to death due to cardiovascular problems is Cuaspud (134), Ipiales
(68) and Tumaco (64), and the most frequent incidence of violence was in Ricaurte
(64), Tumaco (55) and Cuaspud (37). Tulcán and Cumbal did not report death by
violence among the primary causes of death.
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Figure 13. General mortality per 100,000 inhabitants Nariño/Tulcán-San Lorenzo
2007
.
Protein/calorie non-specific malnutrition
specific places firearms and attacks in other
Diarhhea, gastroenteritis, caused by
presumed infection
in the hometed exposure to chemicals, attacks
Non-specific intracephalic haemorrage
Chronic Obstructive Pulmonary non-specific
Congestive heart failure
Hypovolemic shock
Malignant stomach tumour
Aggression with other firearms and not
specified in attacks
Acute encephalic accident not specified as
hemorrhagic or ischemic
Pneumonia with unspecified organism
Primary hypertension
specificationial infarction, no other
attacks etc.ith other forearms and street
Source: INEC Ecuador's annual vital statistics 2008 /DANE, Estadisticas vitales, Colombia
2.3. Discussion
The report on morbidity shows that the main causes of conflict of medical
consultation are acute respiratory infection, acute diarrhoea, and essential
hypertension. Childbirth is one of the primary causes of hospitalization.
It is considered to be of special interest to analyze intestinal parasitosis, not only
from the point of view of the health sector, but also taking account of the need for
constant supplies of water fit for human consumption, since this is one of the
principal risks of its incidence.
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With regard to mandatory-report diseases, there is a worrying situation with regard
to malaria, with high annual parasite indices (API), in particular in Tumaco and San
Lorenzo. These results suggest the urgent need to continue to encourage
detection and prompt treatment.
Tuberculosis has results which indicate the need to give priority to this pathology
inTumaco, which has the highest incidence in the frontier zone.
Dengue does not present rates of incidence which suggest that it is a frequent or
major problem, although there is evidence of risk factors which propitiate its
presence, such as the weakness in the disposal of solid waste, which facilitates the
presence of breeding-grounds.
[Page 70]
Diseases and events which show the most worrying results are in child
malnutrition, low birth weight and infant mortality, which have higher rates than the
national average, in particular in some municipalities. Low birth weight is of special
interest, expressed as a percentage of live births with this characteristic, which is
higher than the national average and in particular, the serious situation of
Cuaspud, where almost half of live births have this characteristic. It is therefore
important to analyze this finding in depth, and to ascertain relationships with other
risk factors, such as height.
Malnutrition in the under-5s is alarming in the entire region, due to the results in
Tulcán and San Lorenzo, where more than 30% of children in this age range have
global malnutrition, and more than 40% have chronic malnutrition. We consider
that this is the most serious finding, given to the pathology itself, and because it
becomes a risk factor for proper psychomotor development, with the appearance of
other diseases or death, and likewise this population in a few years´ time will be
the economically active population of the region.
The situation of infant mortality is serious in San Lorenzo-Tulcán and Tumaco,
which report higher than average figures for their respective countries. It should be
noted that the municipalities of San Lorenzo and Tulcán are the most seriously
affected by pathologies causing death to children under 1, and considering the high
proportion of children with malnutrition in these two municipalities, account should
be taken of this problem in assigning priorities for the events to be intervened.
In the municipalities of San Lorenzo and Tumaco, AD mortality is the highest in the
region; and Ipiales, Cumbal, San Lorenzo and Tumaco have the highest mortality
figures for ARI.
Maternal mortality is present in the municipalities of Ricaurte, Ipiales, Tumaco, San
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Lorenzo and Tulcán, and although the rate is high, it is important to review this
indicator taking account of the number of deaths or the denominator, to produce an
analysis which is closer to reality.
The principal causes of death in the population in general are related to
cardiovascular problems and violence (aggression with firearms). Municipalities
where the population is most exposed to death by these two events are Cuaspud
and Tumaco.
We now provide some indicators which are of interest with regard to the
component of morbidity and mortality.
Morbidity in outpatient treatment
Intestinal parasitosis ranks first with 41,3 x 1.000 inhabitants, in the demand for
external consultations in the border corridor.
[Page 71]
The second cause why persons attended external consultations in 2007 was
essential hypertension that represented 27,3 x 1.000 inhabitants.
There is a prevalence of infectious diseas es which, as a group, represent 138,4 x
1.000 inhabitants, the most prevalent of which is parasitosis (41.3 x 1.000
inhabitants), urinary tract infections (26,7 x 1.000 inhabitants), unspecified acute
infection of lower respiratory tract (26 x 1.000 inhabitants), infectious diarrhoeas
and gastroenteritis (25,5 x 1.000 inhabitants), acute rhinopharyngitis (17,7 x 1.000
inhabitants), acute tonsillitis (8,3 x 1.000 inhabitant s), pneum onia (7,6 x 1.000
inhabitants), acute bronchitis (6,9 x 1.000 inhabitants) and intestinal infections of
bacterial origin (4,4 x 1.000 inhabitants); that are the main cause of death of the
population of the border corridor.
Illnesses of the gastrointestinal tract such as chronic gastritis (10,2 x 1.000
inhabitants) and unspecified gastritis (5,3 x 1.000 inhabitants) also constitute
important causes of the demand for attention at health service centres in the
border corridor.
Morbidity due to discharge from hospital
The causes for medical care with hospita lisation by the health services on the
frontier corridor are most commonly childbirth (3.6 per 1000) followed by
pneumonia (3.2 per 1000), diarrhoea and gastroenteritis with presumed infectious
origin (3.1 per 1000), urinary tract infections (2.7 per 1000) and arterial
hypertension (1.9 per 1000).
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Damage subject to public health monitoring
There were 2,176 cases of malaria, with the frontier rate of 481.6 per 100,000, with
the highest rates in Tumaco (138.2 per 1000) and San Lorenzo (848.5 per
100,000)
With regard to HIV-AIDS, the largest number of cases in ASTU 3 and 4 of the
frontier corridor were reported in Tumaco, with 37 cases (22.1 per 100,000).
85 cases of tuberculosis in all its forms were reported, the rate of overall rate of
12.4 per 1000. The highest rate of this illness was in Tumaco, with 34 per 1000
inhabitants.
There were 6,006 cases of chickenpox, 134 per 100,000, the highest rate
appearing in ASTU 2 Ipiales, with 348 cases, 303.6 per 100,000, Cuaspud with 20
cases (244. per 100,000, Cumbal with 54 cases (67.6 per 100,000 inhabitants),
and Tulcán with 122 cases (145.5 per 100,000).
The global rate of malnutrition is 11.3% for the region, and the highest rates are to
be found in Tulcán (38%) and San Lorenzo (35.3%).
[Page 72]
The proportion for chronic malnutrition is 15.7% for the region, and the highest
rates are found in Tulcán (54.2%) and San Lorenzo (44.3%).
Mortality
With regard to infant mortality, the most vulnerable ASTU are San Lorenzo (23.7
per 1000 live births) and Tulcán (20.9.).
Infant mortality. The most vulnerable ASTU are Ipiales (1,323) and Cuaspud
(744.7) per 100,000 children under-5.
Neonatal mortality. The most vulnerable ASTU are Tulcán (16.17) and San
Lorenzo (11.8 per 1000 live births.
AD mortality The most vulnerable ASTU is San Lorenzo (89.7 per 100,000 under-
5s)
ARI mortality. The most vulnerable ASTU are Ipiales (30.5 per 1000 under-5s) and
Cumbal (30.5)
Maternal mortality was reported in the ASTU Ricaurte (3), Ipiales (2), Tumaco (2)
and San Lorenzo (2).
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General mortality. It is appreciated that the main cause of death in the Andean and
Pacific corridors is due to aggression led by firearms (28.2 per 100,000), followed
by acute myocardial infarction (13.3), primary essential hypertension (10.4) and
non-specific pneumonia (10.4). However, when the causes are grouped together, it
can be seen that cardiovascular problems occupy first place, followed by
aggression with firearms.
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3. SOCIAL RESPONSE COMPONENTS
3.1 Methodological framework
The component of social response, as in the two preceding components, is based
on methodology of guidelines established in the "Guide to the analysis of the health
situation in populations in the frontier areas of Andean countries".
In the first instance, the PASAFRO Project socialized the indicator matrices to be
worked on each component. For the social response component, there are three
further profiles established: resources, services and health coverage, with 18
indicators defined as equivalent to the 23 proposed:
Indicators analyzed:
1. Health budget (ASTU 2 and 3 (specifying sources of financing
2. Immunization coverage, by immune and biological category in children
under one, and from 1-4.
3. Immunization courage coverage for yellow fever in the general
population
4. Immunization: coverage with vaccine against tetanus and diphtheria in
women of reproductive age
5. Immunization Coverage with vaccination against tetanus and diphtheria
in pregnant women
6. Prenatal care coverage (according to the standard in each country)
7. Non-institutional childbirth care given by trained or qualified personnel
8. Institutional childbirth coverage
9. Coverage in care in the prevention of disease prevention programs
(prompt detection of cervical cancer, Elisa test in pregnant women, anti-
retroviral treatment for HIV patients)
10.Hospital discharges per 1000 inhabitants
11.Number of community mothers or similar
12.Hospital beds per 1000 inhabitants
13.Percentage of bed occupancy
14.Health institutions or services depending on level of care
15.Identification of health service providing networks
16.Emergency care services
17.Laboratories
18.Blood banks
Some indicators were not equivalent for ASTU defined (ASTU 3 Ecuador and
ASTU 4 Colombia), since no information was available for 2007, including:
1. Outpatient consultations per inhabitant/year
2. Traditional medicine centres
64
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3. Culturally adapted hospitals
4. Number of hospital hammocks per institution
5. System of referrals and counter-referrals
The local teams, with the support of the responsible provincial and national ASIS
team, work on the indicators established, and the source of data used for the
analysis of this component was the statistical inform ation in inst itutions and
documents provided by the first- and second-level health services, information
supplied by the Health Ministries of Ecuador and Colombia; and institutional
records such as INFA for Ecuador.
The descriptive analysis is based on prioritized indicators, as agreed by the two
countries, which allows us to visualize the availability of infrastructure, human
talent, characteristics of principal resources, capacities to produce the services
available on the frontier, useful information to confront factors that upset the health
situation of the sector.
This section is fundamental to the entire process of planning to organize a
response of society to health problems, and taking into account that ASIS allows
us to define scenarios, and with each, identify priority problems.
3.2 Analysis by profiles
Organization of health services
On the frontier corridor, there are 105 health establishments, of which 91% of first
level, and the remainder are second level. There are 10 establishments with
emergency medical services, 38 clinical laboratories, and two blood banks.
It should be noted that there is a marked la ck of availability of blood banks in the
frontier corridor - one for Colombia and one for Ecuador.
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Table 30. Health institutions and services, Nariño/Tulcán – San Lorenzo 2007
Key:
NUTE = ASTU
Primer nivel = Level 1
Segundo nivel = Level 2
Urgencias = Emergency
Laboratorios = Laboratories
Banco sangre = Blood-banks
Frontera = Total frontier
Source: Health Monitoring Information System, Mistry of Health, Ecuador/Ministry of Social Protion
Colombia
Availability of resources
Availability of human resources
The availability of doctors in 2007 is 2.3 for Ecuador and 1.6 per 1000 inhabitants
for Colombia, but in the frontier region, this is only half those figures, which
apparently means that there is a deficit of doctors in the frontier corridor, and the
figures for nurses are the same - in Colombia, 0.9% per 1000 inhabitants. These
referential data for the frontier corridor do not even reach 50% of the average; the
same is true for dentists.
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Table 31. Availability of health resources. Per 1000 inhabitants Nariño/Tulcán-San
Lorenzo 2007
Key:
NUTE = ASTU
Medicos por mil habitantes = Doctors per 1000 inhabitants
Enfermeras por mil habitantes = Nurses per 1000 inhanbitants
Odontologos por mil habitantes = Dentists per 1000 inhabitants
Camas hospitalarias por 1000 habitante= Hospital beds per 1000 inhanitants
Frontera = Total frontier
Source; Integrated Social Indicators System-Ecuador/Ministry of Social Protection, Colombia
Community mothers
On the frontier there are a total of 1,102 community mothers, the largest numbers
being in the municipality of Tumaco (590), and then, with half the number, Ipiales
with 255; and the other municipalities in Colombia and l San Lorenzo and Tulcán
have between 30 and 65 community mothers. The ratio of community mothers per
hundred children aged 0-4 is 3.6 on the frontier corridor.
Table 32. Community mothers and similar Nariño/Tulcán -San Lorenzo 2007
Key:
NUTE = ASTU
Madres comunitarias y similare= Community mothers and similar
Frontera = Total frontier
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Source: INNFA –Ecuador database Ministry of Health-Colombia
Budget for the frontier corridor
It will be seen that the Municipalities of Ipiales and Tumaco (Colombia) have the
highest budget, but if we analyze those as income per capita for health of the
population living in the frontier corridor, the total is USD46.42. Ipiales, Tumaco,
San Lorenzo and Tulcán have allocations which are lower than the average for the
frontier; and Cumbal, Cuaspud and Ricaurte are higher than the average.
It is interesting to note that there is inequity of budget allocations within the same
country, since Tumaco has a per capita allocation of USD21, compared to Ricaurte
with USS112 per inhabitant. It should be noted that not all municipalities in
Colombia have their own resources.
Table 33. Budget allocations. Measured in dollars. Nariño/Tulcán -San Lorenzo in
2007
Key:
NUTE = ASTU
Presupuesto de salud = Health budget
Recursos propios = Own resources
Población total = Total population
Gasto público en salud per capita = Public spending per capita on health
Frontera = Total frontier
Source: Database of the Ministry of Public Health, Areas-DPS-Finance-Ecuador /Ministry of Social
Protection Colombia
Availability of hospital beds
On the frontier corridor there is an average availability of 1.4 beds per 1000
inhabitants, which is close to the national average (Ecuador-Colombia, 1.5).
However there is an important gap (06 - 2.4) between the ASTU which form the
frontier corridor. With regard to the average percentage of bed occupancy, this is
below the national standard (Ecuador-Colombia is 5%), and the other ASTU,
except Tumaco which is above the national standard. The ASTU of Ricaurte,
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Cumbal and Cuaspud provide no hospitalization services.
Table 34: Bed availability. The perce ntage of bed occupancy and hospital
discharges. Per 1000 inhabitants. Nariño /Tulcán -San Lorenzo 2007
Key:
NUTE = ASTU
Camas hospitalarias por 1000 habitan= Hospital beds per 1000 inhabitants
Porcentaje de ocupación de camas = Percentage occupancy
Egresos hospitalarios por 1000 habit= Hospital discharges per 1000 inhabitants
Frontera = Total frontier
Source: Health Ministry Information System- Hospitals - Ecuador /Ministry of Social Protection Colombia
Coverage of health services
Coverage of prenatal cont rol, institutional childbi rth and noninstitutional
childbirth
The average cover of prenatal control on the frontier is 77.36%, which is close to
national standards (Ecuador-Colombia 80%). Institutional childbirth is in the range
between 17% and 80%, with an average of 50.56%. It is important to note that not
all pregnant women attended to in establishments in the corridor give birth there,
and there is an unquantified population which gives birth in private clinics, higher
complexity centres, and other places outs ide the corridor. The entire range of care
for pregnant women is not present, since for the presence of coverage for prenatal
control to be acceptable, immunization in the same group is low, 23.43%, although
these data for DT immunization do not always represent real coverage, since there
may be women who have a complete DT scheme prior to childbirth.
Screening of HIV among pregnant women.
The average coverage of HIV screening for pregnant women on the frontier is
72.98%; the lowest figures are recorded in the Cantons of Ecuador (San Lorenzo,
Tulcán), and this is probably due to the strategy of vertical transmission prevention,
which started in the middle of 2006, added to the social and economic conditions of
the local population.
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Table 35: Maternal care Nariño/Tulcán-San Lorenzo in 2007
Key
NUTE = ASTU
Cobertura de control prenatal = Prenatal control coverage
Cobertura de parto no institucional = Non-institutional childbirth coverage
Cobertura de parto institucional = Institutional childbirth coverage
Tamizaje VIH a embarazadas = HIV screening of expectant mothwea
Tratamiento ARV VIH embarazadas = ARV/HIV treatment for expectant mothers
Cobertura de inmunizaciones con TD a gestantes= TD immunization cover for expectant mothers
Frontera = Total frontier
Source: Ministry of Social Protection-STD-HIV/AIDS program, API Ecuador/Ministry of Social Protection
Colombia
Immunization
Immunization of children
The scheme of vaccination for children under 1 in both countries is BCG at birth,
three doses of Pentavalent and polio vaccination before the age of 1, and SRP
between 20 and 23 months for 2007. It should be noted that BCG coverage is with
doses applied to children under 1, pentavalent and OPV is with the third
vaccination dose, and SRP is the only dose applied at 12-23 months.
Average coverage of BCG in the frontier corridor is 94.6%, which is close to the
national standard of both countries (100% for Ecuador and 95% for Colombia).
Although the average is good, the populations of Cuaspud, Cumbal and Ricaurte
have coverage of less than 50% of the population allocated, while in Ecuador, the
level of coverage in Ipiales and Tumaco is more than 100%, and this information
should be validated.
Coverage for polio and Pentavalents and is quite low, and does not meet the
national target (100% for Ecuador and 95% for Colombia). It is interesting that
Ricaurte, although it has a higher budget per head, has the lowest coverage in the
corridor (60%) for Pentavalents and polio. The ASTU for Tulcán and Tumaco have
the widest coverage.
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Although the three biological vaccinations analyzed in this section are applied to
children aged under 1, there was observable desertion between the first
vaccination (BCG) and the other biologicals, of 17%. This can be attributed to the
migration flows in the area, the rupture in the schemes of vaccination, unreal
denominators (population), and poor data quality.
The triple virus coverage in the frontier corridor averages 96.6%, and for this
biological, all the ASTU have very acceptable values in terms of national
standards.
The average coverage in vaccination in children under 1 for the entire frontier
corridor satisfies the expected percentage for BCG (95%). It should be noted that
many children are vaccinated in the hospital where the mother gave birth, and
therefore some localities which do not have hospitals show very low coverage.
Likewise, some children are born or vaccinated in other establishments which do
not belong to the frontier corridor. However, an evaluation of access to primary
care establishments to continue the scheme and complete the three doses shows
that compliance is that is far below the standard (76.8% Polio3). There are no
studies to show the causes of this gap between BCG (indicator access to the
health system), and the next vaccination, administered in primary care units.
Nonetheless, there is technical consistency over all between Polio3 and Penta3,
without major differences between Cantons/municipalities, except Tumaco, which
indicates that once a child has contact with the service, it receives the vaccination
which it should receive at that age.
A similar coverage ratio is to be seen in the analysis of BCG and SRP vaccine,
administered from 12 months onward. The scheme of both vaccines is of a single
dose, but in OPV3 and Penta3, an evaluation needs to be made of coverage with
the third dose, which can be interpreted to mean that the greater complexity for
compliance of coverage with in this group is to ensure that the population receives
the three doses required for protection.
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Table 36. Vaccination coverage in children under 1, and of 1 year (Nariño/Tulcán-
San Lorenzo 2007
Key:
NUTE = ASTU
Polio = Polio
Pentavalente = Penta(valent)
BCG = BCG
Triple viral = Triple virus
Frontera = Total frontier
Source: Health Ministry Information System API -Ecuador/Ministry of Social Protection, Colombia
This comportment of coverage deserves operational investigation to detect the
reason the gap between BCG and Penta3 through rapid monitoring of coverage,
to provide more real results. Likewise, there should be proposals for operational
research relating to the detection of the causes of vaccination comportment, which
shows low coverage in those under 1 year for Polio3 and Penta3.
Yellow fever
Vaccinations administered to groups or cohorts, and requiring dosage over periods
which are not annual, generate high complexity, in calculating the coverage of the
population group.
Example. An MEF requires five doses to consider the scheme complete, and the
population group is aged 15-49, taking account that at any age any of this group
could complete the scheme. This makes it difficult to achieve real coverage, since
on many occasions women are vaccinated for each pregnancy, or if they lose their
vaccination card, they vaccinate themselves again. It is also a complex fact, that
this year there begin to appear cohorts of MEF who have all doses for DPT in
infancy, and DT in their schooldays.
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Table 37. Cover of Yellow Fever, TTD in pregnant and non-pregnant women of
fertile/reproductive age. Nariño/Tulcán -San Lorenzo 2007.
General yellow feverTD immunization for TD immunization
ASTUD 3/ coverage ages 1-60 WRA for expectant
ASTUD4 mothers
Ipiales 10,9 14,1 11,9
San Lorenzo 9,64 18,6 83,2
Ricaurte 5,7 4,5 6,0
Tuma co 5,4 4,8 8,5
Cumb al 4,5 6,8 2,7
Cuaspud 3,8 8,1 3,6
Tulcán N/A 3,67 48
Frontera 5,7 8,7 23,4
N/A Does not apply because it was not included in the vaccination scheme for this canton
Source: Health Ministry Information System API -Ecuador/Ministry of Social Protection, Colombia
In the case of pregnant women, annual coverage is measured, and there is a
noticeable diversity of coverage from 2.7% to 83.2%, which implies a high risk of
neonatal tetanus if the woman, during the time she is not pregnant, does not
receive any dose, or if she did not vaccinate herself in previous pregnancies.
In the case of yellow fever, it is common to observe that people do not always keep
their vaccination cards, and they vaccinate themselves again and again, being in
the age range in which they should receive a single dose.
3.3 Discussion
Social response indicators are similar for each of the ASTU in the two countries,.
We begin the analysis with the availability of health services. On the frontier
corridor there are 105 health establishments, and most of them are first-level
establishments: there is very small number of second-level facilities. There is
evidently scarce availability of blood banks in the frontier corridor for Colombia and
Ecuador. The lack of a availability of health and public health laboratories is similar.
5
The availability of health professio nals, doctors, nurses and dentists , both in
Ecuador and Colombia, and in the frontier corridor, shows an important shortage of
5
Doctors 2.3 for Ecuador 1.6 for Colombia (per 1000 inhabitants): frontier corridor 0.8 per 1000
inhabitants; nurses (0.4 per 1000) and dentists.,(0.3 per 1000)
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such professionals
It is interesting to note the inequity of budget allocations within a single country-
Tumaco 6 versus Ricaurte. It should be emphasized that not all municipalities in
Colombia have their own funds. Budget allocations for 2007 in the frontier corridor
are low, with a health income per capita of the USD 46.42.
In the hospital units of the municipalities Ipiales and Tumaco, the percentage of
bed occupancy is acceptable, in relation to the comparison with Tulcán and San
Lorenzo. Average occupancy on in the frontier corridor is still below the national
standard Ecuador (85%) and for Colombia 7 (in first level institutions, 40%, second
level institutions, 80%, and third level, 89%). This indicator needs to identify causes
and find strategies to secure improvement.
It was not possible to note the integral nature of care provided for pregnant women,
since the coverage figure for prenatal care on the frontier corridor is substantial
(77.366%), immunization for the same group was low (16.56%); although the data
for DT immunization will not always represent real coverage, since there may be
women who have the complete DCT scheme prior to childbirth, however, due to
lack of information (vaccination card), their vaccination status is not known.
Likewise, the screening for HIV among pregnant women is low, and the Ecuador
ASTU show the lowest coverage, given the recent introduction of the activity as a
regular service. Finally, institutional childbirth has low coverage in most of the
municipalities 8, and only San Lorenzo and Ipiales have acceptable coverage, and
as a whole, the frontier corridor coverage is modest (50%), which is compared to
non-institutional childbirth of 5%, deserves investigation to identify the causes of
the problem, and to determine strategies to have incidence on the population, and
improve the indicator.
Not all the biologicals applied on the frontier are comparable. The vaccination
schemes for children under 1 which are comparable in the two countries are BCG
at birth, three Penta doses and an antipolio before the age of 1, and SRP at 12-23
months.
Average BCG cove9 in the frontier corridor is close to the national standards of
both countries , and the ASTU with coverage in excess of 100% should be
validated with quick monitoring of coverage. It should be noted that many children
are vaccinated in the hospital where the mother gave birth, and therefore some
places which have no hospital show very low coverage.
OPV and Penta coverages are close to the national standards both of both
countries, but do not meet requirements for useful coverage in vaccination. It is
6Tumaco is allocated USD21 vs. Ricaurte USD112 per head.
7Ministry of Social Protection Decree 2193/2004. Information supplied by the IPS for public health
8Cuaspud 17%, Ricaurte 14%, Tulcán 36%, Tumaco 47%; San Lorenzo 80% and Ipiales m127%
9National standards for BCG, OPV, Pentas, SRP is 100%
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interesting that Ricaurte, although it has the highest budget per head, has the
lowest coverage for the region in Penta and OPV.
Desertion observed between the first BCG vaccination and other biologicals can be
attributed to the migratory flows in the region, the rupture pf the schemes
vaccination, the unreal denominator (population) and poor data quality. An
evaluation of access to primary care establishments to continue the scheme and to
complete the three doses show that compliance is well below the standard. There
are no studies which can evidence the reasons for this, observed between BCG
(indicator of access to the system health system), and the next vaccination
administered in primary care units. Finally, the triple virus coverage in the frontier
corridor has a very acceptable average, in accordance with national standards.
The following are indicators which attract attention to the corridor
The ratio of professionals per 1000 inhabitants in the frontier corridor is too low. On
average, there are 0.8 doc tors, 0.4 nurses, and 0.3 dentists. The availability of
hospital beds is 1.4. Cuaspud, Cumbal and Ricaurte have no hospitalization
services.
Budget allocations to health. The ASTU with the lowest in income per head in the
frontier corridor are to come, Tumaco and Ipiales.
Hospital discharges per 1000 inhabitants. The highest rate of hospital discharges
among the ASTU offering hospitalization services are San Lorenzo (110.1) and
Ipiales (81.2). The average for the frontier corridor is 79.6.
Maternal care coverage. Average coverage for prenatal control in the frontier
corridor is 77.4%, the lowest being Tumaco (52%), Cuaspud (60%) and Tulcán
(73.1%).
Institutional coverage of childbirth. Average coverage for institutional childbirth on
the frontier corridor is 50.6%, the lowest is Ricaurte (14%), Cuaspud (17%),
Cumbal (32%) and Tulcán (36.9%). It is interesting to note that Ipiales has 127%
coverage.
HIV screening for pregnant women averages 73% in the corridor, the lowest being
San Lorenzo (33.2%), Tulcán (53.5%) and Tumaco (70%).
TD immunization coverage in pregnant women. In general, coverage is very low for
the entire corridor. This could be due to under-recording.
Vaccination coverage for those aged under 1 is low for the corridor, in relation to
polio (76.8%) and Penta (77.6%). Specifically, for each ASTU, some exceed 100%,
and it would be worth investigating whether people prefer to move to another
municipality to complete the schemes vaccination of their children.
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CHAPTER 3
SETTING PRIORITIES
3.1 Methodological framework
Setting priorities is the act of selection or ordering of objects, that is, to decide what
is to be done first and what is to be done later. It is basic in management, and may
refer to:
x Population groups: marginalized populations, high-risk groups, those in the
worst condition.
x Regions in the country: the most isolated, the ones with least resources.
x Health problems: most frequent or serious conditions.
x Interventions: the most effective, least expensive, least harmful.
We should mention that the frontier areas in the Andean and Pacific corridors allow
for two types of priority. The first is issue-based, and has been developed in this
document as part of the analysis: a list has been made of the principal problems
which affect the frontier areas in the three components analyzed, and then priority
areas are set, for which we have used the Health Needs Indicator methodology
software designed by the government of Galicia, EPIDAT v. 3.1, the component of
priorities (for more information on the development of this index, please read the
Annexes to this document).
As a first activity to achieve priorities in areas, the guide for the Analysis of the
Health Situation ( ASIS) was socialized among t he populations in the Andean
frontier areas, and this gives a step-by-step guide with a description of the process
required to prepare his health situation analysis for frontier populations, and the
method to be used in a setting priority areas. So, based on the guide, the local
teams (frontier) and national teams, collected up the indicators required, as
designed by the technical team of the six- Member Countries of the Andean Health
Organization - the Hipolito Unanue Agreement. This took a long time, and despite
the dedication of the teams in collecting the data, there were indicators which could
be collected since they were not available locally.
When the first matrix had been completed, the local teams sent information to the
central team for validation and subsequent dispatch to the PASAFRO Project.
Then, 11 indicators were selected, as being those which best reflect the condition
of the population, taking account of the three components, to establish
comparisons between ASTU, and to identify critical areas.
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The indicators selected by components
As is well known, indicators make situations objective for the purposes of
evaluation, comparison, appreciation, and support for decisions. The quality of an
indicator is given by its validity (if it really measures what wants to be measured),
its repeatability (repeated measurement in similar conditions or moments,
reproducing similar results), specificity (it only measures the phenomenon to be
measured), and sensitivity (it can measure changes in the object to be measured),
the feasibility of preparation (reliable da ta, available data and calculat ion), and
relevance (able to express important components in health policy).
The selection of indicators for setting priorities in the corridor was conducted
as a function of:
1. Availability
2. Representative nature of the various dimensions of health
3. Acceptance and validity
4. Generated by routine information systems, and
5. Sufficiently variability to discriminate between situations.
Therefore, we selected a total of 11 indicators, three for the social, demographic
and economic component, four for morbidity-mortality, and four for response to
society. The following is a brief description of the suitability of the indicators
selected:
Social, demographic and ecological components
1. The general fertility rate (GFR/TGF): This is a demographic indicator referring
to the relationship between the number of births occu rring in a ce rtain period and
the number of women of fertile age in the population in the same period. The
period is almost always one year, and can be expressed as the number of births
per 1000 women and women of fertile age in a year. This indicator is useful to
establish general fecundity of the population, and is more refined than the birth
rate, because it limits itself to a more precise denominator, i.e. women of fertile
age.
2. Illiteracy among those aged 15 (ANALF). The literacy rate marks a gap in
access to education and universal right, when the indicator is used in (among
others), to express the way the general level of social and economic development
of a society.
3. Unsatisfied basic needs (UBN/NBI). The direct method to identify critical gaps
or lacks in the population, and characterizi ng poverty. It uses indicators and is
related directly to 4 areas of basic needs of the individual (a. Housing, b. sanitation,
c. basic education and d. minimum income. These data are available in population
and housing census exercises.
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Health and sickness components
1. Low-birth-weight (LBW/BPN) . This variable expresses delays in intrauterine
growth or prematurity, and represents an important risk factor for neonatal and
infant morbidity and mortality, designed to place a value on the conditions of the
woman in a given society, and is widely used as an indicator to analyze variations
in population, geography, and variations of the timing of low-birth-weight, and is
therefore an indicator of infant survival, and an indirect measurement of the quality
of prenatal care.
2. Global malnutrition in those aged under-5 (DG5 ). Malnutrition is a state of
impoverishment of the individual caused by deficient consumption of nutrients
which does not allow the basic requirements of the organism to be satisfied, and
which leads to the impoverishment of physical and intellectual capacity. It is an
indicator which forecasts the state of health of the next generation.
3. Infant mortality rate (IMR/TMI) . This is a demographic indicator which shows
the number of deaths of children in any given population, per 1000 live births
during the first year of life. It is directly related to levels of poverty and development
of the community, and is used to express survival and quality of infant life based on
the level of mortality in early infancy.
4. Maternal mortality rate. (MMR/RMM). The incidence of maternal mortality has
an even spread around the world, and it reflects differences between rich and poor.
The risk of maternal to mortality is 1/75 in developing regions and 1/7300 in
developed regions. Most maternal deaths are avoidable, since there are methods
of therapy or prophylaxis for the main causes. High rates of maternal mortality
reflect precarious health services addressed to this group.
Components of response of society
1. Coverage of those aged under 1 Pentavalent (C1PENTA) : In general,
vaccination coverage measures the percentage of the population receiving the
vaccine in the schemes of vaccinations of a country, and who are therefore are
protected against the related diseases. It is an indicator of the coverage and quality
of health services, and that corresponds to the level of social development
2. Prenatal control (PC/CP): This contributes to knowledge of the coverage of l
pregnant women before childbirth, and forms part of the group of indicators
evaluating the progress made in mother-child care.
3. Doctors per 1000 inhabitants (MED). This is an indicator which measures
resources available and degree of use; the numbers of health professionals are
sensitive in the appraisal of the capacity of systems to provide and extend health
services to the population.
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4. Per capita health spending (GSPC). This allows an analysis to be made of
health care provided in a country and its regions, and to evaluate plans,
management processes, policies, and to make international comparisons
3.2 Prioritization
Once the indicators have been selected as complying with established criteria,
Excel tables were drawn up for the input of data for each indicator, and the project
validated and processed them.
One critical aspect which we have considered in adding up the scores was the
direction of each indicator, such that the final vector would have a single direction,
as indicated by the methodology of the Health Needs Indicator (INS), and therefore
the sign was changed for indicators which were prejudicial to the population, and
they are shown as negative values.
Another aspect which we evaluated before setting priorities was the relevance of
placing the population as an indicator. While this indicator is evidently very
important because it structures all the components, we have not included it given
that each of the indicators selected is present in the population issues, referred to
as rates, and not as absolute values.
The results of the prioritization show are shown in Table 38, in which the
classification has been given by quartiles, and to refer to them, we will speak of
“inadequate” indicators or “adequate” indicators, as the case may be.
Table 38. Priorities by areas Nariño/Tulcán -San Lorenzo 2007
Key:
Units Score
Four level Likert scale
Very adequate Inadequate Adequate Very adequate
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The health indicators used in setting the social, demographic and ecological
component priorities are: g eneral fertility rate, unsatis fied basic needs, illiteracy;
Morbidity and mortality component: low-birth-weight, global malnutrition in the
under-5s, infant mortality rate, maternal mortality rate. Organized response to
society: vaccination coverage with Pentavalents in those under 1, health spending
per capita, prenatal controls, doctors per 1000 population.
The results have been arranged by quartiles, and are coloured for quicker
identification, and therefore the first block is coloured red (ASTU with the greatest
needs or lacks, greatest risk or very low av ailability of resources in the offer for
health services, summarized in four groups in accordance with the headings). In
the first block, there are the four ASTU on the frontier which corresponds to more
than half the ASTU in the analysis, with very inadequate indicators for public
health, which are Ricaurte, Tumaco, San Lorenzo and Cuaspud. The second block
is coloured orange, and contains Tulcán; the third is coloured yellow and contains
Cumbal, and the only ASTU in the fourth group on the frontier with very adequate
indicators for public health is Ipiales.
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81
LEGEND
PRIORITIZATION MAP Capital A STU 2 4
ASRTiTumSaCnLaosTulcánpialelsltGh-Ub9clf1.735.571.74errtfrttritenutrrl/1.r00áiniasb.1
Map 3. Priorities in ASTU 3 and 4 forming the Andean and Pacific frontier corridors. Colombia-Ecuador 2010.
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Stratification by components
In addition to the general prioritization, we wanted to take account of approach to
the values of stratification by component, and the results shown below will be
described for each component, such that when we refer to the indicators of social
component we will speak of greater or lesser needs; for the morbidity and mortality
component, the lesser risk of falling ill or dying, and for the social response
component, we will refer to the availability of resources or otherwise.
Table 39. Stratification of the social, demographic and ecological component.
Nariño/Tulcán-San Lorenzo 2007
Key:
Units Score
Four level Likert scale
Very adequate Inadequate Adequate Very adequate
The health indicators used in the stratification of social, demographic and
ecological component indicators are the general fertility rate, unsatisfied basic
needs and illiteracy.
With regard to the first component, Ricaurte is the ASTU with the lowest value, and
so, the greatest needs; followed by Tumaco and Cuaspud; in the third group there
are Cumbal, San Lorenzo and Tulcán, in the fourth group is Ipiales, which would
represent the ASTU with the best social and demographic indicators.
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Table 40. Stratification of the morbidity/mortality component Mariño/Tulcán -San
Lorenzo 2007
Key:
Units Score
Four level Likert scale
Very adequate Inadequate Adequate Very adequate
Indicators employed for stratification of the function of the morbidity and mortality
component are low-birth-weight, global malnutrition in the under-5s, infant mortality
rate and maternal mortality rate.
The ASTU with the highest risk indicators in the health and disease component are
San Lorenzo, followed by Tulcán and Ricaurte; in the third group, Cuaspud; and in
the fourth, Tumaco, Ipiales and Cumbal.
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Table 41. Stratification of the component of organized response to society
Nariño/Tulcán -San Lorenzo 2007
Key:
Units Score
Four level Likert scale
Very adequate Inadequate Adequate Very adequate
The indicators used the stratification for the organized response to society are:
vaccination coverage for Pentavalents in the under-1s, health spending per capita,
prenatal controls, doctors per 1000 population
Results showed Tumaco as the ASTU with the most inadequate indicators for
population health, which means that there is very little response to society in
accordance with the most important indicators of this component; in the second
group is Cuaspud, followed by San Lorenzo and Ricaurte; and in the fourth group,
are Cumbal, Tulcán and Ipiales, with good availability of resources, and placed at a
very adequate level of indicators for this component.
3.3. Discussion
The results of the priority-setting by areas presents the highly conscientious work
done by the group, with the purpose of providing knowledge on the condition of the
population as a function of the group of indicators of the determinant indicators of
health, which would allow comparison of the resulting value between them;
however, we wish to emphasize that the result reveals that the entire corridor
deserves attention because they are all close to each other, and because there is
variability between one location and another in each component, that is, if for the
sociodemographic component one ASTU is located on the very inadequate quartile
or level, it may be very adequate in another, or vice versa, and therefore, this
should be a small summary of what happens to each ASTU and its priorities.
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The ASTU that need to improve their health indicators are placed in ascending
value by the result of the prioritization, that is, the first in the list is the one which
has the very inadequate indicators for the state of the health of the population:
-> Ricaurte This is a mountainous rural ASTU, with low social and demographic
scores, which place it in the very inadequate quartile for this component. For
morbidity and mortality, it is in the inadequate quartile, with using the four-level
Likert scale, which means that it corresponds to the block with risk to the health of
the population, but in respect to response to society, it is in the category of
adequate.
->Tumaco. On the Colombian Pacific coast, Tumaco has a low value for the social
Democratic demographic component, which places it in the very inadequate
category. It is interesting that in morbidity and mortality, it is in tvery adequate
quartile, which leads us to think that there would be low recording of reports of
illnesses, or that there may be other indicators which would better portray this
ASTU, for the component of social response is the only ASTU in which it is an very
inadequate category.
->San Lorenzo . On the Ecuadorian coast, it has scores which place it in the
adequate category for sociodemographic component. At the same time, it is the
only one in very inadequate condition in terms of the Li kert scale, with regard to
morbidity and mortality; and for the social response component, it is in the
adequate category.
-> Cuaspud. Although it is very close to Ipiales, it has low scores, and is in the
category of inadequate for the sociodemographic component. It is adequate for the
morbidity and mortality component, and again, inadequate in social response.
->Tulcán. This ASTU is the geographical peer of Ipiales due to its location, and in
terms of scores, it is adequate for the sociodemographic component, inadequate in
the morbidity and mortality component and very adequate with regard to the
response to society.
->Cumbal is in the adequate quartile for the sociodemographic component, very
adequate for morbidity and mortality, and for response to society.
->Ipiales. This is in the very adequate quartile for the three components, which
may be due to the fact that it is the capital of the NUTE2 Pasto.
For an overview of the location of the ASTU with respect to indicators by
components, the following table may be of use.
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Table 42. Table of location of categories by components in accordance with Health
Needs Indicators. Nariño/Tulcán -San Lorenzo, 2007.
Key:
Component Sociodemographic/ecological Morbidity/mortality Organized response to society
Four level Likert scale
Very adequate Inadequate Adequate Very adequate
Likewise, account should be taken of the fact that the prioritization for areas will
show that more than 50% of the ASTU analyzed in the corridor have very low
scores for the Health Needs Indicators, and this indicates a lack of resources to
satisfy physical and psychic human needs, which have affect the wearing down of
the level and quality of life of the individual, in factors such as food, housing,
education, sanitation and access to drinking water, unemployment, lack of income,
or low-income levels.
In geographical terms (see Map 3), the frontier shows a distribution with a defined
pattern, in which we can see that the ASTU with the lowest values, and therefore
with the lowest health indicators, are concentrated towards the western end of the
frontier, and two of them (Tumaco and San Lorenzo) are on the Pacific Coast. We
therefore consider it important to see what happens with the nearby populations,
forming a geo-statistical analysis, to discover the existence of conglomerates of
attention.
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Chapter 4
PRINCIPAL CONCLUSIONS
INTERVENTIONS REQUIRED BY THE CORRIDOR
CONCLUSIONS
We consider that this document is a product of vital importance for frontier
management, in the context of the PASAFRO Project, and it is a first effort to make
a joint analysis of the health situation of the Nariño/Tulcán-San Lorenzo frontier
corridor. For this reason, a number of difficulties have had to be faced, both in
obtaining data, and the processing and analysis of information, since the
information came from different sources which had to be reconciled with each
other, amongst other factors, and as mentioned before, this is the result of a
continuous process of binational work with technical teams of two countries,
coordinated with ORAS/CONHU, and this is the source of strength both in analysis,
the prioritization, and in proposals for interventions.
The sociodemographic analysis, jointly with the health-disease and social response
components, allows a profile to be structured for the state of health of the frontier
corridor, in order to characterize, measure and explain the health-disease process,
and the determining factors which includes this region of Colombia and Ecuador.
In this frontier zone, the same conditions which determine its underdeveloped
status become material with potential. The young population with sufficient
capacity to work, variety of territory and climate, agricultural diversity, and the
possibility for organized frontier trade development, amongst other things, are a
source of social investment.
In the social, demographic a nd ecological component , the fertility indicator is
high for the population of the frontier area, and this forces us to propose
mechanisms for family planning.
Illiteracy in the population of corridor, clearly defines the lack of compliance with
policies to defend the universal right to primary education, and this is a matter
which is essential to broach at local level, since it is decisive in the state of health
of the population.
One important group of frontier population has been deprived of basic services, a
situation which expresses the identification and intervention of regional government
and/or the competent agencies.
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The morbidity and mortality component of the frontier, shows that the principal
health problems are related to conditions of nutrition in early childhood, infant
mortality, maternal mortality, deaths from ARI and AD, hypertension and violence.
With regard to mandatory-reporting diseases, malaria should be given priority in
prevention and control. We consider that arterial hypertension is also an indicator
which needs more detailed research and analysis, in order to establish its
variables, and the gender and age of the most affected frontier population.
Maternal mortality is another public important public health problem in the corridor,
and this will allow us to measure the degree of development of multisectoral
actions deployed in these populations.
In the social response component, the vaccination indicator is an imprecise
piece of information regarding the immunization of the population, due to important
under recording. Further, immunization, prenatal control, doctors per 1000
population and public spending per capita on health indicate the capacity of health
systems and required a regular evaluation of conditions, since this will define
plans, programs and management and political processes in health, tending to
contribute to the quality of health services.
In conclusion, this document describes aspects of context, information on damage
and risks to health, and describes the principal intervent ions which the health
sector on the frontier will need as useful information for decision making at all
levels; and hence, it can help to improve the quality of life of the population of this
area.
In the setting of priority areas, more than half the ASTU analyzed are located in
the first quartile, which means that there are deficiencies in immunization, and the
corridor has high rates of malnutrition, maternal mortality, etc. The following is a list
of ASTU which require which need to improve their health indicators, in ascending
order (the lowest indicator represents the worst health indicators). This is the value
which produces the order of quality.
-> Ricaurte -4.16
-> Tumaco -3.99
-> San Lorenzo -2.89
-> Cuaspud -1.97
-> Tulcán 1.75
-> Cumbal 3.51
-> Ipiales 7.74
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PRINCIPAL INTERVENTIONS NEEDED BY THE CORRIDOR
The team has identified the principal problems of the corridor, and as a function of
that, proposes possible lines of intervention in the Andean and Pacific corridors of
the Colombia-Ecuador frontier by component, taking account of the fact that some
of these interventions are in competition with other sectors, and that therefore
coordinated work needs to be done through the ASTU 2, 3 and 45 administrations.
Proposed interventions in the Andean/Pacific frontier corridors
One of the principal problems for the ASIS has been that of obtaining frontier data,
and this is a point to which we should addr ess ourselves, since the availability of
information supported by valid and reliable data is a non-prerequisite for the
objective analysis and evaluation of the health situation, and decisions made on
the basis of evidence, and health programming. We therefore note that it is
important to realize that the corridor should continue to work on systems for data
generation, and in the quality of data generated.
Social and demographic component
In this component, the corridor should place an emphasis on education, and better
access to health services.
Education:
1. The education of the population is the best instrument to reduce to close
gaps, and well-managed education will become a vicious circle, which
begins with the good education of the mother, who is the centre of the
household, and on whom the children depend for good food - a well-fed
child will have will perform well at school, and this will make him a potential
candidate for escaping from poverty.
2. Non-formal education for the adults (formation for employment, formation for
the creation of SMEs).
3. Formal education for adults, to reduce the illiteracy rate in the zone, and to
become complemented by issues of values and schools for parents.
4. Improve educational quality. This is a long-term investment, but will bring
with it the development of the corridor.
5. The corridor has a high general fertilit y rate, and therefore strategies should
be proposed to reduce current figures by programs and family planning,
sexual and reproductive education, and therefore indicators should be
identified to allow an evaluation of the comportment of the corridor over
time.
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Services:
1. Increase the coverage and quality of household public services (water,
sewerage)
2. Improve accessibility to healthcare not only in geographical terms, but also
an economic and cultural terms
3. Ricaurte, Cuaspud and Cumbal are rural centres, and therefore their health
establishments should be prepared to face health problems related to rural
activities
Morbidity and mortality, and social response components
We have grouped these components together because they are closely linked. We
will therefore say that issues of maternal and infant health must be improved:
Maternal health
The improvement in maternal health should be one of the principal objectives on
the frontier agenda, to reduce the risk of pregnancy and to avoid maternal mortality
with therapy or prophylaxis for the principal causes, and for this, the following
should be secured:
▯ Access to oxytocin to reduce the risk of haemorrhage.
▯ Reduction of septicaemia, with aseptic techniques.
▯ Monitoring pre-eclampsia, and correct administration of medicaments such
as magnesium sulphate.
▯ Qualified midwifery.
▯ Health establishments should be equipped with instruments for early
detection and verification of childbirth problems, and taking necessary
measures, amongst others Caesarean section.
▯ Advisory services on STD, HIV, AIDS, and reports of the number of
counselling sessions conducted.
Further, it is suggested that the following be improved:
1. Coverage of prenatal controls (taking account of accessibility, infrastructure
and equipment, human resources and quality of care).
2. Attention to childbirth (taking account of accessibility, infrastructure and
equipment, human resources and quality of care).
3. HIV testing coverage for pregnant women.
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For infants:
The corridor should improve on the following points:
1. Attention to the newborn (taking acc ount of accessibility, infrastructure,
equipment, human resources, and quality in neonatology and paediatrics)
2. Improve vaccination coverage
3. Coverage in the program of care for children under 10
4. Coverage of the AIEPI strategy
5. Deworming programs
6. School meals programs
7. Creation of care facilities for ARI rooms, and strengthening of existing facilities
Education programs:
1. Management of AD and ARI in the home, and recognition of warning signs
2. Measures of biosecurity and protection in the prevention of ARI
3. Personal hygiene, handling of food, treatment of drinking water.
4. Family nutrition
Transmissible diseases:
1. Malaria program
2. Chronic, non-transmissible illness
3. Health education programs
4. Programs to promote physical activity
5. Line of mental health and avoidable violent injuries
6. Coverage of mental health programs
Non-transmissible diseases:
▯ It is important to have knowledge of arterial hypertension, and the sex and
ages most affected.
▯ Programs of meals for the elderly
Healthy environment line:
1. In the school
2. At home
3. At work
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With regard to the health service network:
The frontier corridor has establishments of different levels of complexity which
need to be articulated into a health service network by levels of attention, in order
to provide a response to common health problems in the population, on both sides,
which will also bring together a referral and counter-referral network.
Immunization
The problem of low coverage in vaccination in Tumaco should be mitigated through
support from the ASTU2 and central Government.
The API of the Ecuadorian Ministry of Health is developing software which will
allow personal and historical information to be recorded as of 2010, identifying the
number of doses received by each person, and at what point each person enters or
leaves the cohort which should be vaccinated; however, it should seek
mechanisms which will improve the service across the entire frontier area, since
attention on one side only does not secure eradication of the problem.
Training
▯ Existence and training or refresher courses for human resources in health.
▯ Accessibility in health care (health services provided with quality, promptly
and respect for culture)
▯ Strengthening of the information, education and communication strategy.
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GLOSSARY OF TERMS
Illiteracy. Lack of elementary instruction in a country, where we find people who
cannot read.
Primary health care. This is essential assistance, based on practical methods and
technologies, scientifically and socially acceptable, within the reach of all
individuals and families in the community, th rough full participati on, and at a cost
which the community in the country can support, in each and every stage of
development, with the spirit of self re sponsibility and self-determination. Primary
health care is an integral part of the national health system, and it is the central
function and main core of that system, and of overall social and economic
development of the community. It represents the first level of contact of the
individual, the family and the community with the national health system, bringing
healthcare as close as possible to the place of residence and place of work, and
constitutes the first element in the current process of health systems (see WHO-
UNICEF, 1978).
BCG. Bacillus Calmette Guerin . The vaccination protecting against tuberculosis,
named after its discoverer.
Quality of life. Quality of life is defined as the perception of the individual of his
position in life in the cultural context and in the system of values in which he lives
and with respect to his goals, expectations, standards and occupations. It is an
extensive and complex concept which embr aces physical health, psychological
state, level of independence, social relationships, pe rsonal beliefs, and
relationships with the main characteristics of one's surroundings.
Constitutional Court. The senior organ in the justice system.
Population growth. Population growth corresponds to the balance between the
number of births and the number of persons who migrate into the area, and the
number of deaths and persons who migrate out of the area.
Deficiency. "Any loss or abnormality of a structure or psychological, physiological
or anatomical function. or "an anatomical or functional alterations which affects the
individual in the activity of his organs".
Demography. The study of the human population, its size, distribution and typical
characteristics of members of population groups.
Unemployment. Refers to the lack of work. An unemployed person is a person
who forms part of the active population (and is of working age), and who seeks
employment without finding it. The situation entails the impossibility to work,
despite his wish to do so.
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School desertion. Temporary or permanent abandonment of formal studies by an
individual (Ramiro Espino de Lora). School desertion is an educational problem
which affects the development of society, and occurs principally due to lack of
economic resources or to the disintegration of the family.
Health determinants: The set of personal, social, economic and environmental
factors which determine the state of health of the individual or the population
The public health determinants are specific mechanisms which different members
of socio-economic groups affect in varying degrees of health or sickness. The
health determinants, according to Lalonde, Canada's Health Minister, are:
x Lifestyle. This is the determined which most influences health and one
which is the easiest to modify with activities in health promotion or primary
prevention.
x Human biology. This determinant refers to genetic inheritance which cannot
be modified today with available medical technology.
x Health system: This is the health determined which perhaps most influences
health, and yet it is the health determinant which received most funding to
care for the health of the public, at least in developed countries
x Environment. This refers to the contamination produced in the air, water or
soil which affects the health of the individual, both when it is the biological,
physical or chemical Contamination, or when it is what is known as
"sociocultural or psychosocial" contamination, in which we include
dependence, violence, stress, competitiveness, etc.
According to these health determinants, State public health states should invest
more in:
a) health promotion, so that the population will require for healthy lifestyles,
and
b) environment.
Disability:. The WHO defines disability as "the loss of secondary function capacity,
with a deficit in all of functioning, whose condoms is a weakening of intellectual
functioning and the capacity to map to meet the daily demands of the social
environment". The consequences of dis ability depend on the form and depth with
which it alters the adaptation of the i ndividual to the medium. Disability may be
given to definitive, or recoverable (to the extent that it is possible to improve certain
aspects); or, in some, it can be compensated (through the use of prosthetics or
other resources.
Dispensaries. Charitable establishments which provide medical and
pharmaceutical assistance to the sick, but without giving them lodging or
hospitality.
District. Each of the subdivisions of a territory or population for an administrative
or juristic purpose.
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DPT (Vaccination). Immunizes for diphtheria, pertussis, and tetanus.
Ecological. A part of biology which deals wi th relations be tween organisms and
the medium in which they live.
AD. Acute diarrhoea
Fertile age . The age of the products of conception calculated from the time at
which fertilization takes place. Also known as the Fertilization Age.
Effectiveness. When we speak of effectiveness, we refer to the capacity or ability
which a person, an animal or a machine or device or any element may show, to
obtain a certain result based on an action.
Efficiency. Refers to the resources employed in results obtained. Therefore, it is a
capacity or quality which is much appreciated by business or by organizations,
since in practice, all that they do has the purpose of achieving some goal or
objective, with human, financial, technological, and physical resources, knowledge,
etc.), limited and (in many cases) in complex and very competitive situations.
Defines the cost-benefit ratio in the performance of tasks.
Elisa. A method on laboratory analysis – enzyme-linked immune absorption.
Emigration. Leaving one's own country or region to establish oneself in another
country or region. Forms part of a wider concept of migrations of population, which
includes both emigration (departure for other places) and immigration (the arrival of
persons from other places). It could be said that immigration ends where
immigration begins
And second, a seaport is a means whose basic functions are to provide refuge to
vessels, and to allow persons or goods to be transshipped from one mode of
transport to another, one of them normally being an oceangoing vessel.
Epidemiology. Epidemiology is the study of the distribution and determinant
causes of events related to the health of defined populations and the application of
the study to the control of health problems.
Equity means impartiality. In health, equity means that the needs of the individual
determine the distribution of opportunities for welfare.
Equity. Cultural and geographical accessibility, increased use of health services by
those who most need them.
Schooling. Years of instruction or study in which an individual has received or is
receiving.
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Life expectancy at birth (used in demographic profiles). Average number of years
which a newborn child can be expected to live, if in the course of his life he is
exposed to the mortality rates specific to his age and sex prevalent at the time of
his birth, for a specific year, or in his given country, territory or geographical area.
Life expectancy. This is an estimate of the number of years of life remaining to a
person, taking the basis of the mortality rates by age for a given year
State of health. Description or measurement of health and individual or population
at a specified moment in time, according to certain identifiable standards,
particularly with reference to health indicators.
State. The legal, political and good political organization encharged by society with
the government and management of the common weal. It is the entity which is
vested with the power, sufficient and necessary autonomy and authority to perform
its functions
Risk factor. Social, economical biological conditions, forms of conduct or
environment is associated with or causing an increase in susceptibility to a specific
illness, deficient health, or lesions.
Fecundity. This refers to the average number of children which women have. To
measure this accurately, there must be an precise delimitation of the variable
which we wish to measure, since the figure which expresses it will be very different
depending on whether we consider all women who live who are alive at a given
moment in time in a country, or only fertile women, eliminating those who died
before they reach fertile age. It is also possible to estimate fecundity rates by ages
or fecundity rates by cohorts. The capacity to have descendants, the capacity for
reproduction
Pyroclastic flows. This is mixture of solid particles or particles and gases fused at
high-temperature, which can behave like a liquid with great mobility and destructive
power. Certain types of flows are known as burning clouds . These flows are
classified by the nature of their origin and characteristics of the products which they
form when the volcanic material floating in the hot gases precipitated to the ground.
The aspect of pyroclastic flows during eruption is impressive.
Geo statistics. This is a discipline which concerns itself with the statistical analysis
of spatially distributed variables in a given ambit.
Geo-referencing. Geo-referencing is the positioning which defines the location of
a special object (represented by a point, vector, area or volume), in a given system
of coordinates and datum. This process is used frequently in GIS. Geo-referencing,
in the first place, has a technical and scientific definition applied to the existence of
things in physical space, through the establishment of relations between raster or
vector images on a geographical projection or system of coordinates. Therefore,
geo-referencing becomes the central issue for data modelling by GIS.
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Pregnant women. The state of pregnancy or gestation (carrying a child in one's
womb) is a physiological status of the woman which starts with the condition of
fertilization, and ends with childbirth
Ethnic group. Populations that have maintained their identity over history, as
collective subjects, who had evidence of origin, history and cultural characteristics
of their own, and whose social, cultural and economic practices and conditions
distinguish them from those formed by the hegemonic society, and therefore has
legal recognition by the State.
Overcrowding. The term ""overcrowding" refers to the lamentable situation in
which human beings live or in or occupy a given space in numbers superior to the
capacity of that space to contain them, in accordance with the parameters of
comfort, safety and hygiene (homes with more than three persons per room).
Overcrowding is a very important problem today, since the world population is very
large and density of population is extremely high in some spaces of this planet.
Incidence. The number of new cases during a specified period of time. Incidence
is frequently expressed as a proportion, in which the number of cases is the
numerator, and the population at risk is the denominator.
Health indicator. A health indicator is a characteristic of an individual, population
or environment which is able to be measured (directly or indirectly), and which can
be used to describe one or more aspects of health of an individual or population
(quality, quantity and time).
Health inequity. And inequitable situation would be one in which the differences of
distribution of a good, for example health resources, or the macro determinants of
health conditions, are financially, technically or morally avoidable, do not reflect
free choice, and demand must identify a responsible agent, whether that which
originates it or an agent with capacities to rectify unequal distribution
ARI. Acute respiratory infection
Efficacy. This relates to the optimization of all procedures to obtain the best and
most expected results. Therefore, efficacy supposes a process of organization,
planning and projection whose objective is that the results established can be
achieved.
Latitude is the distance in degrees (and angle of inclination) of a point on the
surface of the earth with respect to the geographical Equator. The geographical
Equator is a line which divides the surface of the Earth into two segments, that is,
the greatest circumference of the Earth, has a latitude of 0°
Lethality rate. This expresses in general in the form of a percentage, the number
of persons diagnosed to have a particular illness, who die as a result of that illness
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in a given period. The term is applied most often to specific outbreaks of acute
diseases, in which all patients have been placed under subsequent observation for
an appropriate time, to include all deaths attributable to that disease.
Longitude. Longitude measures the distance in degrees between one point on the
Earth´s surface and the Meridian, which is known as the Greenwich Meridian. The
Greenwich Meridian also divides the surface of the Earth into two sections.
Lumbago. Pain located in the lumbar region, produced by a strained muscle or
certain illnesses, such as rheumatoid arthritis, osteoarthritis, or a disc injury.
Environment. The system formed by natural and artificial elements which are
interrelated, and which are modified by human action. This is an environment
which conditions the way of life of society, and includes natural, social and cultural
values present in a given time and place.
MEF. Women of fertile age.
Migration. Migration refers to all displacements of the population produced from
one place of origin and anot her place of destination, entailing a change of habitual
residence in the case of persons, or of habitat in the case of migrating animal
species.
Morbidity. The term morbidity comes from the medical and scientific vocabulary,
and is used to indicate the number of th e individuals considered to be ill or victims
of a clinical disease in a given space at a given time. Morbidity is therefore a
statistical datum of great importance to be able to understand the evol ution and
advance or retreat of an illness, the reasons for its arrival and possible solutions.
Mortality. We take the concept of mortality as a characteristic of existence, we
should define it as what is necessarily opposed to life. Mortality is the condition of
being mortal, therefore, of being susceptible to death. However, the term mortality
is usually related to statistical studies applied to populations. Mortality than
appears as a number which seeks to establish the number of deaths in a given
population determined by age groups or specific illnesses, and generally
expressed in units per 1,000, per 10,000 or per 100,000 inhabitants.
Multi-ethnic. This refers to certain ethnic groups identified: in societies, a nation,
people or state, which bring together different ethnic groups, regardless of
differences in culture, race and history. They have a common social identity which
is greater than a "nation" in the conventional sense of the word.
Municipality. (Columbia definition) a collection a set of inhabitants of the same
town governed ruled by a Mayor and Council. A free city, governed by its own
laws.
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Birthrate. Birthrate refers to a statistical estimate of the births of people which take
place in a given place and in a given time. The rate is expressed as a number of
births per 1000 population in a given population during one year.
OVP. The oral polio vaccine. Protects against poliomyelitis
Penta, Pentavalent. The vaccine contains dead bacteria of Bordetella pertussis,
which causes whooping cough, tetanus and diphtheria toxoids, the antigen of the
hepatitis B virus, and the Haemophilus influenzae or Hib-type B. And its application
provides protection against diphtheria, w hooping cough, tetanus, type B influenza
and hepatitis-B.
Birth weight. This refers to the weight of a baby immediately after birth. It is
directly correlated to the gestation or age of the mother, and can be estimated
during pregnancy by measuring uterine height. If the baby is born in the normal
range of weight for its gestation or age, this is known as “appropriate for
gestational age (AGA), while those born below the limit defined for gestational age
have been exposed to fetal development which predisposes them to health
complications, and to health competitions in the mother.
Population pyramid. The population pyramid is a type of histogram which is made
up of bars whose height is proportional to the number of the population
represented in a given place in the world, by sex and age. In graphic terms, it is
read as follows: the bars of a double histogram arranged horizontally on the
abscissa line, will indicate the age groups in the population belonging to the two
sexes, the males to the left and the females to the right.
Population. The set of subjects or events which present one or more
characteristics in common. Therefore, a population is determined by the
characteristics which are selected, depending on the interest of the study.
Policy (public policy). Social processes which lead to the taking of decisions and
their execution, establishing values for entire societies. Policies are major
orientations for government or administrative action in public affairs, interplays, or
processes of accumulation or non-accumulation of power, the product of
interaction between the various actors in society.
Health policy. Declaration or official directive within institutions (especially
Government), defining priorities and parameters for action in response to health
needs, available resources, and other political pressures.
Prevalence. The number of new cases of an illness or the number of times an
illness appears during a given period of time. This is expressed as a ratio for which
the number of cases is the numerator, and the population at risk is the
denominator.
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Setting priorities . Setting priorities is a process in which various options or
problems are assigned values or order, and those which have greater relevance
and those in which an intervention or solu tion will provide an evident improvement
to the former situation are identified.
Seaport. A seaport is an area of land and sea joined to the sea by a navigable
connection, considered in essence as an entity with natural and artificial means or
installations.
Focal point. The term in health which identifies the person who coordinate the
activities of health risk management.
Refugees. Any person who is outside his own country of his nationality, or, in the
case of not having a specific nationality, outside the country where he habitually
resides, and cannot or does not wish to return to that country, and cannot at or
does not wish to protect himself there, due to persecution or to a strong and well-
founded fear of persecution for reasons of revolution, war, race, religion,
nationality, membership of a social group in particular, or political opinion.
SRP/MMR. The triple virus vaccine, protects against measles, mumps and rubella
which, if not avoided, may be serious.
Screening. (Infection) The selection or separation of individuals with viral
infections through the application of rapid tests.
Raw/Gross birthrate. (Employed in demographic profiles). This is the ratio for a
given year between the number of live births in a population and the number of
inhabitants of that population. The numerator is the number of births during the
year and the denominator is the total population (estimated at the half-year,
usually), where these births have occurred. (A7) Unit of measurement: per 1000
inhabitants.
Annual population growth rate . (Used in demographic profiles) the average
annual change in the population size of a given country, territory or geographical
area during a specific period. Expresses the ratio between the annual increase in
population size and the total population for that year, usually multiplied by 100. The
annual increase in population size is defined as the sum of the differences between
births less deaths and the difference between emigrants and immigrants, in a given
country, territory or geographical area for a given year. (A6). Unit of measurement,
percent.
Maternal mortality rate. Of every 1000 children born, the number who died before
reaching their first birthday
Mortality rate. Number of deaths during a year, as a percentage of the population,
or for every 1000 population
122 $QQH[▯▯▯
Birthrate. Number of live births a year expressed as a percentage of the
population, or per 1000 population
Total fecundity rate. The number of children which a woman will have on average
during her life, calculated by country or region. Between 1980 and 1995, the
average fertility rate in low-income and medium-income countries fell from 4.12
3.1, while in high-income countries, it fell from 1.9 to 1.7.
Rates. The ratio between the number of times a phenomenon has been observed
divided into the maximum number of times which the same problem might have
been observed, in a given place and at a giv en time. The result of this ratio should
be multiplied by a constant, usually a multiple of 10, to adjust to realities of the
population.
Vertical transmission. In HIV infections, this corresponds to the transmission of
HIV from mother to child during pregnancy, or in childbirth or during breastfeeding
Traumatism. An accidental event caused by a mechanical agent, which when
acting on tissues with sufficient force and intensity causes alterations in the same,
with the total or partial histic destruction, of variable extent, depth and gravity.
Vulnerability. Due to the presence of a certain number of characteristics of
genetic, environmental, biological or psychosocial nature, which acting individually
or together, sets off a process. This gives rise to the notion of risk in medicine.
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ANNEXES.
Annex 1. Methodology of the Health Needs Index
The health situation of a geographical area or population group is characterized by
a number of variables and linkage. Sometimes, information must be synthesized
into an index which takes account of the various aspects of health needs.,
Unsatisfied health needs are not only expressed in terms of morbidity and mortality
indicators. Given their affinities as health determinants, this is also an important
source of information for the evaluation of health needs (the social indicator focus).
In this sense, the need is expressed as damage or risk to health, or as a lack. One
of the simplest and most robust procedures to calculate the needs in the index is
known as the social indicator method, developed in the United States for the
allocation of funds, and which is still in force.
Before generating in these indicate index for health, there must be a definition of
the suitability of the various indicators within it, including the following
characteristics:
1. That it should represent important dimensions of health. In this sense, it is
assumed that different conditions express needs in different dimensions, such as
health problems, socioeconomic level, access to health services, etc.
2. That it should be valid, in the sense that it measures what it claims to measure.
3. That it should be sufficiently sensitive to be able to distinguish between elements
4. That it should be independent, that is, it should not reflect other indicators.
Once indicators for the index have been identified, there are further problems to be
solved: standardization of units of measurement in the indicators, which will vary
from one to another, prior to calculating a single and summary indicator. A simple
statistical and statistically robust procedure consists of standardizing all units into a
single one. For this, standardized scores are applied (Z scores), which was one of
the most commonly-employed methods to measure and characterize individuals
with respect to their populations.
The scores are calculated on the basis of two widely known measurements, the
average and standard deviation of distribution frequencies in population. The Z-
score for each geographical unit for each indicator is obtained as the difference
between the observed value and the expected (average) value, divided by the
standard deviation, using the following formula:
Z i=X iX
S
Where X i1 the observed value, X is the average and S is the standard deviation.
124 $QQH[▯▯▯
It is suggested that the values for Z should be rounded up or down to integers to
facilitate final classification.
In turn, the Health Needs Index for each geographical unit is calculated from the
algebraic sum of the various Z-scores of each indicator, with the following formula
INS=z +1z + 2. + Z n
Finally, the results of the sum are arranged to identify the groups (i.e. geographical
areas or populations) with the greatest needs.
One critical consideration in the sum of the Z-scores is the direction of each
indicator, such that the final vector should have a single direction. That is to say,
that indicator should be aligned in a single direction, whether positive or negative.
For example, if the maternal or infant mortality rate is used, and one unit has a high
score, this means that it is in a situation of need. However, if the illiterate
population percentage is used, and there is a high percentage, this means that the
population is in a low-need situation. If the intention is to use both indicators, the
sign for the health index needs to be changed (that is, change its direction), so that
they would have the same orientation.
Health Needs Index
In order to generate a health needs index, a set k of health and social economic
indicators was taken (all with the same sign), to measure geographical units
(countries, regions, etc). For each geographical unit included, the values of
indicators were standardized using Z-scores. The result is the health needs index
for each geographical unit, in ascending order.
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Annex 2. Equivalent of ASTU in Andean countries
ASTU BOLIVIA COLOMBIA ECUADOR PERU VENEZUELA CHILE
LEVE
L
0 Country Country Country Country Country Country
1 Regions Regions Regions Regions Regions Regions
2 Departments Departments Departments Departments Departments Departments
3 Provinces Groups of Cantons Provinces unicipalitiesProvinces
municipalities
4 Municipalities municipalitiesParish Districts Parish Communes
Municipalities
126 Annex 65
PINEDA-MEDINA,JUAN ANDN AIZOT,ANNE-LISE/ FLACSO-
ECUADOR ,SOCIAL IMPACT STUDY OF TERRITORIAL THREATS IN
GUADUALITO AND BALSAREÑO VILLAGES,AWA TERRITORY.
ADVANCES IN THE ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACT STUDY GNUADUALITO
AND BALSAREÑO.
127▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
One. General introduction. The principal territorial threats in Awa territory.
ANNEX 8
Social impact study of territorial threats in the Centres of Guadualito and
Balsareño
Awá Territory
Advances in the environmental impact study in Guadualito and Balsareño
Coordinators: Juan Pineda-Medina, Anne-Lise Naizot
FLACSO – Ecuador
[Page 130]
129$QQH[▯▯▯
PLAN OF THE STUDY
I. General Introduction: The pr incipal territorial threats in Awá
Territory
A. The expansion of African palm plantations in Ecuador
1. A historical view of the expansion of palm planting in Ecuador and
Esmeraldas.
a. Factors of expansion of African palm crops
E▯ Figures of expansion in Ecuador
2. The State, Ministry of Environment and the growers: the social and political
organization of the African palm industry
a. State policy and the impunity of the growers
b. Access to land: social marginalization through concentration of
ownership.
B. The timber companies and deforestation of El Choco
1.A historical view of deforestation in NW Ecuador: Esmeraldas
a. Timber extraction: creating situations of conflict
b. Figures of deforestation
2. The social organization of deforestation
C. MininginEcuador
1. Overview of mining in Ecuador.
a. A historical view of mining in Ecuador
b. Potential conflicts of mining in Ecuador
c. Types of metal mining activit y in Ecuador and brief description of
phases of mining.
2. The new Mining Law: unconstitutional a nd a serious threat to the
indigenous peoples
[Page 131]
a. Violation of the right to pre-legislative Prior Consultation of the
Indigenous Nationalities
b. Violation of the principle of division and hierarchy of laws
c. Violation of the right to Territory of the indigenous nationalities
d. Violation of the right to Prior Consultation of the Indigenous
Nationalities
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e. Violation of the principle of exception of private activities in
strategic sectors.
f. The deliberate creation of the risk of disasters.
g. Creation of conflict. An open door to the criminalization of protest.
II. Diagnosis of the current situation of Guadualito and Balsareño in
the face of territorial threats
A. Socialmapping workshop in Guadualito
B. Social mapping workshop in Balsareño
III Synthesis of environmental and social impacts on the palm plantations,
the timber companies and the miners
A. Palmplantations
1. Environmental impact
2. Social and territorial impact
B. Timbercompanies
1. Environmental impacts
2. Social and territorial impacts
C. Miners
1. Environmental impacts
2. Socioeconomic and territorial impacts
IV. Recommendations for FCAE
V. Annexes
[Page 132]
Annex 1: Development description of workshops and participants
Annex 2: Guadualito – Map 1. The territory in the past
Annex 3: Guadualito – Map 2. The territory with arrival of palm growers
Annex 4: Guadualito – Map 3. Health and pollution
Annex 5: Guadualito – Map 4. Central relations with external actors
Annex 6: Balsareño – Map 1. The territory 40 years ago.
Annex 7: Balsareño – Map 2. Today´s territory and pollution
Annex 8: Balsareño – Map 3. Central relations with external actors
[Page 133]
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General Introduction: The principal territorial threats in Awá
Territory
The historical, drugs, social and environmental context of the advance of the Palm-
Plantation frontier, stripping by timber companies, and mining.
A. The expansion of the African palm industry in Ecuador
1. A historical view of the expansion of palm planting in Ecuador and
Esmeraldas
The origin of the African palm plant ations in Ecuador goes back to 1953-1954 in
Santo Domingo de los Colorados, Province of Pichincha and Quinindé Province of
Esmeraldas, where small-scale plantations were started. The expansion began in
1957, with an increase in the area planted of 1,020 ha (Carrión in Nuñez 1998).
In the 1960s and 1970s, the producing model imp lied a rapid development of the
African palm crop in Ecuador (Carrión and Cuvi, 1985). From that time onwards,
the State encouraged the expansion of this agricultural industry (see next
paragraph). But it is particularly since 1990 that Esmeraldas, specifically the
Canton of San Lorenzo was affected by the growing of African palm.
a. Factors in the expansion of the African palm crop
One of the decisive factors in the expansion of the African palm crop in
Esmeraldas lies in the integration of that region with the rest of the country, with a
first-order highway system. The most important highways are: -Ibarra-San Lorenzo,
and the coastal road which joins the south of Manabí with Esmeraldas as far as
Mataje on the border with Colombia. "While the highway network was a response
to the request of the local communities to have contact with the other communities
and peoples, this was the road down which the timber companies and African palm
growers imposed their law, and engaged in irrational extractive activities,
disrespecting and displacing the Afro-Ecu adorian communities and indigenous
peoples" (Proposal for the updating of the expansion of the African palm
plantations in the Canton of San Lorenzo, Province of Esmeraldas, document
supplied by Altropico).
[Page 134]
b. Figures of expansion in Ecuador
The oil palm in the crop is present in 11 of the 22 provinces of Ecuador. Pichincha,
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1
Esmeraldas and Rios represent almost 70% of national production . In
Esmeraldas, the African palm area is 79,719.02 ha. In Pichincha, 34,201.27 ha,
and in Los Rios, 31,977.28 ha. The national total is 207,285.31 ha (source: Census
ANCUPA-SIGAPRO MAP-2005 Prepared by DPA/MAG).
African palm plantations increased fr om 97,850ha in 1994 to 207,285 ha in 2008
(ANCUPA). However, for Buitrón, these figures are conservative. "There are a
large number of companies and subsistence plantations which are not registered in
the growers associations" (Buitrón, 2000). At the turn of the century, some 31,000
ha of woodland had already been transformed into single-crop African palm
plantations, near the Ibarra-San Lorenzo road (Buitrón, 2001, cited by Barrera at
al, 2005:86). According to the Awá Centres Federation FCAE, there are 40,000 ha
of woodland which had been felled to make way for industrial plantations of African
palm.
The major growing companies present in the study area, according to a report
which recorded the expansion of single-crop African palm plantations in the north
of Esmeraldas on June 30 and July 1, 2007, are Palmeras de los Andes,
Alzamora, Ales Palma, Palasema and Gaisa. Those of Labores Agricolas,
Palmeras de los Andes, Palmeras del Pacifico and Ales Palma are closest to the
two Esmeraldas centres of the Awá people, where the study was made, Guadalito,
surrounded by plantations, and Balsareño, where the plantation frontier has not
reached them yet.
2. The State, Ministry of the environment and palm growers; the
sociopolitical organization of the African palm industry
a. State policy and the impunity of the palm growing
[Page 135]
The Ecuadorian State has a clear responsibility in the expansion of the agricultural
frontier, and indeed, of the single-crop palm oil palm and African palm plantations.
"The production of African palm in Ecuador is a clear and almost extreme example
of the dominating position occupied by the State in the development of the crop. Its
actions took place in the context of an economic policy (prices, credit, land, etc),
and in a legal framework designed to protect national production, and in the
creation of a program for research and technical expert assistance" (Carrión and
Cuvi, 1985:77).
At the level of the institutions and Government, the expansion of this crop was
favored by the lack of control of invasions, the conflict of competences between
INEFAN and INDA (Morales, 2004), and the awards made to the growing
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companies made in the context of agrarian development policies.
One clear example of this role of the Stat e is Executive Decree 2961 of August 8,
2002, signed by President Gustavo Noboa, who declared 56,000 ha of the Canton
of San Lorenzo as an agricultural zone, in areas considered to be permanent forest
protection and zones of ancestral ownership.
Due to pressure from the ecolog ical and environmentalist organizations, the
Ministry of the Environment, at the end of 2000, initiated eight lawsuits for the
felling of native woodland. The sanctions from these trials show a certain impunity
for the palm industry: "For Palm eras de los Andes, the judgment has been
reversed under appeal, due to errors in the location of the property. For Palesma, a
fine of US$67,908 has been imposed for felling 25 0ha of secondary woodland."
Ecuafinca has been fined 10 mini mum salaries. Palmeras del Pacifico was
acquitted by the Forestry District of Esmeraldas, for lack of evidence. Aiquisa
received a fine of 10 minimum salaries. The ca se against Agricola San Lorenzo
was annulled under appeal due to administrative errors. Teobroma was fined 10
minimum salaries, and Ales Palma also 10 minimum salaries (the minimum salary
is US$4 per day (Buitrón, 2001).
In the Esmeraldas section of the territory, the single crop African palm industry has
grown exponentially in the last 10 year s, and today it works in the context of
policies for the implementation of incentives for the so-called "biofuels", which are
the basis for future expansion of the crop in the area. Executive Decree 2332
published in Gazette No. 482 of Decemb er 15, 2004, declared the production of
biofuels to be of “national interest”, as a component in the formulation of
[Page 136]
fuels consumed in Ecuador, and the agricultural production destined for the
preparation of biofuels. This Decree also created the Biofuels Consultative Council,
which is accountable to the President of the Republic, with the Minister of Energy
in the chair. The Ministry of Energy has created the National Biofuels Program.
With the development law for biofuels (November 14, 2007), Ecuador takes a
further step forward. It creates t he National Biofuels Council. Its composition
secures the predominance of the voice of State and of the companies involved in
the production of "biofuels" (of the 14 members, only two come from "civil society"
(one delegate from the universities and polytechnics of Ecuador, appointed by
CONESUP, and one delegate from the environmentalist organizations). The others
are five Ministers and seven delegates from the business groups, including a
delegate from ANCUPA, a delegate of APALE, a delegate of the Association of bio
ethanol producers of Ecuador, and of the Association of biodiesel producers of
Ecuador, etc). Through the biofuels develo pment law, tax benefits and other
incentives were set up for investment projects for the production of biofuels, both in
the production phase of raw material, and in the industrial phase (tax benefits), and
it was made mandatory to mix fossil and biofuels.
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
b. Access to the land: social marginalization from concentration of land-ownership.
In Ecuador, the palm growers have developed three strategies for access to land:
▯ Concessions in the Ecuadorian Amazon, granted by the State, and loans
from the Inter-American Development Bank.
▯ Purchase of land directly or through intermediaries.
▯ Acquisition of common land, in ancestral possession, which according to the
Ecuadorian Constitution cannot be sold.
The interest in expanding the palm industry in the north – Esmeraldas - led to a
boom in land dealings. The main characterist ics of the networks for land purchase
shows the ridiculous prices at which the dealers, middlemen, and in general the
growing companies bought the land from the subsistence farmers or the Afro-
Ecuadorian
[Page 137]
or indigenous communities. The distribution of the proceeds was highly inequitable,
since the middlemen sold the land to the gr owing companies at a higher price. In
other cases, and particularly in the Ricaurte area, it was the companies and
themselves who bought the land fr om the subsistence farmers and communities,
as prices even lower than those paid by the middlemen (Buitrón, 2000). "Through
these mechanisms, the companies have been acquiring rights for themselves
which were rights to possession for farmers and settlers, and occupying lands of
2
forest heritage of the State, over 60,000 ha of woodland" (Buitrón, 2000) . Further,
as Speiser states (1993), the growing of palm is one of the activities that
concentrates land ownership most.
The acquisition of land by the palm growers is often accompanied by violent
practices of persuasion an d threats. The pressures exerted on impoverished
populations cause social suffering.
With regard to the social and environmental impacts of the palm industry, please
refer to Part III of this study.
B. The timber companies and the deforestation in El Choco
1. The history of deforestation in north-western Ecuador: Esmeraldas
a. The extraction of timber: creating situations of conflict
Since the 1970s, Ecuador had implemented a policy of concessions over State-
owned forestry land for the timber companies. The wood in these areas soon
became exhausted, and the companies began to access the remaining natural
woodland belonging to the State, indigenous and Afro Ecuadorian land and
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subsistence farmers, by paying rent (to the Chachi), by invasion, by purchase, or
by appropriation of smallholdings and AfroEcuadorian pos sessions, generating
highly conflictive situations.
[Page 138]
There are records of situations of conflict throughout the region: conflict due to the
implementation of the Ecoforest 2000 Project, on settlers´ lands in 1991, involving
Fundación Juan Manuel Durini, IFC, GEF-World Bank, and the company Endesa
Botrosa; the case of the Parish of Malimpia in the Canton of Qunindé, involving
INDA, and the timber company Bosques Tropicales S.A. (Botrosa), the case of "the
El Pambilar property ", the conflict which arose from the implementation of the
outsourcing of forestry control STCF in 2002. These are just a few examples of the
potential conflict caused by of the opening up of primary or secondary forests,
legally or otherwise, for exploitation by the timber companies. One of the general
aspects of the relations between the timber companies and the indigenous peoples
with regard to commercial felling is the s ubstitution of State services with direct
3
relationships with the economic agents . As Chavez and Garcia say, (2004) the
absence of the State has given more power to economic actors, and has meant
that communities come to deal directly with these actors in the case of conflict.
"The expectations generated by the offer of state services are a negative factor, for
them and for other indigenous and Afro Ecuadorian communities, since in their
absence, direct relationships have had to be formed with economic or social
agents based on mechanisms of domination established by the latter, to meet their
needs, and this is beneficial for them but contributes to the destructuring and
dependence of the communities. The internal processing of change is not always
prompt or effective, and the invasion of their spaces by the outside world is
continuous and increasingly frequent, and this causes an increase in internal
demand, and new problems" (Chavez and Garcia, 2004:161)
The access to Awá territory was facilitated by the construction of three roads,
which ended on the boundaries of their territory. At a workshop held in Ibarra with
FCAE on January 17, 2005, in the context of a UNDP-GEF consultancy for
reformulation of the Project for El Choco in the Province of Esmeraldas, Roberto
Fuentes, Coordinator of the Natural Resources Program for the Awá territory at the
time, and according to Barrera et al (2005), states that the timber company offered
to build roads to the communities in exchange for the wood. Guadualito, the parish
of Tululbí, was one of the first centres to enter into direct negotiations with the
Robalino timber company at the end of the 1980s (according to Aida, when she
was a girl there was a road; according to Luz ..
[Page 139]
…María too: this suggests that the road was built around the 1980s, between
1979 and 1985), and this led to the co nstruction of the highway which passes
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through the middle of it. In Guadualito, this negotiation led to the deforestation or
60% of the 2,400 ha of forest (Barrera et al, 2005).
Direct negotiation with the companies may become a source of major internal
conflict, as can be seen in the La Union case today.
b. Figures of deforestation
Deforestation begins in the second half of the 20th century, with the expansion of
the agricultural frontier, the arrival of settlers, and the growth in external demand
for agricultural products. In the 1970s, deforestation first occurred along the coast.
During this period, the tropical woodlands of the northwest were left relatively
intact. In 1974, only 6% of the Santiago basin had been converted into agricultural
land. Deforestation accelerated in the 1980s. Between 1983 and 1993, the
deforested areas tripled from 56,552 ha to 152,222 7 ha, affecting 27.9% of the
area under study. The annual rate of deforestation in this period was 1.95%
(Sierra, 1998:141). Further, the important impact of the selective felling of fine
hardwoods such as chanúl (humiriastrum sp.) and guayacan (tacecuia sp.) must
not be ignored. This form of felling affected area of some 1 km along the rivers.
The diversity, structure and physiognomy of the woodlands are affected
significantly by this type of felling (Myers, 1980). The potential impact of selective
felling could affect 187,000 ha, that is, 47% of the area under study (Sierra,
1998:141). Government archives (ITTO/Instituto Ecuatoriano Forestal y de Areas
Naturales y de Vida Silvestre, 1993, Estrategias para la Industria Sostenida en el
Ecuador, Ministry of Agriculture, Quito, Ecuador), indicate that between 1983 and
1992 2,205,146 m³ of wood were transported outside the region under study. If the
average volume of wood is 37 m³/ha (Sierra, 1998:144), the author calculates that
this quantity of wood corresponds to an area of 60,950 ha of natural woodland, that
is, an average of 6,772.2 ha a year. The data generated by Sierra for the period of
the study (1983-1992) show that 86,107.5 ha have been the deforested, that is, an
average of 9,567.5 ha per year. Therefore, some 70.1% of deforestation between
1983 and 1992 can be explained by the extraction of wood in itself. It is commonly
accepted that 50-75% of the forest canopy was opened up during selective
commercial operations, with the felling of trees and the construction …
[Page 140]
…of roads (Amelung and Diehl, 1992, Burge ss 1993, Guppy 1984, Repetto 1988,
Schmidt 1987). It should also be noted that official figures underestimate the area
deforested by commercial activity. No account is taken of the gigantic losses
occurring during felling, which had been estim ated as 45% of the initial volume
(ITTO/INEFAN 1993). Further, these figures do not include deforestation produced
by the expansion of the agricultural frontier. In 1996, it is calculated that 75% of the
humid tropical forests of North-West Ecuador had been deforested (S, 2001:330).
Esmeraldas produces 60% of construction wood and ply-board in Ecuador (Rival,
2004). More recent data indicate that at the beginning of the 1990s forest cover
was 1,080,000 ha (9% of t he country's total forest surface ), and by 2001, only
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
40.51% of the province remained with natural cover, whic h means some 600,000
ha (Ecociencia, Sistema de monitoreo socio ambiental, 2004).
2. The social organization of deforestation.
One important result of Sierra´s research (1998, 2001) on of the dynamics of
deforestation in north-west Ecuador is that the extraction and exploitation of wood
in this region is related to the domestic market. This is very unlike the general
model of analysis, which describes the relationship between deforestation and
external markets. The final markets for sawn timber are the Ecuadorian furniture
market, and the local construction indust ry. "In 1992, the construction sector
consumed 60% of sawn timber produced in Ecuador. What remains is processed
by the wood manufacturers, and a small amount is exported (ITTO7INEFAN 1993)
(Sierra, 1998:151)".
In addition to the domestic character of the wood market in Ecuador, Sierra draws
attention to another central characteristic of extraction in the region. It is performed
by a large number of small companies or inform al primary producers, generating
long production chains with a large number of middlemen, and inequitable
distribution of prices along that chain. As Barrera notes (2005:75) "With regard to
the exploitation and trading in wood, a network of middlemen has been
constructed, formed by com panies, traders, and third parties who have kept the
price of wood down for the producer. The direct beneficiary of this strategy is the
Ecuadorian woodworking industry, which (…) does not assume the environmental
costs of deforestation (…) In general, the industry is not the direct exploiter of
natural resources, this function is performed by a system of intermediation which
guarantees a constant flow …
[Page 141]
…of trees into the industry". In this sy stem, the primary producers may be local
(family units, the determination of rules for use and access to natural resources are
set by the communities themselves), or external (semi-formal businesses, or
people contracted by matchwood or whitewood companies to sell, cut into planks,
and sometimes transport the wood bought from the families, and in general,
intermediaries). Most of the wood in log or trunk form is extracted by local primary
producers, and represents 31% of total wood production. Families also produce
sawn timber directly or otherwise, and this represents 46% of the wood extracted
from local forest (Sierra, 1998:149). In gen eral, the local producers fell, cut and
transport some 77% of the wood expl oited in north-west Ecuador. The growth in
the rates of deforestation in the 1980s coincides with the introduction of many band
saws in the region, facilitating commercial felling (22). Depending on the type of
articulation between primary producers and markets, production may be
spontaneous or controlled. The spontaneous deforestation is the work of local
families, who extract the wood without any kind of formal or informal agreement
with specific buyers. They assume all the costs of production, and more
importantly, the risk (sudden rises in prices, transport problems), and sell the
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
production to existing buyers in regional markets. Controlled deforestation is
effected under formal or informal agreements, which regulates the offer of wood to
specific buyers (retailers of sawn timber, veneer companies). These are the small
or medium scale wood companies (retail sellers of sawn timber, factories, veneer
companies) who induce felling by providing band saws. By contrast, the external
primary producers extract the wood with capital- intensive techniques (heavy
machinery), and are specialized in veneers, panels and logs. They operate as
intermediaries or contractors for the major panel producers, and are responsible for
opening up roads and organizing timber exploitation.
Commercial felling begins with the est ablishment of formal and legal agreements
with the owners of the forest. The local inhabitants give exclusive rights for
exploitation and their work. In exchange, th ey receive a road, an d in general are
paid a fee for each tree felled (Sierra 1998:150-151). As Razetto says (1995) 75%
of the volume of wood used by the …
[Page 142]
…wood industry in Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Bolivia and Peru is extracted
by small-scale producers, and sold to middlemen or major companies.
At the level of the polit ical organization of deforestation, it should be noted that the
large-scale exploitation of forest resources by the timber industry has implied a
series of "strategies protected by laws and regulations regarding forest resources,
and the ownership and land ownership . One common legal form has been land
concessions for the exploitatio n of wood in the State´s Forestry Heritage”.
(Barrera, 2005:75). According to INDA figures between November 1997 and March
2000 8,334.36 ha were delivered to Botrosa, and 189,867.52 v ha to Endea, in the
province of Esmeraldas. The State as is identified as being one of those
responsible for the rapid loss of forest
In the case of the Awá territory, despite the off icial position of FCAE, that it does
not allow exploitation for and by t he timber companies in the region, buyers and
middlemen for these companies exert pressure to enter into direct negotiations
with some centres. FCAE denounced the situat ion to the Ministry of Environment,
which "admitted its inability to control corruption of public servants, themselves,
and has not offered any kind of some spec ific support for the Awá to end illegal
extraction, and the constant pressure s of the timber companies" (Barrera,
2005:77). In the face of this situation, FCAE decided to play the role of
intermediary. However, illegal felling or spontaneous deforestation continues to be
an important trend in the Awá territory, and the inequitable pattern of the
distribution of resources along the produc tion chain has been maintained. In order
to counter these threats, FCAE and international conservationist organizations as
well as cooperation agencies and local en vironmental organizations have been
promoting programs for sustainable forest management (MFS), and transformation
of wood (CTF.)
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
C. Mining in Ecuador
1. A general view of mining in Ecuador
A historical look at mining in Ecuador
"As we know [mining] has been a mo del cause of profitable activity in economic
terms, …
[Page 143]
…a source of political jobbery in social terms, and authoritarian in political terms"
Alberto Acosta
Mining has never represented an important element in the national economy of
Ecuador. However, successive governments and the mining sector itself have
acted to transform the country into a binding producer in preference to other uses
of the soil, such as agriculture, and the protection of biodiversity. In the last ten
years, legal and political mechanisms have be en developed to ex pand mining in
Ecuador.
The exploitation of metal minerals has been a factor for many years in Ecuador, at
small-scale. Gold is the main mineral extr act exploited since the beginning of the
20th century, in the area of Zaruma and Portovelo, in the south-west.
¾ The 1960s- the "Development Decade"
In this decade, the recommendations of ECLAC were applied, and measures
designed to avoid popular uprisings were introduced, including the agrarian reform,
the substitution of imports with State suppor t for private industry, or State
intervention. In mining, the first General Mining Law had been passed in 1937,
along with the law of Gold Deposits, for mining used as a subsistence activity.
¾ The military dictatorships, "Petrolism "
The mining sector began to structure itself in the 1970s. The Mining Development
Law of 1974, in addition to ratify ing the State ownership of mineral resources,
establishes the State's power to engage in mining activities directly or otherwise.
The mining industry has been styled as "a public utility", and the commercialization
of minerals extracted exclusively belongs to the State" (Mining Diagnosis of
Ecuador, in a document supplied by Alberto Acosta). Small mining was promoted,
encouraging the formation of cooperatives of small and medium producers.
Conflicts arose due to invasion and seizure, against international concessions.
¾ The economic crisis of the 1980s
The 1980s is known a "the Lost Decade" in Latin America. The world recession,
140 $QQH[▯▯▯
and the effect of adjustment programs improved in posed by the IMF and World
Bank dealt harsh blows to the "peripheral" economies. In the field of mining,
neoliberalism was the spirit of Decree-Law 06 which…
[Page 144]
… implemented the Mining Law of 1985. Aft er 1986, there was an aggressive
exploration campaign by local and foreign companies throughout Ecuador.
¾ Business model and public corruption: the 1990s
As of 1990, the sector became consolidated, protected by new State laws. In legal
terms, in the decade 1991-2000, settleme nts were legalized, mining rights were
allocated, a single ministerial authority was created, and an administrative authority
came into being. In 1991, Law 126, the Mining Law, was introduced, with a regime
of concessions, and the first environmental regulations. But this was soon
considered to be insufficient to generate a process of private investment. The law
recognizes the figures of cooperative mining and mining condominiums, in addition
to the delivery of assistance to these org anizations. After 1995, the Ministry of
Energy and Mines, with World Bank finance, implemented the PRODEMINCA
project, to encourage the growth of mining activities, with the participation of
private capital in the best possible conditions.
¾ The neoliberal model, 2000-2009
In 2000, Law 126 was reshaped into a neol iberal form. The legal context for its
provisions on mining, since 1991, contained rather weak rules about environmental
prevention. However, the 200 reform was disastrous for Ecuador. It was prepared
in the context of the World Bank PRODEMINCA project, and was intended to open
up Ecuador to transnational mining industry 4, through a liberalization of mining
activity, consistent with the adjustment policies applied in Ecuador by governments
friendly to consensus with Washington. Th is legislation established what could we
could call a “mining absolutism”. It stipulated that concessions could not be
extinguished by environmental damage or for social ill-effects. "In other words, this
important reform fostered attractive co nditions for mining and large-scale mining
investment on disastrous conditions for Ecuador, such that, as noted, even for the
Government, this law turned out to be tremendously prejudicial to the interests of
the State and to local communities affected by that activity" (Diagnóstico legal de la
minería en Ecuador, INREDH).
4
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[Page 145]
Today, as a result of the opening up of the country to large-scale industrial mining,
activities of exploration and exploitation of mi nes are progressing in many different
places. "The area intended for development of mining exploitation covers more
than 20% of Ecuadorian territory, that is, 5,629,751 ha of soil for mining
concessions, which include protected area s, protective forest zones, indigenous
territories, zones with archaeological remains, protected areas, high slope zones,
agricultural land, and in some cases, all these characteristics come together in a
single mining concession "(Mining di agnosis in Ecuador, document provided by
Alberto Acosta).
It should be noted again, that the contribut ion of mining to GDP is minimal.
Nonetheless, it is considered that Ecuador's mining potential is equivalent to 70%
of the current value of its oi l reserves. "In geographical terms, in 2008, 31.99% of
concessions (1,728) are concentrated in the south of Ecuador. El Oro, 7.21%: Loja,
14.69% and Zamora Chinchipe, 10.08%" (ibid).
Today, major transnational mining companies in Ecuador include Iamgold
(Toronto), International Minerals Company, (Scottsdale Arizona), Corriente
Resources/Ecuacorrientes (Vancouver), and Kinross Gold (Toronto). Iamgold and
IMC have their largest projects in the province of Azuay, and Corrientes and
Kinross are in Zamora Chinchipe and Morona Santiago. Other companies are
Dynasty Minerals and Metals, with their main projects in El Oro, Loja and Zamora
Chinchipe; Salazar Resources in Azuay, Bolívar and Pichnicha; Nortec Ventures in
Azuay; Atlas Moly, Cornerstone Resources, Channel Resources and Coastport are
in Azuay and Loja.
Below is a map of Ecuador's mining concess ions, as at March 2007 (source:
DECOIN), and a mining concessions ma p for the life corridor Chiles-Mataje
(source: Altropico).
[Page 146]
142 $QQH[▯▯▯
..
Yellow: Inactive Inactive
GrepeoIness
Blue Granted
[Page 147]
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
MINING CONCESSION MAP IN THE LIFE CORRIDOR CHILES-MATAJE
[Page 148]
144 $QQH[▯▯▯
b. Potential conflict in mining in Ecuador
Socio-environmental conflict related to the mining industry has proliferated in
recent years (see social impact of mining in this report). Below, the map shows that
mining concessions in many cases are superimposed on territories of indigenous
peoples and nationalities, and the potential for conflict of mining in Ecuador can be
plainly seen.
Map of indigenous peoples in Ecuador: in pink, the mining concessions to the
adverse effects to indigenous territories
Source: Mining Diagnosis of Ecuador, document supplied by Alberto Acosta
[Page 149]
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Map of Ecuador. In Red hands are showing the resistance ofhe various populations of
Ecuador to mining exploitation, and mo st coincide with the corridor of mining
concessions.
Source: Mining Diagnosis of Ecuador, document supplied by Alberto Acosta
5
C. Types of metal mining activity in Ecuador , and description of the different
phases of mining.
- Typology
[Page 150]
In the first place, a distinction must be made between two general types of mining:
mining for metal minerals, and mining for non-metal minerals . 6
x Medium and large mining projects
"In metal mining, medium and large-size bu siness activity is still marginal. In the
last 10 years, most of the local and foreign companies have engaged in exploration
activities. Some have left, due to the fall in the international prices of gold, and also
▯
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146 $QQH[▯▯▯
due to conflict with local populations" (Sandoval, 2002).
x Small-scale mining
Small-scale mining may be defined as an urban activity which is somewhere
between partisan or subsistence mining and medium-sized commercial mining. It is
the most important set segment in mining in Ecuador "due to the large amount of
material extracted and processed, and because it concentrates the majority of the
workforce reported for the mining sect or" (Sandoval, 2002). Small-scale mining
was fundamentally organized into cooperatives, making way for the mining
associations in the 1990s.
x Subsistence and Artisan mining.
Subsistence mining is defined as "that which mainly uses manual instruments, and
typically is a family activity, extracting small quantities of mineral, which serve to
sustain the family economy directly or as a complement" (Sandoval, 2002). "In
metal mining, artisan activities are scattered in areas which traditionally there has
been the extraction of gold" (ibid)
▯ Phases in the mining process
x Prospecting
The first stage in a mining process con sists of the searc h for areas containing
minerals to be developed into mining proje cts, through the collection of rock
samples and sediment to confirm the existence or otherwise of minerals, and it can
be said that this is the least offensive part of the process.
[Page 151]
x Exploration
In this phase, the deposit is located, its metal content is verified, and studied for
profitability. In this phase,camps, and roads are constructed, highways are
opened, heavy machinery such as giant trucks is brought in, and power lines are
installed, amongst other things.
x Production
This mainly consists of preparation of the deposit, and extraction and transport of
minerals.
x Treatment
147$QQH[▯▯▯
The treatment of minerals extracted is intended to raise useful content. This
involves milling (stone and rock) in enormous mi lls. In other words, it is a set of
physical, chemical and metallurgical processes, to which the mineral is subjected
after exploitation, in order to raise its useful content" (Article 7-Phases of mining
activity).
x Forgingosrmelting
The use of fire to raise the level content of the metal.
x Refining
The process intended to convert metallic products into high-purity metal (Article 27,
Phases of mining activity).
x Commercialization
Dealing in minerals
x Closedown andrehabilitation
This phase consists of work related to the closedown of operations and the
restoration of the area intervened by the mine, amongst others. Costs may be very
high.
Each phase of the mining activity genera tes different social and environmental
impacts (see Synthesis).
[Page 152]
2. The new Mining Law . An unconstitutional law and a serious threat to the
indigenous peoples
The new law came into ef fect with its publicat ion in the official Gazette Registro
Oficial 517 of Thursday, January 29, 2009. In general, the law regulates the
granting of mining concessions. "Concessions may not be delivered to persons
who have had any conflict of interest in the se ctor. According to the version of the
law, the activity is prohibited in protected areas, and it is said that in order to initiate
an activity in this area, it will be mandatory to have permits from the appropriate
ministries, from The Telecommunications Department, from the civil aviation
authority DAC, and from the Cultural Heritage Institute IPC. Mining territories, in
their widest extent, will be reordered in accordance with the National Development
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Plan. Sanctions will be set for illegal exploitation, clandestine dealing, invasion into
mining areas, etc. With regards to royal ties, it is established that a mining
concession will pay not less than 5% on ma rginal sales, in addition to 25% income
tax, and 12% of profits as determined in the la w. In general, 60% of royalties
should be used in productive projects through the Municipalities, and 50% of that to
Government agencies. Further, all forms of precarious employment and the
contracting of Ecuador in personnel will be regulated" (source: INREDH).
The opposition of social and indigenous movements to this law, and consequent
mobilizations, were immediate. The ma in arguments of civil society and some
lawyers are given below:
The law presents a series of violations. "The system of approval and the content of
several articles of the law are contrary to the Constitution and to international
human rights protection instruments" (source: INREDH). They are harmful to the
indigenous peoples specifically. For this reason, CONAIE and representatives of
the water system of certain parishes and communities in Azuay proposed an action
for unconstitutionality against the law. This was a collective effort, in which other
organizations such as INREDH, Pachamama, Lianas, the Amazon Legal Network
RAMA, and Acción Ecológica, also took part as advisers.
[Page 153]
The visible violations of the Constitution and other legal errors are synthesized
below, as taken from the current Mining Law. The information given here was
compiled from three main sources: the article by INREDH " Diagnótico Legal de la
minería en Ecuador ” http:www.biodiversidadla.org/content/vi ew/full/50457; the
open letter of Alberto Acosta to the members of Constitutional Tribunal, an article
of Mario Melo “LEY DE MINERÍA NO RESPETA LOS DERECHOS COLECTIVOS
Y ES INCONSTITUCIONAL".
a. Violation of the right to prior consultation of the indigenous nationalities
The Mining Law was not consulted with the indigenous peoples, communities or
nationalities before adoption. That is unconstitutional, since the Constitution
recognizes consultation prior to legislation for the indigenous communities, peoples
and nationalities. This matter is regulated in Section 37.17, in which it says that the
indigenous communities, peoples and nationalities must " be consulted prior to the
adoption of a legislative measure which may aff ect any of their collective rights ".
Further, the decision to validate the Mining Law should have complied with the
terms of Article 6 of ILO Convention 169 on indigenous and tribal peoples, of which
Ecuador is a party, that is “a) to consult with interested peoples through
appropriate procedures, and in particular, through their representative institutions,
whenever there are legislative or administr ative measures which may affect them
directly". There was no prior consultation by the State, either of the national
community, nor of the indigenous nationalities of Ecuador . The Mining Law
149$QQH[▯▯▯
was adopted in violation of Section 57.17 of the Constitution and Article 6 of ILO
Convention 169, and therefore, since th e procedure or by the Constitution was not
followed, and the Mining Law is unconstitutional in form.
b. Violation of the principle of division and hierarchy in laws
Final Provision 2 of the Law is openly unconstitutional and arbitrary. It says that
"The norms of the Mining Law prevail o ver other laws, and may only be
amended or repealed by express pro vision of another law specifically
destined for that purpose". The Constitution of the Republic of Ecuador, Chapter
2, Functions of the Legislature, Section 3. Legislative Procedure, …
[Page 154]
…Article 133 states as follows: "Laws will be organic and ordinary. Organic laws
are 1. Those that regulate the or ganization and functioning of its divisions created
by the Constitution. 2. Those that regulate the exercise of constitutional rights and
guarantees. 3. Those that regulate the organization, competences, powers and
functioning of autonomous decentralized adm inistration. 4. Those related to the
regime of political parties and the electoral system. The issue, reform, repeal and
construction of a generally ma ndatory nature of organic laws will require an
absolute majority of the members of the Nati onal Assembly. Other laws will be
ordinary laws, and may not amend or prevail over an organic law".
Therefore, and in accordance with the matter in question, t he Mining Law is an
ordinary law, and as such cannot amend or prevail over organic laws. When it
imposes the character and hierarchy of the law in final provision 2, it is stated that
"its norms will prevail over other laws", there is an attempt to invent, outside the
provisions of the Constitution, a denomination which does not exist, and even less,
does not respond to the hierarchical order established by the Constitution, that is, it
is a piece of legislation whose character and hierarchical order has not been
defined, and this places it totally outside the Constitutional legal order, contrary to
respect for the block of constitutionality of rights, and that is sufficient reason for
the entire Mining Law to be declared unconstitutional. Laws which regulate
economic and productive en vironments cannot be senior to laws which
regulate human rights, as might be the law of food sovereignty, or the law of
water, amongst others.
F▯ Violation of the rights to territory of the indigenous nationalities
The Mining Law in force contains precepts that allow displacement, division and
encumbrance of the territory of indigenous nationalities, through the monetary
and discretionary establishment of easements for mining activities.
Articles 15, 28, 59, 100 and 103 contravene Articles 57(4), 57(8)) and 57 (11) of
the Constitution of the Republic of Ecuador.…
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
[Page 155]
…
"Article 15. Public utility. Mining activities are declared to be a public utility in all
their phases, within mining concessions and ot herwise. In consequence, the
constitution of easements as neces sary will be in order, within the context and
limits established in this Law, considering the prohibition and the exception
indicated in Article 407 of the Constitution of the Republic of Ecuador.
Article 59. Complementary constructions and installations . The holders of
mining concessions may construct and install within their concessions treatment
plants, forges and refining installa tions, waste accumulation deposits, buildings,
camps, deposits, ducts, pumping plants and motors, ditches, workshops, electricity
transmission lines, ponds, communications systems, roads, railways, and other
systems of local transport, canals, docks, and other means of embarkation, and
may enter into activities as required for the development of their operations and
installations, subject to the terms of this Law, to current environmental law, and to
all other provisions of law corresponding to it, su bject to agreement with the owner
of the service, or, if related easements have been given, in accordance with the
terms of the Constitution of the Republic, this law, and general regulations.
Article 100. Types of easement. From the moment at which a mining concession
is established, all the installation of treatment plants, forges or refining facilities are
authorized, the surface of the property will be subject to the following easements:
a) that of being completely occupied as required for the installations and
constructions proper to the mining activity. The holder of the mining concession will
mandatorily pay the owner of the property a sum of money for the use and
enjoyment of the easements, and also make payment for damages caused. If there
is no agreement, the Mining Regu lation and Control Agency will determine that
amount; b) easements for rights of wa y, water supplies, railways, aerodromes,
ramps, causeways, conveyor belts, and other systems of transport and location; c)
Those established in the law for the regime of electricity sector, for electricity
installations; and, d) Others as necessary to develop mining activities.
Article 103. Constitution and extinction of easements . The constitution of an
easement over a property, free area or concessions, is essentially transitory, and
will be granted through public deed, and if ordered by a resolution of the Mining
Regulation and Control Agency, it will be registered. These instruments will be
entered on the Mining Register. These easements are extinguished along with
mining rights, and may not be used for purposes …
[Page 156]
… other than those proper to the concession or plant; and may be expanded or
restricted depending on the activities of the concession or plant."
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
The Mining Law also states that "liberty of prospecting", which allows any person to
invade the territory of the indigenous nationalities in order to undertake prospecting
work:
Article 28. Freedom of to prospect . Any individual or legal entity, whether
Ecuadorian or not, public or mixed or private, or community, association, family or
independent, except those prohib ited by the Constitution and this Law, may freely
prospect, in order to search for mineral substances, except in protected areas and
those contained within the boundaries of the mining concessions, in urban areas,
populations, archaeological zones, assets declared to be a public utility, and
special mining areas. In these cases, a favourable administrative act must be
obtained in advance, as referred to in Article 26 above".
Analysis:
Article 5 7.4 of the Constitution contains the rights of indigenous communes,
communities, peoples and nationalities to terr itory; and it establishes that " the
territories of the indigenous peoples and na tionalities will be inalienable,
may not be embargoed, and are indivisible. ” This provision is also breached by
the Mining Law. An easement is a form of dividing property, since the owner
continues to be such, but the effective control of the land passes to a third
party. This is equivalent to the po ssibility of dividing indigenous territory,
and indeed, to embargo on it.
Therefore, Articles 15, 28, 100 and 103 are in violation of the rights of the
indigenous nationalities to territory.
The Mining Law violates the "indivisibility of the indigenous to the territories
of the indigenous peoples and nationalities”, since Articles 15, 28, 59, 100 and
103 of the Mining Law allowed mandato ry easements over the territories of
indigenous peoples, and the right to receive indemnities for them. In other words,
the law permits that the ter ritory should be occupied and must be subject to rights
of way, (due to installations and constructions proper to the mining activity; transit,
water supplies, railway lines, aerodromes, any other system of transport and
communications, and anything useful to mining act ivity: Article 100), and only
provides for an indemnity to be paid to the owner of the territory. Further, the …
[Page 157]
… owners of the mining concessions "may agree" on easements with the owners
of the property (Article 101). The word "may"-meaning an optional possibility-
should not be confused with the word "must", which indicates an obligation. The
owner of the property does not have the option to deny or oppose an
easement.
- The Mining Law violates the special characteristic of indigenous territories
as being inalienable and not subject to embargo . The Law allows enforced
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
displacement of the indigenous nationalities without following the exceptional
procedure of the Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, ILO Convention
169 and the jurisprudence of the InterAmerican Court of Human Rights, that is,
informed and prior consent. This is contained in the character of public utility of the
mining activity. According to Article 323 of the Constitution, the State may
EXPROPRIATE property for reasons of PUBLIC UTILITY, for the purpose of "the
executing plans for social development, sustainable management of the
environment, and collective welfare". This means that the lands and territories of
the communities, or private property, which opposes the engagement in mining
activity, can be expropriated with the simple allegation of some kind of "collective
welfare".
Not only is this an attack on the principle of informed and prior consent, analyzed
elsewhere, but also is opposed to the principle of the higher protection of the rights
of indigenous peoples for their territories, which form part of the “block of
constitutionality”, in observance of Article 3, and in har mony with Article 57 of the
Constitution, in which " the indigenous communes, communities, peoples and
nationalities will be recognized and guaranteed, in accordance with the constitution
and with that, covenants, declarati ons and arranged international human rights
instruments, to have the following collective rights:”
The third reason for unconstitutionality of Arti cles 15, 28, 59, 100 and 103 of the
Mining Law is the fact that they impose a non-sustainable economic activity on
the territory of indigenous nationalities, when the Constitution states that the
activities for the sustenance of indigenous nationalities must be respected,
in particular, that management of biodiversity and of their territory.
The fourth reason for unconstitutionality of Articles 15, 28, 59, 100 and 103 of the
Mining Law implies that any individual or legal entity, whether Ecuadorian or
foreign, "has the faculty to prospect, in order to look for mineral substances".
This means, that people can enter when they wish and where they wish,
without asking for the owner's permission (that is, freely), to …
[Page 158]
… make mining studies, except in cases expressly indicated in the law: protected
areas, mining concessions, urban zones, population centres, archaeological zones,
goods declared to be of public utility and special mining areas. Consequently, they
may freely enter the private rural property (far ms, land), belon ging to individuals,
and the collective properties of indigenous communities, communes, peoples and
nationalities. The "legal prospecting" in these terms is an attack on the right to
ownership protected by Article 66.26 of the Constitution, and international human
rights instruments such as the American Convention on Human Rights (Article 21).
It is also an attack on the law of inviolability of domicile, protected by Section 66.22
of the Constitution, and it is discriminatory, because the law does protect urban
zones and population centres, but leaves rural areas in conditions of vulnerability,
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
thus breaching Section 66.4 of the Constitution.
d. Violation of the right to prior consultation of indigenous nationalities
Article 57 of the Ecuadorian Constitution states that: " the following collective
rights are recognized and guaranteed for the indigenous communes, communities,
peoples and nationalities in accordance with the Constitution and pacts,
conventions, declarations and other in ternational instruments of human rights: the
right to prior, free and informed consultation, within a reasonable time, with
regard to plans and programs for prospecting exploitation and commercialization of
nonrenewable resources which are to be found in their lands, and which may have
an environmental or cultural ill-effect upon them; to take part in the benefits with
which these projects may come to have, and to receive indemnities for social,
cultural and environmental damages caused. The consultation should be made
with the competent authorities, and will be mand atory and opportune. If the
consent of the community consulted is not obtained, procedure will be in
accordance with the Constitution and the law".
ILO Convention 169 states the following:
"Article 6.1. Upon applying the provisions of this convention, Governments will
consult the peoples interest ed, through appropriate procedures and in particular,
through their representative institutions, whenever legislative or administrative
measures which may directly and adversely affect them are proposed, in order to
establish the means through which the interested peoples may freely participate, at
least to some extent as other sectors of …
[Page 159]
… the population, and at al l levels, in the adoption of decisions in elective
institutions and administrative bodies and others, responsible for policies and
programs which concern them, to es tablish the means for full development of
institutions and initiatives of those people, and in appropriate cases, to provide the
funds the resources required for this purpose. 2. Consultations conducted in
application of this Convention will be affected in good faith and appropriate to the
circumstances, in order to arrive at an agreement, or to achieve consent with
regard to measures proposed.
Article 15. 1. The rights of interested peoples to natural resources existing on their
lands must be especially protected. These rights comprise the right of those people
to take part in the initialization, administration and conservation of those resources.
2. If the ownership of the minerals or undergrou nd resources is vested with the
State, or the State has rights over other resources exis ting in those lands, the
Government will establish or maintain pr ocedures designed to consult the
interested peoples, in order to determine whether the interests of those peoples will
be adversely affected, and to what extent, before commencing or authorizing any
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
program production or exploitat ion of resources existi ng on their lands. The
interested peoples will participate, where possible, in the benefits earned by these
activities, and will receive an equitable inde mnity for any damage which may be
suffered as a result of those activities".
The Mining Law, Articles 28, 87, 88 and 90 are a violation of the right to prior
consultation and consent.
Article 90 of the Mining Law speaks of a special consultation procedure for
indigenous peoples and nationalities. This special pr ocedure for prior consultation
is based on the content of Article 398 of the Constitution.
It must be remembered that Article 398 of the Constitution refers to prior
consultations of an environmental nature 8, which is totally different from the
consultation established in Ar ticle 57 of the Constitution , which recognizes that
indigenous communities, communes, peoples and nationalities are entitled to prior
consultation "in accordance with the Con stitution, and pacts, conventions and
declarations and other international human rights instruments".
[Page 160]
Article 90 of the Mining Law confuses these two types of consultation , and the
Constitution states that the consultation of indigenous peoples and nationalities will
be conducted "in accordance with Article 398 of the Constitution", thus attempting
to ignore the right to consent which has been internationally recognized for
indigenous peoples. This diminishing of the law of the indigenous
communities, peoples and nationalities is unconstitutional.
Article 87 of the Mining Law is also a violation of the right to prior and informed
consultation. Article 87 states that: " The right to information, participation and
consultation. The State is responsible fo r implementing processes of social
participation and consultation, and public institutions which are appropriate, and in
accordance with the principles of th e Constitution and current law. This
competency may not be delegated to any private instance. These processes will be
designed to promote the sustainable development of the mining activity, with due
care for the rational use of mining resources, respect the environment, social
participation in environmental matters, and the development of communities in the
area of influence of the mining property of the project. If the process of consultation
produces a majority of objectors from the respective community, the decision to
develop the project will be adopted by motivated resolution of the Minister
responsible. All mining concessions wi ll respect the right of the individual to have
access to the process of information, participation and consultation in
environmental management of min ing activities. For all processes or consultation,
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the Ministry of Finance will provide an appropriate budget, through the sector
Ministry."
As we can see by a simple reading of Sec tion 87.1 of the Mining Law, it is clear
that the purpose established is that of participation and social consultation, and
nowhere is a mention of prior inf ormation for the community, and much less of any
prior consultation of the community. Possibly the legislature intended to say
that prior consultation is the same as social consultation, but the concepts
are entirely different . Further, prior consultation should be effected with the
indigenous communities or nationalities that live in the territorial area to be
intervened. Despite this, the terms of Article 87 of the Mining Law leave this to the
discretion of the consultin g agency, such that the consultation may be effected in
any part of society. This fact is an evident risk, due to the daily practice used
by the State in its various consultation processes in the matter of oil. That is,
where everyone is consulted except the community directly involved.
[Page 161]
Article 28 of the Mining Law establishes the freedom of prospecting, already
analyzed, and this represents a cle ar violation of the law to prior and
informed consultation.
Article 88 of the Mining Law states that " As of the granting of the mining
concession and throughout its stages, the concession holder will provide adequate
reports to the competent authorities, autonomous decentralized administrations,
communities and entities which represent social and environmental or industry
interests, with regard to possible positive and negative impacts of mining activity.
This Article drastically limits the right to information and participation by the
indigenous communities, peoples or nationalities, who are prevented from
participation in any process of co nsultation or information until the
concession is produced. This is in contravention to the terms of Article 37 of the
Constitution. At no time is there provision for prior consultation of the
community, before the concession has been produced.
e. Violation of the principle of exceptionality of private activity in strategic sectors
Article 316 of the Constitution states that the State may only deleg ate participation
in strategic sectors to private enterprise as a matter of exception. The Mining Law
ignores this provision of the Constituti on regarding exceptions, and gives it the
same treatment as a State-owned enter prise and to private enterprise in the
access to mining concessions. Art icles 1, 2, 22, 30 and 31 of the Mining Law do
not define cases in which this delegation may be made, and leave the matter of
"exceptionality " of each concession open to arbitrary interpretation.
f. Deliberate creation of the risk of disaster
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
The Mining Law allows activities to be undertaken in prospecting and
production in areas of high risk, or high vulnerability , such as deposits of
explosives or inflammable materials, dams, areas intended for capture of water for
human consumption or irrigation or similar; pipelines, gas lines and polyducts,
refineries and other oil inst allations; airports and aerod romes"; generating plants,
power grid towers and lines, etc (see Article 26). Intrinsically, these areas are …
[Page 162]
… disaster risk areas, and any alteration of them due to mining activities may
increase the risks and generate emergencies and crises of different magnitudes,
which will adversely affect the local population or the country as a whole.
Further, Articles 24 and 25 permits mining in protected areas , if the President
of the Republic so decides.
Article 25. Protected areas. Extracti ve activities for nonrenewable resources are
prohibited in protected areas. Exceptionally, these resources may be exploited
upon any reasoned petition of the President of the Republic, and subject to a
declaration of national interest by the Na tional Assembly, in accordance with the
terms of Article 407 of the Constitution of the Republic of Ecuador.
Article 71 of the Constitution recognizes rights to nature, where life is reproduced
and lived. The text states that Nature is entitled to be respected integrally for its
existence and, maintenance and re generation of vital cycles, and structures, from
functions and evolutionary processes.
The Mining Law opens the door to large-scale opencast mining activities, an
extractive mode which is incompatible with the conservation and sustainable use of
the environment, particularly in zones of high ecological diversity and high social
sensitivity.
g. The creation of conflict. An open door to the criminalization of protest
In addition to these unconstitutional measures, as Alberto Acosta notes in his letter
to the members of the Constitutional Tribunal, " The possibilities of conflict are
imminent if we consider that Article 63 of the Mining Law leaves it open to
the interpretation of the concession-hold er that the inhabitants of the areas
where extractive activities are to take place might be criminalized. It is
necessary to take account of the fact that there are already cases of litigation
opened against subsistence farmers by the mining companies, due to their
opposition to mining".
Article 63. Administrative Protection
The holder or legal possessor of a mining right may act through the Mining
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Regulation and Control Agency to impede the illegal exercise …
[Page 163]
…of mining activities occupation or any other act which may imminently perturb the
right to protection given in this chapter.
The State, through the Mining Regulation and Control Agency, will give
administrative protection to the holders of mining rights in the face of denunciations
of entry, despoliation, invasion or any other form of disturbance which
impedes the exercise of mining activities.
It should be noted that not only Article 63 can be used to criminalize people who
oppose mining activities in thei r territories: Article 64 and 65 may also be used in
this sense:
Article 64. Order to abandon and evict. The Mining Regulation and Control
Agency, based on the resolution granting protecti on, and at the request of the
claimant, will issue a resolution ordering t he illegal occupant to abandon the area
object of the claim for protection, within a maximum of three days, and in the event
of failure to do so, may evict him.
If despite this measure, the illegal occupant does not abandon the area, the Mining
Regulation and Control Agency, at t he request of a party, will issue an order to
evict, and the police authorities competent in that province will be responsible for
executing it.
Article 65. Sanctions against the invaders of mining areas. Persons who, in
order to obtain personal advantage or advantage for third parties, individually or
collectively, invade special mining areas, areas under concession, and areas which
have permits for artisan mining, violating the rights of the State or of the holders of
the mining rights, will be sanctioned by a fine of 200 Basic Unified Salaries, and the
seizure of tools, equipment and production obtained, without prejudice to claims for
protection and criminal punishment as appropriate.
Conclusion
This synthesis of the general context (national, political, legal and social), in
which the Awá territory is involved, is focused on the principal threats to the
territory. The advance of the palm-plantation frontier, and violent practices of
the plantation companies, conducted with im punity, the social dynamics of
deforestation, and the social and economic marginalization of primary
producers, the legal framework and the political orient ation of mining
activities, are so many di fferent aspects that they cannot be ignored when
constructing strategies for territorial defense. The information presented
here seeks to shed some light on the general context in which …
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
[Page 164]
…these activities take place, providing accurate information on laws and
social processes that accompanies them.
[Page 165]
II. Diagnosis of the current situation of Guadulaito and Balsareño, in the face
of threats to territory
A. Social mapping workshop in Guadualito
The social mapping workshop took two days, and was well attended. In general,
this workshop provided an opportunity for community reflection on certain threats
to territory, especially from the African palm growers, and was an opportunity also
to visualize problems which allowed several individuals in the community to have
clearer notions of the social and environmental situation of the community.
On the first day, work was done in groups, maps were drawn freehand and stuck to
the wall. On the second day, there was plenary work, and the information that is
generated by the conversation was organiz ed. In this exercise, only a few people
spoke: Aida, Felipe, Dumar, Alirio.
Another general point which needs to be made is that some people in the
community considered that some of the roads on the maps had been wrongly
located, and that when they drew their own maps, the main map was changed.
Map 1. State of the territory in the past (see Annex 2)
Coordinator: Vitorio Paí
This map is a recreation of what Guaudalito territory had b een in the past, and
involved animated and active participation especially from the young, who were
advised by Don Vitorio Paí who indicated the existence of several trees and
animals.
In a general sense, this map drew attention to the recall of abundant resources and
forest coverage. At that time, the limitof the Centre was not relevant, and forest
cover extended everywhere. Another import ant aspect is that there was no road,
and all that was shown was a track with some small branches off it, but the drawing
also included the school and the …
[Page 166]
…houses, which had arrived long afterwa rds, and which are today close to the
road. In that sense, the map is "t imeless". This map also illustrates several Awá,
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
usually fishing or hunting, which again indicates that they recall the territory as a
place of abundance.
The great diversity of trees 9, plants and animals is another outstanding aspect of
this map, since it shows that important value was given to the environment in
general. Among the diversity of plants, in particular, there are other medicinal
plants, and especially those used for the curing of children.
The conversation also referred to aspects such as mobility, since previously, most
transport had been on water. Nowadays, that is hardly used.
Map 2. Guadalito, and the arrival of the plantations (see Annex 3)
Coordinator. Dumar Mairongo (Altropico technical officer).
This map was mainly drawn up with the participation of Dumar, who knew details of
the current state of the Centre, and had t aken part in the process of water sample-
taking in the process of the claims against the plantations. The others did not
participate much in preparing the map. Ther e is a common notion in the
communities that technical officers have more knowl edge, and in this case this
may have limited the participation of others.
This map is an accurate presentation of how t he territory looks today, placing
emphasis on vegetation cover, and partic ularly the advance of single-crops of
palm, all around the perimeter of the Centre. Ther e are also some very general
details of the vegetation within the Centre, the location of the roads, rivers and
houses, and contamination.
The advance of the palm plantations:
[Page 167]
This map illustrates the coverage of the plantations, also showing which belongs to
which of the companies, and in what order they were sown (it shows which are the
oldest and which are the newest plantations). In there is an approximate indication
of the dates of plantation. The map allows th e identification of the trend in the
advance of the plantations, and it seems very probable that the property of the
company Robalino has not yet been plant ed, and may be acquired by the
companies, or maybe invaded by other communities for subsequent onward sale to
the plantation companies.
Information from the community provided the information that the first company in
their territory was Labores Agricolas , which acquired land to the north of
Guadualito. In about 1993, the company built the road known as the "Labores
Road", and they began to plant that land. Today, the plantations have arrived some
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160 $QQH[▯▯▯
10
500 m from the edge of the Centre. This "margin" separating the plantation from
the Centre still has forest cover, but it has been very intervened.
11
As the map shows, almost all the inlets and rivers that pass through the Centre,
and which provide the body to comm unity with water, rise in the territory planted
out by Labores Agricolas.
A second company, Palmeras de los Andes , started to plant out land to the west of
the Centre at about the same time. Today, this company has bought land up to the
boundary of the Centre, but there is an interven ed fringe of forest of some 1 km
wide which has not yet been planted out, and which separates the western edge of
the plantation from the Centre. Nonetheless, people in the community suspect that
this margin will shortly be planted out, and that the plantation will reach the western
edge of the Centre of Guadualito.
The most recent companies arriving close to the Centre have been Callaluz 12and
probably Nelly Palma, and they settled on land to the south of Guadualito some
eight years ago. The distance between the edge of Guadualito and the beginning
of the plantations of these companies is greater, …
[Page 168]
…and they calculate two hours walk to cover the distance. These plantations are
the youngest, and confirmed the direction in which the palm plantations are
expanding, since they started at the north end, and ha ve been expanding
anticlockwise to surround the Centre.
According to conversations generated in the preparation of this map, the
companies have developed strategies to advance their plantations, purchasing
plots of l13d here and there as they b ecome available, and then exerting
pressure on the lands still to be acquired and to plant more palm . With the
passage of time, the cover of single- crop plantations is becoming continuous, as
can be seen in the map in Annex 3.
The land to the east of the Centre belongs to the Robalino company 14, and has not
yet been planted out, but persons in t he community suspect that it will very shortly
be purchased by a African palm plantation company. At present, the land although
it has no find material, still has important forest cover important and valuable forest
cover, since it is the only land wit h these characteristics close to the Guadualito
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Centre.
The preparation of this map also illustrated the pressures and the situation of this
land of Robalino which has been subjected to the pressure of invasion by Afro
15
descendant communities, in particular Ricaurte. In fact, one settler invaded the
Robalino land, and has already sold it to a plantation company, and it will shortly
be planted out. This fact illustrates a process which could become a mass
movement, and which implies a strong pressure on the company Robalino to sell
its property to the plantation companies before it is taken over by the invaders. The
invasions have been a regular occurrence in these territories around Guadualito,
as have been a constant concern to the community itself.
In this map, it is also possible to see important features such as the 145
contaminated inlets 16, and the water samples were taken in the process of the …
[Page 169]
…claims against the plant ation companies in 2004, with the support of Altropica
and Ecolex. These seven sampling points had been indicated with blue circles with
17
a black border (see Annex 3), and were placed on map by Dumat Mairongo, who
took part in the water sampling himself. In particular, there is the contamination of
the R. Guadualito as it passes directly through the village, and is the most
accessible water source for the community. The Sabalera is also contaminated,
and is close to some of the houses.
The production of this map, and the visualization of the plantations generated an
interesting process of community reflection led by Felipe Cuajivoy, who drew
attention to the fact that Guadualito is almost entirely surrounded by palm
plantations, and that the only forest area it has is un der strong pressure from
invasion, and subsequent planting.
Map 3 Health and contamination (see Annex 4)
Coordinator Felipe Cuajivoy (Health Promoter and Co ordinator of the Esmeraldas
region).
The main purpose of this map is to illustrate and give a special view of the
contamination effects caused by the palm plantations. The contamination of rivers
and inlets, and the appearance of diseases such as skin blotches and intestinal
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infection were points of emphasis in the map.
The map had a special contribution from Felipe Cuajivoy, who has a detailed
knowledge of a detailed and very accurat e knowledge of contamination and the
degree to which it has been dispersed in water sources, the families affected, the
location, and the names of thei r members. There was also active participation by
Jair Delgado, Alirio Paí Cantincúz and Aida Cantincúz.
Sources and scope of contamination:
[Page 170]
This map again illustrates the location of the plantations, and the springs and
courses of the inlets and rivers. In particul ar, there is the fact that almost all the
inlets including the Rio Guadualito which passes through the village, rise in the
middle of the plantations. For each of the inlets, there is an indication as to where
is the point at which contamination has arrived, and is an illustration of the location
will almost all the houses in the Cent re, showing whether there are sick persons in
each of them, or not. The map also gives details of vegetat ion within the Centre,
illustrating that the southern zone of the Centre has more highly intervened
vegetation, and the northern part still has some forest cover, although it is
secondary forest, or very intervened forest, with no fine wood.
Contamination:
The contamination of water sources was one of the most worrying concerns of the
Centre. As the map shows, the most contaminated inlets are Achiote; Savalera and
Guadualito. Barbasco is less contaminated , since it has some woodland (20 ha or
so), around its source, and it does not pass through plantations.
Most contaminated inlets receive contribut ions from chemicals from the two
principal routes, through water run-off which comes from the plantations, dragging
fertilizers and pesticides (this is constant contamination), and direct discharges of
pesticides which the plantation workers pour into the inlets to fish(the community
say that the workers wash the pumps with which they fumigate the palm trees in
the inlets). The first form of contamination generates chronic contamination,
characterized by the permanent presence of small quantities in water sources,
with chronic and long-term effects on those who consume the water . The
second form of contamination is called acute contamination, and is characterized
by the eventual appearance of large quantities of contaminant contaminating
the materials in the water, and this may cause strong reactions to health, or
even death.
During the dry season when the flow of water is lower, the degree of
contamination seems to increase considerably, since the chemicals are more
concentrated.
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
People in the community have simple way s of knowing whether the water is
contaminated or not at an y given time, and the juices specifically observing the
presence or absence …
[Page 171]
…of aquatic fauna. When there have been episodes of strong contamination of
fish, shrimp and turtles, they die. The chalitas i n particular are fish which are
particularly sensitive to contamination, and also an indicator used by the
community to discover the state of the water.
The map also illustrates that the these indicators from the fauna have been able to
establish the approximate limits to which the poison has reached in each of the
rivers (see Annex 4, Health and Contamination map). The black dotted line shows
the limit of the poison. This village is establishe d because up to that point, aquatic
fauna have disappeared at moments of high contamination, or absent see if
contamination is prominent in the inlet 18. For the inlet Achiote, which is one of the
most highly contaminated, but does not enter the territory, there is no known limit
to dispersion of the poison. Nonetheless, the family th at lives at the head of the
inlet has suffered illnesses, and one of the children has died. It is assumed that this
is due to contamination.
The production of this map also allowed di scussion of the generat ion of accurate
information on the process of contamination , and this implies permanent
monitoring in order to detail aspects such as the identification of contaminating
elements with precision, the impact on health, biodiversity, and dispersion and
scope of contamination, amongst other things.
The map also shows the drinking water tank that was constructed in an IOM
project; it channels a non-cont aminated water source which rises within the
territory, and reaches the settlement. In this map, there are also the smallholdings
of the various families (see yellow points, see Annex 4, Health and Contamination
map), but there are no indications of contamination of the soil.
[Page 172]
The map also illustrates the location of the extraction plant of Palmeras de los
Andes, which generates strong contamination in the streams that pass through the
Afro-Ecuadorian community of La Chiquita.
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Disease
Given Felipe Cuajivoy´s very detailed knowledge of the dynamics of the health in
the community, this map gives detailed illustration of the families who have a sick
member, and indicates what type of sickness or condition they have.
The most important diseases in the community are intestinal infections and skin
blotches. There's also mention of headaches and vomiting.
The map indicates that the worst-affected families are those of José Marcelino
Cantincúzc and Horacio (known as "the shrimps", given that they are on the banks
of the Achiote, which has its source in t he plantations; and during its course, does
not enter the territory, and always runs close to the plantations of the Labores
Agricolas. This closeness to the plantations can imply a process of permanent
contamination. As mentioned above, one girl has died in this family, and it is
presumed that her death was related to water contamination.
Another important aspect is that the community says that "the River Guadualito is
contaminated, but people are used to bathing in it ", as confirmed by Felipe
Cuajivoy.
During conversations outside the workshop with ot her members of the community,
information was obtained that for families from the community that had migrated to
San Lorenzo in the past (some nine years ago), and then had gone to work with
the plantation companies. Only one of these families left recently (about a year
ago).
In synthesis, considering the general p henomenon of contamination and sickness
in the community, there was no clear pattern which gave a direct link to the
accident of that link through access to cont aminated water with the appearance of
skin blotches or the intestinal illnesses. This indicates that more information
studies are required in order to establish …
[Page 173]
…more accurate associations between contam ination and the various illnesses
which have appeared in the community.
Map 4. Relations of the Centre with other actors (see Annex 5).
This map is a schematic illustration of relationships established by the community
with actors around it, or institutions with which it has had important relations such
as the Ministry of Environment and the NGOs supporting the community in different
ways.
The map was made on the second day of the workshop. It generated a
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
19
conversation in the plenary, and approached a number of different subjects (148).
The conversation was guided by Juan Oineda-Medina, and Anne-Lise Naizot, and
the information was recorded on a sheet of paper pinned to the wall. In this
conversation, there was particular participation from Felipe Cuajivoy, Aida
Cantincúz and Alirio Paí and Efraín Álvarez.
Relations between Guadualito and the plantation companies
This is a sensitive matter for the communit y, since the arrival and advance of the
plantation companies has entailed serious environmental and social damage,
and has produced legal conflict.
In general terms, the community´s relations with the companies have been rather
conflictive and without dial ogue, and with no spaces for mediation. There was
emphasis on the lack of respect which the companies and their workers have
towards the Guadualito Centre.
The most important aspect of this relationship has been the lawsuit which
Guadualito, together with the Afro community of La Chiquita, has brought against
the plantation companies and the Ministry of the Environment . The lawsuit has
been principally supported by the Fundación Ecolex and Altrópico.
[Page 174]
The lawsuit was initiated by a number of communities in addition to Guadualito and
Chiquita, but they gradually withdrew, until only these two communities were left,
and the process continues.
The lawsuit has been a long one, and has implied a number of different criminal
actions against the plantation companies and the Ministry of the Environment, for
failure to perform their functions. A brief summary of the case appears below. For
more detailed information, see Part III: Synthesis of environmental and social
impact of palm plantation, timber and mining activities.
The legal demonstration that the plantation companies contaminate the
environment is the main achievement. Nonethel ess, this process continues,
and there is permanent confrontation since the companies continue with
their daily practices and argue that they are making a contribution to the area
by the generation of employment.
Prospects and opinions.
It is important to remember that the proceedings in this lawsuit had taken a long
time (some six years), and there have been a number of reverses and
disappointments with regard to observance of the la w. For the communities, this
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166 $QQH[▯▯▯
failure to observe the law, and the certainty that there are alliances between the
Government agencies and the economic and business influences, have generated
feelings of impotence, lack of confidence, abandonment, fear and despair. The
community feels afraid, because people re alize that the plantation companies are
major economic powers, and they feel vulnerable in certain circumstances, such as
for example, when they have to pass by one of the plantations.
The legal proceedings began with an administrative action, which led to an
environmental audit. Given the irregularities in this process, and the decision in
favour of the plantations, the community with t he advice of Ecolex, started a action
for protection under the Constitution, which has also been managed irregularly,
and with excessive delays (see Part III: Synthesis of environmental and social
impact of palm plantation, timber and mining activities).
This entire process is generating a wide range of reactions in the community. The
following were some of the statements made during the workshop, illustrating
community sentiment with regard to the fear, impotence and despair which they
feel.
[Page 175]
"There is no justice for the poor" (Felipe Cuajivoy)
"If we have to die, we will die, if we had come out and fight, we will come out and
fight" (Aida Cantincúz)
"Economic power is stronger than the law itself" (Efrain Alvarez)
"It's a distant hope with respect to the law, because power has been seized from it"
(Felipe Cuajivoy)
"Four years have gone by, and we haven't achieved anything" (Efrain Alvarez)
"There was a deal, and it ends with the Ministry selling out to the plantation
companies."
"If you object, you also risk your life" (Efrain Alvarez)
"They don´t care who´s down here " (Felipe Cuajivoy)
Relations with the Ministry of the Environment
Relations with the Ministry of the Environ ment (MAE) have been indirect, through
the lawsuit against the plantation companies. The community emphasized that in
the process of the environmental audit made by the Ministry, together with the
Pontificia Universidad Católica del Ecuador (PUCE) in 2005, ended up in favour of
the plantation companies because only a few of the various parameters to be
evaluated were in fact analyzed. (See details in Part III: Synthesis of environmental
and social impact of palm plantation, timber and mining activities).
Some members of the community said that the Ministry and PUCE sold out to the
plantation companies, because they had close tie s to them, and met in San
Lorenzo to drink during the week of the audit. Th e community said also that the
Ministry had said that it had lost a camera containing much of the evidence of
167$QQH[▯▯▯
contamination, and interpreted this to be a simple mockery of the audit process,
and in particular, of the communi ty. Relations with t he Ministry synthesized by the
expression "There's no justice for the poor" (Felipe Cuajivoy, community leader).
These irregular processes in the Ministry, and delays and corruption, have
generated feelings of disappointment and confusion as to the cause of the lawsuit.
This, in addition to …
[Page 176]
…the lack of information in the community on the types of legal action and results
of legal process.
Statements made by leaders illust rate the degree of disappointment with legal
process, which has been seen as the last alternati ve, and now they have lost all
hope of that too. "It's a last alternative, and if that doesn't work, we understand that
is the end for us" (Aida Cantincúz-President of the Guadualito Centre).
Relations with Ecolex
Initially, relations were very good, given the support provided by that organization
under an agreement signed in 2004. However, at the time of the workshop, the
community said it had received no information on progress in the lawsuit for some
two years, and this gave them a feeling of distance from Ecolex. In this regard, the
community said that it needed Ecolex to keep them informed frequently (once a
month).
During the workshop, a letter arrived from Ecolex requesting participation of a
representative of the community at a meeting in El Borbón, to be held on Friday,
June 19, to give information on the results of the suit for constitutional protection.
The community expressed its annoyance at the place of the meeting, because it
was dangerous and expensive to go there, and underlined its wish for the Ecolex
organization to come to meet at the Guadualito Centre and socialize, since this is
where the plaintiff is living. However, the next day they decided to go.
From information obtained from the workshop, it could be established that the
results of the actions of constitut ional protection only determines that the company
should use Green Seal agricultural chemicals and cease to use Red Seal
agricultural chemicals, in the plantation. As a result of this, Ecolex thinks that
another suit shall be brought, and it has m ade great progress in the preparation
phase but the case has not formally been initiated (see details in Part III: Synthesis
of environmental and social impact of palm plantation, timber and mining activities).
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Relations with the Afro communities
Relations with African communities has a number of perspectives and dimensions.
In a general sense, these relationships do not contain many spaces for dialogue,
except with regard to the claims …
[Page 177]
…against the plantation companies. Fur ther, tensions have been maintained
principally at the level of discourse.
On the one hand, the African communities of Ricaurte are always seen to be a
threat to invade their lands, because they say that the Awá have taken away their
ancestral territory. The tension had some high points during the march in 2006,
when the Ministry gave an order for joint management by the Afrodescendants and
Awá of all the territory of Esmeralda . The community said that there were rumours
during the march that the Afro -descendants of Ricaurte were going to seize the
communities, since most of the people in the community were taking part in the
march.
At several points in the workshop, community leaders said that the Afrodescendant
communities had sold their territory to the plantation companies. In subsequent
conversations with Efraín Alvarez, inform ation was obtained that various
Afrodescendant communities Guadualito had in fact sold the land to the
companies, initially for a very low amount (US$200/hectare), but the communities
then complained to the companies at the low price, and received another US$300
for the land already sold. It seems that this process was repeated once more.
Finally, the Afro descendant communities were left without many of their ancestral
lands, and they are now employed at very low pay by the companies. Their
contracts are totally informal, and they have no employment benefits. Further, the
companies are almost the only alternative for many Afro descendants who are
forced to find work with them.
The land to the east of the Centre which now belongs to the Robalino company
has also brought tension with Afrodesce ndants, because people in Guadualito
believe that Afrodescendants want to invade that land and sell it on to the
plantations.
Further, relationships with other Afrodescendant communi ties such as La Chiquita
had been those of allies in the battle against the plantations. This process of
alliances initially involved other communiti es and several organizational meetings
were held in San Lorenzo. Today, only Guadualito and La Chiquita remain in the
lawsuit.
Relations with Altrópico
[Page 178]
169$QQH[▯▯▯
With Altrópico, relations go back further, when the process of organization and
legalization of territory began. Me mbers of the community recognize the support
which Jaime Levy (currently president of Altrópico), gave to the community at the
start. They also recognize the support which it initially gave community in the legal
proceedings against the plantation companies. It is important to note that the
relationship with Ecolex was encouraged by Altrópico, which accompanied the
proceedings closely from the beginn ing. During the workshop, some members of
the community said that Altrópico had now distanced itself from the legal
proceedings.
Altrópico has continued to support the community through productive projects,
including the Wimal bees, for the production of honey. This project in its
operational stage means that some families have hives, and extract honey which is
then purchased by Altrópico. Dumar Mairongo is a technical adviser for the project,
and is very close to the commu nity. Some members of the community said that
there was confusion with regards to the project in particular, in relation to
agreements for prices at which Altrópico was to buy honey. They also showed
discontent with regard to the knowledge, which was principally developed in the
community, and now Altrópico is using it the same bees for projects in other
communities.
Relationships with the Mayor of San Lorenzo
The relationships with the Mayor of San Lorenzo have improved greatly in recent
times, particularly with the most re cent holder of the office. Members of the
community say that the Mayor now recognizes t he community, and supports them
in some matters, such as the contribution of US$1000 for their General Assembly.
The community has also established ties of loyal ty with the present Mayor, and it
seems that they have been an important electoral support for him in the most
recent elections.
Relations with FCAE
The relationship with CAE is perhaps more complex, and one with a longer history.
During the plenary, there was discussion of a range of points, and was an analysis
of transformation over this relationship over time. It is important to note that during
the workshop, Jairo Churta (leader of FCAE) …
[Page 179]
…took part, and is also close to the communi ty. At some point, the community
started to talk to Jairo directly, particular ly complaining about some matters,
detailed below:
x Claims against the plantations. In general, they strongly emphasize the lack
of support, the distance, and some poor com munications in the process of
170 $QQH[▯▯▯
confrontation, claims and meeting with the plantation companies. The
community said that it needed support in the legal proceedings (information,
coordination with other actors, logistical support, presence and political and
moral presence), and they considered that the presence of FCAE at
meetings in disputes with the growers (was central).
x Health. On several occasions, members of the community particularly Felipe
Cuajivoy, the Health Promoter, mentioned the need to set up a health centre
with a doctor, given that the range of action of the promoter is very limited,
and that the community needs exceed the support which he can give.
x Conversation with Jairo Churta as representative of FCAE and youth leader:
the community leaders particularly asked Jairo to make some complaints to
FCAE. In particular, these complaints were based on the fact that FCAE has
distanced itself from them, and does not visit the Centres.
x Claims or general petitions
It was again mentioned that the rice husker was needed.
There was a general desire that FCAE should give more presence, support, and
communication with the Centre.
FCAE was asked to provide more support and coordination with the Provincial
Council on matters of the road, which is in poor condition.
It was emphasized that the project should ensure that they include everyone in the
community, in order not to create tensions.
There was much mention of the need to create a local school for the Guadualito,
Mataje, Balsareño, Pambilar and Rio Bogotá Centres (Esmeraldas communities),
since in Baboso (where there is a sch ool at present), it isdifficult to get, and
because Baboso also acts as a school for I mbabura, for the Esmeraldas region.
They proposed Guadualito as the centre for this. It should be noted …
[Page 180]
…that in Guadualito, migration to San Lorenzo for education purposes (school for
children) is very high.
There was a proposal to implement the gr owing, transport and commercialization
of agricultural products such as fruit (pawpaw, borojó, guava, arazá, Guanábana ,
cocoa, oranges, lemons, yucca, corn, chiros, peppers, etc), and this automatically
implies improvements in conditions of mobilization in the area.
171$QQH[▯▯▯
They complained that the (Coast) zone leader is not doing his duties properly.
There needs to be more presence of the local leader in the Centres.
B. Social mapping workshop in Balsareño
One important aspect of this workshop was the confusion with regard to the
southern boundary of the Balsareño centre. The community did not recognize
the point to the south, and for them, the line does not pass points shown on the
map 20, but it cuts off that point, and follows the course of the Palabi river. For them,
that point does not exist. We also wish to stress that the boundary of the centre
seems strange on the maps: it seems to correspond more to the course of the river
than to the line drawn. This point is important, since the crops of La Sirena are
inside the territory, according to the map.
Map 1. The territory 40 years ago (see Annex 6)
This map is like a photograph of the state of the territory at the time the foundation
of the Centre. It acts as a point of reference to visuali ze and understand
subsequent changes in the territory
History of foundation of the Centre
Lisandro and Andrés Pascal told the story of the foundation of the Balsareño
Centre some 40 years ago (see Annex 6). The production of this map was a most
valuable opportunity …
[Page 181]
…for sharing collective memory, and for an account of the past. That memory may
be mentally kept alive in collective spaces such as the workshops, or at internal
planning meetings.
The Territory
This map shows the state of the territory and its environmental aspect (vegetation
cover, biodiversity, deforested areas….).
In those days, there were limited stretches of scrub, located all along the banks of
the Palabi upstream (see Annex 6). It is possible that the scrub appeared when the
woodland close to the river was removed. It is therefore possible that at that time,
there was scrub up to the point at which the river ceases to be navigable.
Extraction began to take place in the southern part of the Centre´s territory, close
to the Palabi river and the main settlement.
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172 $QQH[▯▯▯
There were few crops, and those that there were, were close to La Sirena (see
Annex 6). The first plantations and crops were on the banks of the Palabi close to
the community, and wood extraction began there (see Annex 6).
The community's perception is that the territory was covered with forest, except for
the scrub mentioned, all round Ricaurte, and in the lots of La Sirena owned by
mestizo settlers (the Rodriguez), and on ti tle of private property. The perception of
the older members of the community is that at that time there was abundant
vegetation on that territory, and t here was biodiversity, that it was almost
uninhabited, extensive, full of timber, and t he only transit was on the rivers. It was
wild country, with sufficient resources for a ll, as shown on the map with the names
of the animals, trees and plants found at the Centre (see Annex 6).
The map also shows the access roads and means of transport.
At that time, there were no roads. The first to be opened was that from Mataje (see
Annex 6). At that time, everyone travelled by river.
The growth of the population was rapid and significant (births, and possibly
migration).
At that time, they began to organize things to open up the territory in general, and
the Centre in particular.
[Page 182]
It was also mentioned that in the past, people ate much more wild meat. When
talking about the possible origins of the current illnesses, the greatest source of ill-
feeling was identified as a change of diet 21.
Map 2. The territory today, Health and Contamination (see Annex 7)
This map shows territorial changes today. More than anything, there is a focus on
the three principal threats to the Balsareño territory: the plantations, the dynamics
of timber extraction, and mining.
Changes in vegetation cover
In general, the forests and scrub are marked (see Annex 7). There is more scrub in
places where wood has been extracted.
The rivers and inlets are marked (see Annex 7)
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The names of the trees found in the hills and by the river banks are noted (see
Annex 7)
Some of the crops of the families are marked. It is important to note that
downstream from the La Sirena, towards the settlement, there are two crops
belonging to 2 families, one of the two being Demetrio Pascal (see Annex 7), who
is sick with strong stomach pains, high temperatures, vomiting, diarrhea, etc.
The crops are close to the rivers and in g eneral, the cultivation is most intensive
around the Palabi River. There is important forest cover, but there are no
meadows.
Palm plantations
[Page 183]
The palm plantations and the names of the companies are marked. In general, the
people at the Centre are not very clear exactly where the plantations are, nor about
nor about the companies. In Balsareño the plantation frontier is furt her away than
at Guadualito, which has been totally surrounded. The community mentions the
presence of two plantation companies.
To the north-east, there is Palmeras del Pacifico (see Annex 7), with plantations
between seven months and three years old. The approximate distance between
the plantations of this company and the Centre is 2-3 km.
Some 1-2 km downstream from the boundary of Balsareño, on the right bank
looking towards the sea, there is the property of Mr Vidal (see Annex 7), with an
area of some 300 ha, and a meadow which goes from the river, and 150 ha
planted with palm. It is possible that this gentleman has had negotiations with
Palmeras del Pacifico, since the road passes by his property and reaches down to
the bottom, connected to an another pro perty, belonging to a relative of his,
bordering the Centre, to the north, wa s built five years ago, according to the
community, by the same company.
It can be seen when travelling down river, and in general, that the plantation
frontier is advancing, in many cases up to the river banks.
It is presumed that the other company is Ales Palma, because some members of
the community saw canoes with that nam e in their plantations. The crops of that
country spread to the south of the Centre, and to a distance of some 2 m from the
territory boundary, with the exception of the southern point of territory (confusion),
which region which comes to about 300 m from the crops (see Annex 7), according
to Lisandro, whose father-in-law lives there. Th e palms of that company are 2.5-4
m tall, and it is assumed that they were planted some 10 years ago. It should be
noted that the land which separates the crops of the boundary of the territory have
already been sold to this company, thus pushing the plantation frontier even further
174 $QQH[▯▯▯
to the south east of the territory.
Mining
Members of the commun ity say that a year ago, a mining company whose name
and origins no one knows, started an exploration phase at La Sirena, on the River
Palabi where the river leaves the territory of the Centre (see Annex 7). The
community became aware of this exploration activity when it noted changes in the
colouring of the water, and a large amount of …
[Page 184]
…sediment released by the activity of dredges. These activities were interrupted,
and were resumed some three months ago, producing the same effects.
During the workshop, we noted these changes in the colour of the waters of the
Palabi. On July 22, the river was very muddy in the morning, and Virgilio
Nastacruz, who came from Pambilar to Balsareño in the morning, said that he had
seen a suction machine and two dregdes close to the Negritos inlet on the River
Palabi, in the upper part of La Sirena. Some hours later, the river had returned to
its normal colour (see photos).
According to local comment, the activity at present is exploration
It is assumed that the company is looking for gold. But according to all
probabilities, the extraction phase is imminent.
The community reported that the company had already bought 3 ha from people in
La Sirena, on the other side of the River Palabi (see Annex 7)
As noted, the people in the community do not know the names of the company or
where it comes from. During the workshop, there was a report of the high risk of
contamination of water with heavy metals (mercury, cyanide), commonly used in
gold extraction, and the serious consequenc es that this would have on human
health. The community agreed to obtain information on the mining company: who
are they? What is the company's name? Where do they come from?
Roads and highways
There roads and highways are marked as leading out of the Centre, and passing
close to it.
There are drawings of the roads for Mataje-Balsareño, Balsareño-La Ceiba (see
Annex 7, Map 2, Balsareño)
The two highways come close to the boundary of the Centre
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
One road goes from Ricaurte to the La Ho nda Inlet, passing through the property
of Mr Vidal. The community told us that this road was bui lt some five years ago by
Palmeras del Pacifico. It is been used since then by a relative of …
[Page 185]
… Mr Vidal (Marco Cabezas), whose propert y adjoins the territory of the Centre
(see Annex 7-mMap 2, Balsareño), to bring out wood.
The other highway comes from La Pana, at San Francisco, passing through La
Ceiba, and enters La Sirena. This road is very close to the boundary, crossing the
River Palabi. It is properly graded through to Palabii. It was built 8-9 years ago by
the company SETRAFOR. It has been used to ex tract wood by the La Sirena
community. This road may increasingly facilitate the future mining activities of the
company, since it was the road used for the pen etration of machinery, and will be
the road used for extraction by the company.
Forest and woodland management 22
There are three programs for simplified forestry exploitation at family level in the
territory of the Centre and its surrounding area (see Annex 7, Map 2, Balsareño).
There was talk of the dynamics of wood extr action, the problems with the
middlemen, the CTF, the simplified forestry plans at family level, etc
Diagnosis of forest management in Balsareño
The simplified forestry management pl ans in the Centre had been suspended for
the time being. There have been problems with the forest promoters (changes of
price), follow-up (sporadic), and a lack of a steady budget. Therefore, the diagnosis
of the current forest management in Balsareño is as follows: based on what had
already been done a year ago (marking the trees, but without felling them), the
program must be drawn up for a new penetration to make a forest inventory, and to
reformulate previous programs, since the original ones are now out of date, and
then present them to the Ministry of the Environment to legalize the exploitation.
The Balsareño community expressed its desire to continue with exploitation of
forests, at the same time as voicing a se ries of concerns arising from previous
problems (amongst others, there needs to be more continuous and serious follow-
up by the promoters, …
[Page 186]
… in order to avoid tensions or problems with the Ministry of Environment). There
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176 $QQH[▯▯▯
is a consensus among the participants as to the benefit for all the community of
legalizing this exploitation of the forest.
The various criteria of the PAFSi (Environmental Regulation 039) was again
mentioned, and a request was made for more re spect for them (most of all, the
legal distance between each Chaúl and the next).
There was emphasis on the need for a broader discussion with other centres
engaged in forest management (Mataje, Pambilar). They also insisted that the
situation with the middlemen is unfair, and that it does them damage.
The new CTF project was socialized. There is interest in the CTF (the sale of wood
at a better price), and limit ed interest for the time being in transforming the wood
into finished product.
Crops
Crops have been approximately marked. There are two on the banks of the Palabo
downstream from La Sirena (one of the two belongs to Don Demetrio). It is unlikely
that there will be contamination of soil from mercury or cyanide from mining in the
future, although we have no certainty of th at. What is of more concern is the
human activity on the River, by people who have their crops there, and in general,
in the whole community.
It was said that people fumigate the crops with Gramoxone (glyphosate) and Atakill
(insecticide for ants).
Contamination of water
Some people said that for 2-3 years they had stopped drinking water in the River
23
Palabi, considering the contamination caused by Pambilar ), and La Sirena.
There have been episodes of contamination of water by the communities that fish
with poison, perhaps coming from San Francisco, and also from higher up beyond
Pambilar. The first fish affected by the poison and contamination in general, are the
guañas..
Mining activity in La Sirena generates turbidity in the waters of the Palibi, upstream
of the community. Considering that this is still in the exploration stage, it is
assumed that this is …
[Page 187]
…merely sediment removed by the river itself, and small quantities of oil and diesel
from the machines (dredges, extractors). Up stream of La Sirena, the river is
▯▯5HIXVH▯▯VHZDJH▯
177$QQH[▯▯▯
cleaner. Downstream, where it joins the Tululbí, we noted an increase in general
contamination (turbid water, crops of Af rican palm on the banks, refuse, organic
matter).
The Balsareño community has piped water sources, which are not contaminated,
from the Vuelta Mico, a stream which rises within the territory.
Of course, people do bathe and wash their clothes in the river, especially children;
but if the mining company in future dumps mercury or cyanide into the water, the
population of the Centre may be seriously affected. The risk is high.
There was information on practices in washing gold. Specifically, it was said that
mercury or cyanide is used, and there was information on serious consequences to
human health and aquatic fauna of the pres ence of these heavy metals and water.
Emphasis was placed on the risk run by the community, and that was mention of
the possibility of making a denunciation quickly, when the extractive activities of the
mine began.
It is very important to have information and control of this activity from now
onwards. Therefore, there must be continuous control, that is, a system for
monitoring the water to see precisely whether there is mercury or cyanide in
it. In general, one of the most appropriate wa ys to generate change in this is
by recourse to law.
Contamination of the soil
There is no information or evidence that th e soil has been contaminated. The use
of Gramoxone and Atakill has been mentioned, and this may have repercussions
on the health of the members of the commune.
Health
There were a number of different diseases in Balsareño. In general, it is
considered that the change of diet (eating food from the "outside", restriction in the
diversity of food) is the main source of i llness in the Centre. The main symptoms
and the possible sources are described below
[Page 188]
- Dengue has not reached Balsareño
- It was noted that despite an outbreak in the past, not many Awás died of cholera
- The commonest symptoms are: headaches, st omach aches, diarrhoea, fever,
vomiting, pain in the eyes. They say that it is "something we have all our lives,
there´s no cure for it now", and "An Awá´s life is hard". These symptoms may be
linked to water quality (poor quality due to sewage in the river). In future, these
conditions may be aggravated, when people come into contact with mercury or
cyanide.
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
-Malaria
-White spot disease (spot is related to is attributed to fumigations by Colombia: the
cloud reaches them, and also causes the spot; and also attributed to mining,
although extraction has not yet begun)
-The reports of skin rashes, occasionally, from those bathing in the river.
Several of these symptoms may also be the result of crop fumigation with
Gramoxone and Atakill. An accurate study is needed to establish the sources of
these diseases precisely, and to take appropriate precautions
Map 3. Relationships of the Centre with external actors (Annex 8)
In the generation of this map, a collective discussion was started on the history and
evolution of relations of the community with t he outside communities and actors.
(For details of the process of the workshop, see Annex 8)
In general, it was said that there was no in tense or dynamic relationship with the
nearby communities (La Sirena, Ricaurte), and this gave the impression that each
community is independent, and that there are few family or commercial ties.
The following is a description and scheme by issues of the information generated
in this conversation, with a related map
Ricaurte.
[Page 189]
In general, it was said that there has been no conflict with the Afro descendants,
and that they are able to pass through their territories and communities without
problems. Subsequently, it was noted that initially, when Lisandro Pascal and his
family arrived, there were few relations or conflicts with the Ricaurte community.
Given the small population, there was no competition for resources or land, and
Lisandro Pascal says "There was no conflict with the black people, and they were
just taking their wood out".
However, it was mentioned that some of the older members of the community said
that there could be no dealings with the black people; but it was also noted that this
was now changing.
It was reported that when the process of marking out boundaries, supported by
Jaime Levy, began, the construction of this boundary was intended to avoid conflict
from invasions. At that time, there were only 5-10 people in Balsareño. It was
indicated that the me diation with IERAC was conducted "Because we don't want
problems with those from outside". Nonetheless, the Afrodescendants of Ricaurte
179$QQH[▯▯▯
began to say that the Awá had taken their land away. There was no mention of the
existence of direct confrontation with Ricaurte, but there was an expression of the
tensions due to territory, but this was expressed mainly in terms of discourse.
Tension was permanent, and when the Minister of the Environment (Ana Albán)
gave the order for co-management, this took on a greater dimension.
The march was mentioned, and particular emphasis was placed on the fact that
this measure re-affirmed the Awá possession of the land in opposition to any
possible claims by Ricaurte, but Ricaurte st ill says that the Awá had taken their
land away.
At present, the situation is stable, a24 there was no mention of the existence of
important relations with Ricaurte . Nonetheless, when other issues were
discussed such as the strengthening of the organization and future prospects,
Lisandro Pascal and other community leaders expressed their concern at the
possible the potential invasion of territor y and dispute for land by the
Afrodescendants of Ricaurte, if this there was any weakening of the organization.
In general, it was said that in future it can be foreseen that there will be conflict with
Ricaurte particularly if the Awá organizational process is weakened.
[Page 190]
Information was also obtained on “commercial” relations between people in
Ricaurte, especially conversations which arose in the forest management
workshop run by Neptali Pozo and Nils Fischbein.
It was established that the wood which the community extracts from its territory is
sold to middlemen mainly in Ricaurte 25. During the Forest Management workshop,
it was repeated that this relationship is quite inequitable, given that the middlemen
set the prices for the wood very low (US$1.25 per plank of sande or cuangare, and
US$ 1.50 for a metre of chanúl: and they also can choose unilaterally, to pay late.
La Sirena
The La Sirena community has been there since before Lisandro and Andres
Pascal arrived, and this is fully recognized by the Balsareño community.
This community was initially composed of the Rodriguez family, who are identified
as mestizo settlers.
In general, it was said that there are independent dynamics, and little relationship
24
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between them, although subsequently they mentioned encounters such as football
matches.
The Balsareño community recognizes that the process of marking out boundaries
was started by the people of La Si rena and when limits of their territory were
established, there was no conflict about boundaries. It is important to note that the
maps available for the workshop did not make it easy to locate La Sirena territory,
and the community wan not consist ent with its mapping. Nonetheless, there was a
general identification of the territory of the community.
At present, the main issue related to La Sirena is the presence of mining
machinery on the River Palabí close to that community. It was said that the mining
company has employed people from La Sirena, and it is presumed that there are
good relations between them.
It is important to note that altho ugh there were many questions asking for further
details of the La Sirena community and its actio ns, it was not possible to obtain
information, and this allowed …
[Page 191]
…the assumption that there are no permanent interactions with them, and that the
two communities live in relative independence from each other.
The community agreed to obtain more information on the mining company, in order
to start action at any time it proves necessary.
Fundación Altrópico
Jaime Levy is recognized in the community as a fundamental pillar of support in
the process of organization, appropriation a nd demarcation of territory. It was said
that he invited people into the organization, arguing the threat of invasion and
slavery and enslavement. It was also said that only was supportive and an adviser
for the organizational process in forming relations with IERAC.
Information was also compi 26d on Altrópico and some of its current projects,
especially the Wimal Bee , with which the community expressed his satisfaction.
Atrópico is identified as an NGO providing support, with which there had been
stable relations for some time. With regard to the fish-breeding project, they also
expressed satisfaction, already said that production had mostly been used for
consumption within the community, and the existence of prop and that there were
problems related to the lack of clear information on the process itself. It was
mentioned that initially they had st arted out with the dynamics of a collective fish-
breeding project, but it just did not work out in the long term, and the fishponds
have now been closed down.
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FCAE
The relationship of the community with FCAE is strongly mediated by the personal
perceptions of FCAE.
As an initial point, it was said that the relationship with FCAE has not changed
much over time, and has been stable and consistent. There was emphasis on the
fact that health area is t hat which has most changed with the incorporation of a
Health Promoter. It was also said that FCAE is a fundamental point of support in
the defence of the territory, but there were also complaints of the relative lack of
presence of FCAE in the community, and the fact that …
[Page 192]
…management and technical staff spent their time in the offices. However, it was
also recognized that the task of defending the territory keeps FCAE managers very
busy.
It is important to note that t he communities expressed concern with what they
interpret to be an internal conflict in FCAE. They also said that they can see a high
rotation of directors, and this is seen to be potential instability, and sometimes lack
of commitment.
With regard to internal conflict in FCAE as perceived by the community, concern
was expressed, in particular on questions of defense of territory. Specifically, it was
said that if things continue in conflict, it is probable that there will be the threat of
invasion in the future by the Afros, with increasing strength, and that in general this
will produce a weakening of the territory, and therefore of the indigenous authority.
They say that "if the organization is weakened, they will do away with the forests",
and that this will favour the entry of the companies into the territory, leaving the
inhabitants of the Centre in a very precarious position in terms of employment, as
day labourers.
This position reinforces the approach that FCAE is the source of the defence of the
territory, and that its internal weakening is particularly worrying for the Balsareño
community.
In this context, there was mention also of recent threat of mining settling in La
Sirena, and it there were reflections on contamination of water.
There were discussions of some actions as measures of control such as the
coordination of a process of dialogue between FCAE and competent government
authorities (Minister of Mines and Energy ), the organization of regular control of
water quality in Balsareño, and internally, the control of water-associated practices
(refrain from using river water).
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In respect of these proposals, Lisandro Pascal referred to the situation in Minas
Viejas (and the unbalanced situation of the political scene), and the serious
contamination of the River Tululbí ("You can't eve n dip your toes in it"), indicating
that include internal control would be very difficult, and t hat direct interlocution
between the community and the government authorities would also be difficult. He
says that "We are nothing here, in comparison to them, but we can control the
Federation, which controls the Ministry..."
In this regard, it was therefore proposed that the management (FCAE) should take
up the task of defending territory and exerting pressure on the Government to
observe the law and to respect the territorial autonomy …
[Page 193]
… of the Awá. There was mention of the possibility of a denunciation of the mining
company in La Sirena.
There was also mention of environmental education as an important tool for the
defense of territory.
After this discussion, Humberto Pascal (Health Director of FCAE) spoke, and
summarized some of the points made with regard to the poor presence of FCAE in
the community; he argued that FCAE did provid e support, naming some of the
projects and actions taken. Lisandro Pascal m ade some complaints to claim more
continuous follow-up by FCAE, and support through the strengthening of cultural
aspects such as Awá traditional medicine. Humberto made comments on the new
health model to be implemented.
The Mayor of San Lorenzo
It was said that in general, the Awá were looked down upon when they went to San
Lorenzo, particularly by Afrodescendant political lea ders. It was repeated that the
Awá had not been listened to, nor properly treat ed by the Mayor and the other
authorities.
It was repeated that this situation has chan ged significantly, and that the Mayor of
San Lorenzo today supports them, and take s the Awá into account. Salvador
Pascal said that in part this was due to the fact that the Awá leaders today are
young, and have established good relations with San Lorenzo. It was also said that
the older leaders have more tensions with the politicians of San Lorenzo.
[Page 194]
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III Synthesis of environmental and social impact of plantations, timber and
mining.
Introduction
This synthesis provides valuable informati on for FCAE, intended to complement
the knowledge already available on the impact of African palm plantations, the
extraction of timber by the companies or by the middlemen, and mining activities.
There are details of environmental, social and territorial impacts of the three
activities studied.
The synthesis provides an orderly deployment of the risks associated with the
plantations, timber and mining, for the populations of the Centres affected.
It aims to act as a basic informatio n base for the Awá Centres Federation of
Ecuador in preparing their strategies for territorial defense.
A. Palm plantations
1. Environmental impact
There are details of the principal environmental impacts of palm plantations in
Esmeraldas in general 27, and in Guadualito. In Balsar eño, the plantations are
downstream of the Centre, and there is therefore no contamination of water due to
the use of agricultural chemicals in the plantations.
a. The general impact is "The replacement of agriculture and wild ecosystems of
high diversity by thousands of units of a single species, causing strong genetic
erosion, and loss of biodiversity" (Barrett at al, ibid).
b. The palm industry increases the dynamics of deforestation . The timber
companies, after taking away the fine wood and whitewood sell the land they own
to …
[Page 195]
…the plantation companies, and then start the process of deforestation, by burning
off and planting, generating destruction and causing irreversible degradation
of large extensions of humid tropical woodland.
c. The reduction in certain species in Esmeraldas in recent years has affected the
following valuable woods": guayacán ( Tabebuya guayacan), chanúl (Humiria sp.),
tillo ( Brosimun alicastrum), sande (Brosimun utile ssp. ovatifolium), mascarey
(Hyeronima alchorneoides) , guión ( Pseudolmedia laevis) , chalviande ( Virola
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sebifera), laguno (Vochysia ferruginea), maría (Calophyllum brasiliense), matapalo
(Ficus insipida) , anime ( Dacryodes olivifera) , cedro ( Cedrela odorata) , cedrillo
(Tapirira guianensis) , balsa ( Ochroma sp.), guarumo ( Cecropia sp.). amongst
others. Non-commercial species include tagua ( Phytelephas aecuatorialis), chapil
(Jessenia bataua), caña guadua ( Guadua angustifolia), pambil (Iriartea deltoidea)
and others”
d. The single crops are a front whose expansion exerts pressure on protected
areas, particularly in the Cayapas-Mataje Ecological Reserve in the Province of
Esmeraldas.
e. Contamination. It is difficult to quantify and qualify the contamination produced
by the plantation. Nonetheless, there are many indicators and results in a prior
study (Altrópico, 2004). We suggest that these results be taken, along with those of
this study, to make an environmental and social follow-up as a matter of urgency.
The palm industry uses important volumes of insecticides, fungicides and
herbicides (pesticides), or "technological packages… to combat exhaustion of
the soil and the threat of pests" (Barrera et al, ibid). The most common insecticides
are endosulfan (organochlorine), and carbofuran (carbamate, prohibited in the US
and Canada), malathion (organophospates); the commonest herbicide is
glyphosate; the commonest fungicide is carboxin, amongst others (Nuñez, 1998).
The insecticides used had been classified as highly hazardous and moderately
hazardous by the World Health Organization. They also use chemical fertilizers.
This utilization of high volumes of agricultural chemicals causes contamination of
water and soil. Of water samples taken in Gua dualito and La Chiqu ita, it is
established that the concentration of chemic al elements encountered exceeds the
limits recommended the human consumption, irrigation, cattle and aquatic life
(Nuñez, 2004). The contamination by these agricultural chemicals causes damage
to flora and fauna, damages the health of agricultural workers, and those who live
next to the plantations, or who use …
[Page 196]
…water contaminated by the spraying of these agricultural chemicals, as is the
case in Guadualito. The dynamics of contamination are diverse:
x Contamination of water
¾ Sources of contamination:
There are differentiated sources of contamination of water. Contamination of the
water by the use of agricultural chemicals in palm plantations has specific and non-
specific sources.
-Specific sources:
"Specific contamination occurs with the regu lar spillage of mixtures or loads of
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
solutions in soils and water, the washing of containers and spray pumps, and the
elimination of solutions applied, waters with residues, bags and recipients in
drainage ditches, inlets and rivers, and filtrations in the place of storage. This
contamination is characterized by high but momentary concentrations, causing
acute toxicity. Research has shown that these activities are responsible for a
significant part of the total concentration ofpesticides in surface waters" (Ana
Maria Nuñez, 2004).
One important part of the contamination in the river s Guadualito can be attributed
to the palm plantation workers, who are also the worst affected by the agricultural
chemicals. When the workers want to fish, it is said that they simply toss poison
into the river. This needs a more careful study of this point, in all its details. What
specific products are thrown into the river? Are they the same products with which
the workers fertilize or fumigate the crops?
-Non-specific sources
Non-specific contamination is produced by the loss of agricultural chemicals, even
with appropriate management (Rao and Hornsby, 1999).
It is important to note that the source ofdrinking water in Guadualito is another
stream within the territory, which is not contaminated, and this minimizes to a great
extent the possible impact of contamination of water on human health.
The closer the river is to a plantation, the greater the potential contamination.
…
[Page 197]
…
¾ Contamination processes
The contamination of water is th e result of a combination of various practices and
biological, geographical and biochemical elements.
-Water can be contaminated by edaphic (soil) processes.
-Water can also be contaminated by surface run-off.
“Surface run-off carries the agricultural chemicals in the water across the surface of
the soil towards surface waters, or is lixiviated in other places. The agricultural
chemicals infiltrated into the soil first come to non-saturated zone, from which
they migrate into a saturated zone until arriving at a groundwater system. The
layers which permit this movement of the water are called aquifers. If the upper
surface of the layer of non-saturated water is able to rise or fall in the aquifer
without being physically restricted by a stratum of lesser permeability, they are
non-confined aquifers . This type of aquifer allows groundwater which contains
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
agricultural chemicals to be discharged into bodies of water such as rivers and
inlets. This contamination is characterized by low concentrations of trace chemicals
in the water over long periods of time, producing chronic toxicity due to prolonged
exposure" (Ana Maria Nuñez, 2004).
- Finally, water can be contaminated by lixiviation.
"The loss of agricultural chemicals arises fr om the lixiviation of the chemicals
through the root zone, or the abandonment of the limits of the crop in solution, or
adsorbed in sediment particles in the surface run-off water (Goss and Wauchope,
1990). The lixiviation is the transport of agricult ural chemicals by water from the
surface soil into the subsoil" (Anna Maria Nuñez, 2004).
x Contaminationosfoil
So far, no mention has been made of contaminati on or loss of soils in Guadualito.
The crops are located in areas where contam ination from the rivers does not
reach, or reaches them in very small quantities.
There is no process of erosion in Guadualito, because the territory is flat.
¾ Main environmental damage:
- Contamination and destruction of aquatic life . The water in the rivers and
inlets is used to prepare solutions and to wash equipment which has handled
chemicals, and this causes the regular death of fish throughout the year, and the
reduction of fauna. "The processing of the fruit of the …
[Page 198]
… African palm generates a large amount of waste matter, which is commonly
deposited on the banks of the rivers, generat ing contamination and affecting
aquatic life" (Barrera et al (20 05:86). This waste material in the rivers comes from
the palm oil extraction plants, which contai n an important volume of fatty residues,
and these alter the levels of oxygenation of the water (Alerta Verde, 1996). In
Guadualito, is the reason for the loss of fish and shrimp, and a drastic reduction in
population of tortoises in the Salavera and Achiote inlets, and the R. Guadualito.
Deterioration in the health of domestic animals and fauna and flora in areas
close to the plantations. After deforestation around and within the wider Regional
Centre, certain animals typical of t he habitats intervened have begun to colonize
parts of the intervened woodland forest, and old scrub in the territory of the Centre
(guacharacas). This produces a net reduction in the population of fish, shrimp and
tortoises".
- Loss of soil (impoverishment), erosion, compaction
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
The single-crop of the African palm contributes to climate change due to the
destruction of forests (net release of carbon, contributing to global warming).
Deforestation and drainage and drying works round the inlets prior to the plantation
also cause profound changes in the water regime (Buitrón, 2000).
Smoke and gases from the oil extraction plant processes produce contamination
of the air and supplementary water.
2. Social and territorial impact
a. General and specific social impact
The most important social impact in the expansion of the single-crop African palm
are:
x Direct threat to food security and to the "health” of communities affected
¾ Diverse impact on food security and on traditional forms of medicine.
[Page 199]
Due to the loss of the forests, the collec tion of fruit and hunting disappears, along
with traditional medicine and traditional agriculture. In order to keep themselves
supplied, problems arise in malnutrition, or inappropriate nutrition (Cedis, 1985).
There are is also a scarcity of material for the construction of houses, canoes and
utensils.
¾ Disease
In particular, the use of agricultural chemicals and fe rtilizers in large quantities in
the production of African palm (Nuñez, 1998) in the study area generates
28
environmental contamination and very serious impact on human health (African
Centre for Biosafety, Network for a Latin America Free of Transgenics 2007).
Farmers, workers 29 and families who live in the plantations and neighbouring
communities are affected by contamination from agricultural chemicals, directly
through contact with the product, or indirectly through ingestion or the use of
contaminated water. The most common forms of poisoning occurred due to the
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handling of carbamate, organo-phosphor ic and organochlorine insecticides
(Buitrón 2000). Pesticides and fertilizers cause diseases of the liver and skin, due
to contact ingestion of contami nated water contaminated by slow-decomposing
pesticides, from the palm plantations (Buitrón 2000).
In Guadualito, the increase in disease was documented. A deeper and more
detailed analysis needs to be made of the origins of these diseases (see
Recommendations).
- The symptoms:
Stomach pains, for example, could be attributed to excess nitrates in the water, but
could also be linked or reinforced by other factors.
Skin blotches and headaches are the commonest symptoms.
- Types of toxicity and their potential and real impact on health.
[Page 200]
The harmful effects for human health are determined by the degree of toxicity.
There are two types of toxicity: acute and chronic.
"Acute toxicity is the capacity to cause immediate effect (in less than seven days),
due to a single exposure to the chemical. This is determined by dermal and oral
toxicity, exposing the skin or ingesting the chemic al in test with animals. At a value
of less than LD50 (lethal dose), the toxic effect of the chemical is greater. Pesticides
used in the production of palm are extremely hazardous, due to the high toxicity for
acute conditions, and these are Carbofuran and Terbufos. The moderately
hazardous pesticides are Endosulfan and Paraquat. Malathion is slightly
hazardous. The pesticides Captam, Carboxin and Glyphosate do not represent
acute toxicity. However, Captan has ser ious and reproductive and carcinogenic
effects. If glyphosate exceeds a concent ration of 0.7 mg/litre in water for
consumption, it causes kidney disorders and difficulties in reproduction" (Ana Maria
Nuñez, 2004).
“The chronic toxicity of a pesticide is determined by its capacity to cause damage
due to prolonged exposure to small doses of the active ingredient. Some of the
chronic effects are: birth defects, fetal to xicity, the production of carcinogenic
tumours and non-carcinogenic tumours, genetic changes, nervous and blood
disorders. Moderately hazardous pesticides are Endosulfan and Paraquat.
Malathion is slightly hazardous. The pestici des Captan Carboxin and Glyphosate
do not represent acute toxicity. However, captan has serious reproductive and
carcinogenic effects. If the glyph osate exceeds 0.7 mg/litre in water for
consumption, it causes kidney disorders and difficulties in reproduction" (ibid).
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
- Sources of disease
There may be several sources of disease. One is the use of water and practices
associated with water use. For example, in Guadualito it is "usual" to bathe and
wash in the river. During times of greatest concentration of agricultural chemicals in
the water, there is a greater vulnerability for the child population (they play with the
foam generated in the river), and t he risk of skin diseas es, and others, for the
population in general. Another source may be th e consumption of water, and
therefore there must be follow-up of water quality, with respect to what comes from
the source of drinking water. In general, the generation of a process of
environmental education, levels of hazardous toxicity for the population, may
provide elements of control in the daily pract ices of the population (see
Recommendations).
[Page 201]
- Structural problems in health
Traditional medicine is not sufficient to combat the appearance of new diseases.
This situation produces an increase in the dependence on modern medicine that is
not accessible locally. Given the difficulties of access (geographical and economic)
to health in general, local care must be given greater capacity and better quality. In
Guadualito, it is emphasized that the Prom oter can only use medicines such as
paracetamol, etc, which are not sufficient or appropriate to cure diseases on the
ground. Prescriptions are needed for other cases, and there must be bought in San
Lorenzo. The lack of economic resources and difficulties of transport are very
significant.
x Internal conflict in the "communities".
In some cases, there may be a second-degree weakening of social structures. To
the extent that purchases or invasions of land occur, or are "n egotiated", at the
level of "community" or centre, there may arise conflict between Centres or
communities of the same nationality, and problems or disagreements between the
first-level organizations and the second and third level. In the case of Guadualito,
there is no internal conflict, because no la nd has been sold. There is also no
conflict between the Centre organization (seco nd level), and FCAE (first level) for
the same reason. However, more support is required from FCAE in legal
processes in progress against the plantation companies (see Recommendations).
x Domination in employment, social and economic marginalization,
poverty.
Agricultural labour is controlled by a syst em of contractors, who take responsibility
for employment and payment of the workers. In this way, the companies eliminate
direct contracts with the workers, encourage continuous changes of personnel, and
190 $QQH[▯▯▯
avoid mandatory employment obligations, such as payment of Social Security and
other bonuses, holidays, over time, e tc (Buitrón, 2000; Speiser, 1993). Work is
“casual labour”, principally during harvest ti me. "In the plantation companies, men
women and children work round-the-clock, on a wage of US$5 a day, with no
protection against the toxic agricultural chemicals used in the crops or social
security, and none of the mandatory leg al benefits" (Afric an Centre for Biosafety,
"Report on verification of the expansion of African palm crops in North Esmeraldas,
2007). The more technically advanced and the larger the plantation, the smaller the
number of agricultural workers employed. In Guadualito, four families work in a
nearby plantation.
[Page 202]
x Violation of collective rights.
None of these companies has permission to fell the forests, and they operate
without environmental management plans, violating the collective rights of the local
communities, recognized by the Constitution of Ecuador and ILO Convention 169,
to which Ecuador is a party, including the right to be consulted when activities
which will affect them are to be mounted" (Buitrón, 2000).
x Impact on relations of the Guadualito Centre with external actors
¾ RelationswithFCAE
More presence and support is required in the process of struggle against the
plantation companies. There is a feeling that FCAE has distanced itself with regard
to the claims against the plantations. The legal pr oceedings are lengthy, but there
needs to be more trust in the adminis tration of justice by FCAE and the members
of the Centre.
¾ Relations with the plantations
Relations are ones of confrontation and fear. During the workshop, we noted a
clear lack of hope with regard to the lawsuit against the Labores Agricolas and
Palmeras de los Andes. There is a sense of feeling of abandonment (by the
organizations so far committed to the legal process).
This disappointment and despair have been expressed as follows:
"It's been about four years, and we have achieved nothing", Efrain Alvarez
The sense of fear is ever-present. When they walk through the palm plantations,
they already find problems and threats (several testimonies, Monitoring 2004), and
people are aware of the risks they run in the plantations", "And if you object, your
life is at risk".
191$QQH[▯▯▯
Relations between the members of the Centre and the non-Awá workers in the
plantations is tense, due to the cont amination which the practices generate ("They
don't care who lives down here", Felipe).
¾ Minister of Environment (State)-Universidad Católica de Quito
Relations with the Ministry of the Environment are ones of mistrust and annoyance.
There is a prevailing feeling of injustice, since theMinistry was found in favour of
the plantations in the Environmental Audit of 2005. It is stressed that there are
family relationships between the former Minister of the Environment and the lawyer
for the plantations and the timber businesse s in the area. This and the feeling of
injustice and corruption are expressed as
[Page 203]
follows by several people "There is no justice for the poor", Felipe Cuajivoy, "If we
have to die, we'll die; if we have to go out to fight, we'll go out to fight", Aida
Cantincúz, "Economic power is stronger than the law itself", Efrain Alvarez; "It's a
distant hope with the law now, because power has been seized", and "There was a
deal which ends with the Ministry selling itself out to the plantation companies".
¾ Afrocommunities-LaChiquita
There are good relations with La Chiquita (they are a party to the lawsuit. The
relations of confrontation with the invaders (it particular, the Afro-descendant
collectives in Ricaurte). The dynamics of the invasion of land by Afro-descendant
individuals and families has been reinforced by the pressure of the plantation
companies on territory.
b. Territorial impact
x Increased threats and pressure on territory
In general, there is an important territori al impact in the displacement caused by
the sale of land to the plantatio n companies, and conflicts between communities
and within communities for access to l and. The sale of land can generate conflict
between communities, and individuals who have sold their land seek out other land
to settle into. In Guadualito, in the past I have been various invasions by Afro-
descendant collectives to extract wood. With the dynamics of the palm industry, the
pressure on territory increases. According to the community, some Afro-
descendant families have sold their land s under pressure from the plantation
companies, and have been looking for new lands to settle on, and seek to invade
the Centre´s territory.
x Migrations due to the plantation companies
Four families migrated from what Guadualito to work in the plantations. They live in
192 $QQH[▯▯▯
30
San Lorenzo . The possibility was mentioned of leaving the community, perhaps
more to emphasize the difficulties of the situation caused by the plantations.
However, migration may increase in t he future, as it is one of the only alternatives
to generate income, and population growth is important.
x Potential impact on the defense of territory and unity of territory.
[Page 204]
Several organizations have contributed to t he lawsuit in Guadualito, building
greater unity in the community for the defense of their territory and opposition to
the plantation companies. However, t he process is weakening, and there is a
prevailing perception that nothing more c an be done (disappointment); this may
potentially be a source of weakening of the territory (the mention of leaving). The
results of the case (indemnities) may cause tensions at the time of distribution.
Conclusion
Loss of biodiversity, contamination of river water due to the use of
agricultural chemicals, precarious contracting of the neighbouring
population, disease, violation of collective rights, increased pressures on the
territory,-there are so many effects wh ich produce vulnerability and social
marginalization. In this context, the African palm industry may be seen as a
continuity of the enclave economy in Esmeraldas, and the historical process
of concentration of land holdings in the hands of large landowners, cattle
breeders, extractive industries (timber) and agricultural industry. The toxicity
of the African palm is an environmental racism which generates social and
environmental suffering in the populations affected.
B. The timber industry
1. Environmental impact
In general, there are two basic factors which determine the degree of impact on the
environment of timber extraction. The first is accessibility, and the second is
presence of species of wood with high commercial value. It could be established
that in Awá territory there is a d irect correlation between accessibility and timber
extraction. These arguments indicate that the critical point is t he construction of
roads. Once a road is built, it is very difficult for the community to control extraction,
and dynamics are systematically established whi ch marginalize them in social and
economic terms (see Social Impact below), and deteriorate the ecosystem
significantly.
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There are various types of wood extraction, with different impact on the
environment. Initially, we find the select ive felling of fine woods, which has been
the commonest process in …
[Page 205]
… Awá territory such as Guadualito, Balsareño and other places. Next, comes
extraction of white wood, with lower commercial value, but greater abundance.
One key factor which determines t he degree of impact is the use of heavy
machinery. Selective extraction of fine wood is usually effected with heavy
machinery, as in Guadualito. The impacts of this type of extraction are greater for
several reasons: 1) the volume of wood ex tracted: the quantity of trees which may
be felled and extracted with the help of a tractor is enormously greater than the
number of trees extracted with horses. 2) Given that for each usable tree felled a
clearing is opened up in the forest, which knocks down more trees, with impact on
coverage and the opening of clearings is high. 3) Compaction the soil and
destruction of soil seed banks: the passage of tractors over the forest soils in
addition to eliminating all the vegetation in the undergrowth (the plants in the lower
level of the forest), compresses the soil and destroys the seeds in it, and therefore
the recovery of the forest after extraction is completed is enormously delayed. The
soil seed bank is a key factor in rapid recovery of the ecosystem.
The felling timber has many other im pacts which could depend on the scale
analyzed.
As we have seen, the effects explained in the preceding paragraph are specific-
scale effects, that is, effects which can be seen at the point of extraction. There are
another series of very serious impacts which are not always evident on the smaller
scale. Among them, there is a loss of diversity in the ecosystem.
Ecosystems are articulated assemblies of species, which fulfill specific functions,
and configure a meshing of distinguishable structures. These three attributes of
woodland (diversity, structure and function) are important points of analysis. The
extraction of timber generates a loss of diversity not only among mature trees, but
also the fauna associated with the species locally extinguished. For example, the
Caoba is a tree which is presumed likely to be extinct, since it is the species with
low-density natural conditions, and highly p rized as timber. Also, the Chanúl which
is indeed not extinct, consists of juveni le individuals which are not good sources of
seeds, and this endangers the viability of the population.
The ecosystems have characteristic structures for their state of maturity, and while
this is not a static situation, there are structural parameters which allow
identification of the degree of …
[Page 206]
194 $QQH[▯▯▯
…maturity of a forest. When there are strong processes of selective felling with
machinery, the structure of the forest changes drastically, and it becomes an
ecosystem which, having been one with a g ood capacity to fulfill its functions as a
regulator of water, the decomposition, protection, erosion, refuge for fauna, etc,
now becomes an ecosystem which does not have the same capacities to retain
water, with different rates of decompo sition of organic matter, with the lower
capacity to protect against soil erosion, and a small capacity to offer resources or
habitats for fauna.
In the case of Guadualito, where the structure of the forest has drastically changed,
and what was once mature forest is now a highly intervened one, or secondary
forest, including scrub, the functions as a regulator of the local climate, surface run-
off and quality of forest as a refuge for fauna, have radically changed.
In Guadualito, the change in the composit ion of animals may be greater. One of
the groups of animals which are particularly sensitive to these changes in
ecosystems are the primates. People say that effectively there has been a
reduction in the local population of monkeys, but that recently due to lack the loss
of vegetation cover in the area, the monkeys are coming back to the forests which
the plantation companies felled. Other groups which quickly disappeared with the
advance of the extraction process are the large ma mmals, which are now to be
found in very small numbers.
Given the conditions of accessibility, the ex traction of wood in Balsareño has not
been on the same scale. Nonetheless, there is now no longer any Caoba, and the
Chanúl has been restricted to the most inaccessible parts (on the edge of Mataje).
There are other large-scale processes, mainly associated with the opening up of
roads and the advance of the agricultural frontier. When the process of extraction
of wood is massive, and felling is wholesale, there is a phenomenon known as the
fragmentation of the habitat. Fragmentation refe rs to the fact that initially there
were large areas of continuous forest, and wit h the advance of the settlers, the
land has become a matrix of palm plantations with some small patches of forest 31.
[Page 207]
In synthesis, the process of selective felling has different impacts, depending on
the degree and use of machinery. The most notable consequences are the change
of structure in the forest, with impact on former populations, and the functions of
the entire ecosystem. The loss of biodiver sity must be analyzed in greater detail,
and to do this, inventories must be taken to compare with historical data (rarely
available).
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In the study made, the process of felling in Guadualito has been most intensive,
giving the effect mentioned. One fact which may aggravate the situation is the
advance of the plantation frontier, which threatens to isolate the Centre. If this
happens, the recovery of the forest will be much slower, since it has not been able
to receive the contribution of seeds from nearby areas. In the longer term, and
supposing that the current felling around the Centre is suspended, there could be
recovery of coverage, and perhaps of structure, but it would be difficult to recover
the composition of species, given the isolation.
In Balsareño, the process of felling has been less intensive, but it is still relatively
uncontrolled, and with no criteria of sustainability. The selective felling of trees may
be sustainable only with strong parameters of sustainability, that is, considering the
replacement rates of individuals of the species. In this regard, we suggest that
these be the most important parameters to take into account include forestry
product projects such as that which is proposed for the Forest and Territory project.
2. Social and territorial impact
x The economic marginalization of primary producers , that is, of the local
people. The primary producers occupy the lowest level in the production
chain, in which the middlemen and the medium or large scale businesses
have a "low-price" policy for buying, and they then "snatch" part of the
resources of the local population. Sierra say s that "When prices fall, the
primary producers absorb a disproportionate part of the losses, and when
they rise, they recover a disproportionately small part of the gains" (Sierra,
2001: 336). In general, it is indicated that "The prices of Ecuadorian timber
were always below the int ernational prices" (Sierra, 1998:153)
(ITTO/INEFAN, 1993: Magill 1993).
[Page 208]
x Social marginalization of primary producers. The marginalization of
primary producers is also social. The company's transfer the risks to local
producers. "To transfer the risks to primary producers reduces vulnerability
to climatic conditions (access by road), and secured constant offer of wood.
Also, since commercial felling in northwest Ecuador is labour-intensive, the
timber companies avoid the costs associated with a permanent workforce
(salaries), leaving the production to local producers" (Sierra, 1998:154).
x Social tensions. There are several types of social tension which arise from
the dynamics of illegal deforestation in the territory, and in Esmeraldas
Centres.
▯ Tensions with the middlemen, who take advantage of the difficulties of
transport and access to national and international markets, to apply a low-
196 $QQH[▯▯▯
price policy, and several types of effective ´blackmail´ which produced
vulnerability and dependence on the part of the primary producers.
▯ Tensions with other communities , and especially the Afro descendant
collective nearby. As defor estation around Balsareño and Guadualito
increases, so does pressure on territory in the Centres, and so, the risk of
invasion for illegal felling.
▯ Conflict with the timber companies . Likewise, when deforestation
becomes more acute over large parts of the country, and in areas bordering
the territory, the pressure of the timber companies on indigenous territories
and ancestral lands increases.
▯ Potential conflict with the competent environmental authority . Illegal
felling is a major risk for Awá territory in a legal and political sense, because
it is a case of lack of respect for forestry regulations established by the
Ministry of the Environment, as applied to the category of Forest Reserve.
But the conflicts or tensions with Government authorities go further than
that. The forestry policy of the State consists of granting forestry
concessions without respecting territorial and collective rights of local
populations, and this represents a major source of territorial risk, for the
territory and the Awá people. In parallel to the policies for forestry
concessions, we should note that the physical absence of the State has
given more power to the economic actors (in this case, the timber
companies), and has led the communities to deal directly with them in the
case of conflict. The situation creates vulnerability for the local population,
who suffer from asymmetry of power. The companies develop mechanisms
for this domination …
[Page 209]
…to meet their needs, and in many cases the local population, having no
economic upturn alternative, is dependent on these actors, and subject to
the rules of the game that they establish.
▯ Tensions within the communities . Illegal felling can produce tensions or
conflict between primary producers as well. When prices are low, the
temptation to cut down trees on the property of one's neighbour may arise,
or there may be reluctance or dela y in payment to the primary producers,
generating tensions between the producer and his workers, if he contracts
them to fell and transport the wood, etc.
x The dynamics of the illegal felling timber may come to produce
organizational weakening in general. Since they negotiate directly with
the timber companies, the co mmunities may have tensions with the
federation, particularly because the illegal felling represents an important
197$QQH[▯▯▯
risk to the territory.
x Organizational weakening produces territorial weakening.
C. Mining
1. Environmental impact
Mining can be differentiated into large-scale mi ning, small-scale mining, and
artisan mining. There is no large-scale mining in Awá territory. There is small-scale
mining in some communities, and is a type of activity which is difficult to control,
with shortfalls in technical knowledge, little or no environmental consideration, and
major environmental and social impact. T he majority of small-scale mining is
illegal; this is the case of mining in the Awá territor y. In general, the extent of
environmental impact depends on many social and ecological factors, including the
type of mining, the mineral exploited, substan ces used in the treatment process,
the local terrain, geology and rainfall, amongst other factors.
In Awá territory, the principal mining activity is small-scale alluvial gold extraction
(from the rivers). Even small-scale mi ning does not disdain the use of some
machinery, such as dredges.
Alluvial gold mining has several phases with diverse consequences for the
environment. In the exploration phase, ma chinery goes up and down stretches the
river identifying the best place…
[Page 210]
… to settle down, and this causes disturbance of the water, possibly contaminating
it with sediment removed and wit h oil or grease and diesel fuel from the machines
which operate in the rivers, and also cause noise and local vibrations of the
ground. The removal of sediment from the location of places with the great greatest
quantity of mineral often implies topographical alterations to the normal flow of
streams and rivers, with a direct impact on the aquatic habitats of fish, shrimp, and
other aquatic organisms. The removal of sediment and disturbance of the river
water does not always have a strong impact on fish comm unities, but the impact
can be considerable if the disturbance is permanent. Further, the increased
turbidity of the water has a negative impact on the landscape, a point which is often
undervalued.
Perhaps it is in this phase that the contamination with oil, grease and fuels from the
machines causes the greatest impact. It is im portant to note that in Awá territory,
the rivers are often sources of drinking water. So, standards of grease in water
permissible for human consumption are strict.
The exploitation phase for small-scale mini ng is one of the productive activities
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
which causes most contamination. This is mainly due to the use of mercury (Hg)
and cyanide to separate gold from the other materials with which it is naturally
bound.
Generally, gold in rivers is united to other minerals, for which it is normally
necessary to go through an initial process of concentration, which may use
gravimetric processes. Subsequently, there is a process of amalgamation. This
means joining the gold to the mercury, and separating it from the other m32erals,
and subsequently separate it from the mercury through evaporation .
In small-scale mining, there are several possible amalgamation processes, but
almost all of them are harmful to th e environment and to the miner. Amalgamation
may be manual, or with manual or mechanized mills. In manual amalgamation, the
miner comes into contact …
[Page 211]
…directly with the mercury, and suffers proc esses of intoxication to the skin, which
will be discussed later 3.
Once the amalgam has been made, the gold must be separated from the mercury,
and this is done by heating it to more than 375°C. This is generally done with a
blowtorch or gas stove. "Unfortunately, this therm al separation is often practised in
a very direct and elementary manner, an "open furnace" or open “torch", releasing
mercury vapour, which is highly toxic, directly into the atmosphere, contaminating
the environment, endangering the worker´s health and that of the population in the
neighbourhood" (Wotruba et al 1998; 102).
The mercury vapour settles around the place where the burning took place, and
contaminates soil, water sources and food (Wotruba et al 1998). Often also,
mercury deposits and the residues of the amalgamation process are thrown away
applying no environmental criteria, contaminating the environment and people.
Effects of contamination on fish and humans
The residues of mercury released into the environment are accumulated in
sediments of the rivers or in the soil in the form of methylmercury, which is
transformed by bacterial action into organic mercury, or more accurately,
methylmercury. Methylmercury may easily pass into the trophic chains of aquatic
ecosystems, causing problems of growth and permeability in plants, but bio
accumulating in fish, which generally do not die even with levels of up to 106 times
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the WTO recommended value for human consumption . 34
The process of bioaccumulation refers to a magnification of the content of the
mercury content which starts to accumulating organisms which are higher up the
trophic chain. So, producers or humans can be ingesting large amounts of mercury
when consuming fish from contaminated water.
Intoxication with mercury
…
[Page 212]
…
Intoxication can occur during the proces s of amalgamation, and in evaporation, or
through the consumption of contaminated fish or food. As mentioned above, there
are two types of poisoning - chronic and acute. Acute poisoning refers to specific
intoxication with large amounts of me rcury, for example in the process of manual
amalgamation, or a process of evaporation. Chronic poisoning refers to slow but
permanent intoxication with small or large doses of mercury, for example with the
repeated consumption of fish or other fo od which have accumulated mercury or
intoxication by recurrent inhalation.
The following are the main symptoms of acute and chronic poisoning due to
inhalation of mercury in the process of evaporation of the amalgam.
Symptoms of acute poisoning due to symptoms of chronic poisoning from
mercury vapour inhalations recurrent in mercury inhalations
x Chest pains x In intense exposures, there are
x Difficulty in breathing symptoms in the mouth, kidneys,
x Cough stomach and intestines and respiratory
x Taste of metal system
x Neurological symptoms
x Nausea
x Diarrhea x outh: gingivitis, alveolar
x Abdomina plains destruction, pigmentation of the gums,
x Vomiting simulation, tongue tremors, difficulty in
speaking, alteration of taste sensitivity
x Headaches and occasional and smell.
albuminuria
x Acute gastroenteritis with a latency x Nasal irritation and epistasis
of 24 hours x Loss of appetite and anemia
x Reduction of visual acuity, the
x After 3-4 days, there may be kidney crystalline goes opaque.
insufficiency and other complications,
can be recovered in two weeks x Mercury accumulates in kidneys,
x In the event of severe intoxication, liver, brain. It is transmitted in mother's
there are psychopathological symptoms milk. It is eliminated through the urine.
▯▯9DOXHV▯FDOFXODWHG▯RQ▯WKH▯EDVLV▯RI▯GDWD▯LQ▯:RWUXED▯+▯▯HW▯DO▯▯▯▯▯▯▯▯▯
200 $QQH[▯▯▯
and muscle tremors But in some cases, it has been seen to
develop nephrotic syndrome.
x Irritability,excitability,insomnia,
reduced capacity to concentrate,
depression, melancholy, timidity,
fatigue, memory alterations.
* Information taken from Wotruba H et al 1998:90-91
[Page 213]
Given that the mercury accumulated in living organisms has another form
(methylmercury or organic mercury), the intoxication through this route may have
very serious consequences to human healt h. Methylmercury dissolves in grease,
and passes the blood-brain and placental barriers. It also has mutagenic and
teratogenic potential. Symptoms from this kind of intoxication occur some weeks
afterwards. The symptoms are: restricted field of vision, mumbled pronunciation
and unclear writing, abnormal hypersensitivity, dermal irritation, nasal hemorrhage,
depression, irritation of the nervous system (Wotruba H. et al, 1998; 91).
Other environmental effects associated with alluvial gold mining
The release of mercury into water may have severe effects on amphibian
populations. Further, if fish indeed tolerate large quantities of mercury in their
organism, the mutagenic effects and the effect on eggs may also be severe. In this
sense, fish populations in the rivers may be threatened.
Further, mining settlements cause immigration into exploration areas. This may
bring about strong pressures on forest ecosystems in the neighbourhood, and
affect hunting, and may cause disturbance (machinery noise, etc), for animal
populations in the area.
It is fundamental to take ac count of the fact that the installation of machinery for
small mining requires the construction of roads. These roads are a strong threat to
forests in general, and are an open door to timber extractors and hunters. In Awá
territory, this phenomenon is already occurring with the construction of the road
which passes through La Unión to Tobar Donoso.
The arrival of the timber companies and the proce ss of settlement which follows a
road building project are serious, and have severe consequences for the
environment. For details, please see the chapter on the impact of the timber
industry.
Conclusions
Awá territory is beginning to undergo strong process of small- scale mining. The
201$QQH[▯▯▯
oldest of them is on the river Tululbí. In this case, the communities downstream are
Afro-Ecuadorian (mainly Ricaurte). This may have severe impact on health.
[Page 214]
In the Balsareño community, it is likely that there will be impacts from small-scale
mining activities in progress in La Sirena: the situation is extremely serious, since
the Balsareño community may have it s principal source of water contaminated
with mercury. In this situation, it is essent ial for the community to organize itself
and to take preventive measures, ideally holding up the mining initiative.
The most serious consequences of small-scale mining are those which affect
human health. This therefore requires that the process of training of health
promoters should be started so that they will be able to identify and attend to
community problems associated with these mining activities.
2. Socio-economic and territorial impacts
x Division of communities and weakening of social and indigenous
organization
The strategy of the mining companies seeks to divide communities, to alienate part
of the population, and make community organization fragile, so that it will lack unity
and strength in its negotiations or in the definition of a position with regard to
mining. The strategies are many, from direct threats, to "social actions for the
community" (the s ocial responsibility of the mining companies " is a rhetorical
device to legitimize the advancement of their activities), such as for example the
construction of a road, a school, a community hall, payment of teachers´ salaries,
etc. These strategies are common to the oil co mpanies, the timber companies and
the plantation companies.
Once they have secured allies within the communities, the mining companies are
a serious threat to the unity of the Awá people as a whole . Since the
companies deploy strategies to convince the community or simply buy it out,
obviating the mediation with the political expression of the Awá people (FCAE), this
may generate conflict between communities and the federation. The companies
generate other channels of economic and social privilege for the communities. The
little they do in the communities does not represent any economic sacrifice for
them. But equally, it does not require comm itment on the part of the communities.
The Federation is discredited and de-legitimized, since the communities also start
to expect that the Federation will be a donor of funds, which is not is FCAE´s
primary role.
Violations of collective human rights
- Violations of the right to consultation
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[Page 215]
35
As noted in the report presented to the Inter-Am erican Commission for Human
Rights, the Ecuadorian State is not fulfilling its duty to consult with the community
prior to taking environmental decisions related to mining activities.
-Violations of the right to land and territory
- Militarism and armed groups
- Violation of the right to have a healthy environment
- Violation of the right to health
x Poverty. The resources generated by mineral extraction are never
redistributed to the local population, andat the same time alternatives for
economic sustenance tend to disappear. When the soil has been
contaminated, mining damages agriculture, and make s land infertile or
increasingly degrades it, particularlyin tropical soils. When the area is
deforested, mining also destroys another economic alternative of the local
population: forestry resources. In general, there is a loss of the means of
sustenance. Agriculture and fishing may be severely diminished by
contamination or exhaustion of water. Local production and food decreases
as mining as employment in mining replaces farming. The local population
becomes impoverished, as its cost of living increases. At national level,
there is a strong relationship between m ining and poverty, as can be seen
from the chart below.
[Page 216]
COUNTRIES DEGREE IDH IDH CHANGE
OF MINING REPORT REPORT 1995-
DEPENDEN POSITION POSITION 2006
CE 1995 2006
1995
*Highly
▯▯
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* Highly indebted countries according to the World Bank (Extractive sectors and
poverty)
The position in the Human Development Indicator is the classification of the State
in accordance with its UNDP Human Development Index, which positions States
by using a combined measure of incom e, health and education. Classification
varies from 1 (the highest level of human development), to 175 (the lowest).
Ecuador has no dependence on mining, but the example of other countries
indicates a general trend, in which dependence on mining activity in a national
economy causes the population of that country to su ffer from extremely low levels
of human development. Further, m ining development policies may generate
greater dependence in the future.
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x Migration and displacement.
[Page 217]
In addition to social conflict such as that which Ecuador has experienced when
resisting projects (such as Intag), one of the most harmful impacts of the major
mining project is the relocation of communities in order to make way for the mines,
particularly where the mine is the only economic activity of great importance.
x Disease, general deterioration of human health.
All phases and all types of mining activity have serious impact on human health.
These impacts are closely related to environmental impacts. Dust and
contamination of the air causes respiratory diseas es and irritation of the eyes and
skin, especially among children.
Frequently, drinking water and irrigation water are poisoned. Contaminated of
water from the mines can poison crops many miles away from the mine. Mining
extraction is usually accompanied by a high level of contamination from heavy
metals in water and soil: mercury, lead, arsenic, cyanide, etc. Below is a table of
the main diseases caused by poisoning from lead, mercury, cyanide or arsenic.
Lead. The presence of lead in the hum an body is dangerous, because it is
absorbed by the bones, in which it accumu lates for a lifetime. The effects of lead
are chronic when exposure is given for a long period of time. The presence of lead
in children under six is dangerous, because it has permanent effects including
damage to the nervous system and the kidne ys, weakening of the muscles and
bones growth. Also, it has been shown that it can provoke an adverse effect on the
intellectual performance of children.
Mercury. Mercury has a number of effects on humans, which may be all be
simplified into the following principal effects: damage to the nervous system,
damage to brain functions, damage to DNA and chromosomes, allergic reaction,
skin irritation, tiredness, headaches, negative effect on reproduction, damage to
sperm, birth defects and abortions. Damage to the brain functions may cause
degradation to the ability to learn, personality changes, tremors, changes in vision,
deafness, lack of coordination of the mu scles and loss of memory. The damage to
chromosomes is known to cause mongolism.
Cyanide. Cyanide is strongly toxic for humans. The symptoms of acute toxicity of
irritation of the mucus, burning in the musc les and pharynx, headache, dizziness,
confusion, anxiety, …
[Page 218]
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…nausea, vomiting, convulsions, tachycardia, chest pains, pulmonary oedema,
automation of rapid and slow restoration and gasping, reddish or brilliant pink
colouring of the skin. Chronic effects (produced by exposure to low doses over a
long time) are palpitations, irritation and chest tensions, headaches, vertigo,
tiredness, alterations in appetite and slee p, nausea and vomiting, dermatitis,
scarlatiniform rashes and popular rashes, enlargement of the thyroid gland, thyroid
dysfunction in the metabolism of vitamin B12.
Arsenic. Arsenic is one of the most toxic elements which can be found. Exposure
can also occur in contact with the skin with soil or water containing arsenic. Various
effects on health, such as irritation of the stomach and intestines, diminished
production of red and white blood cells, changes in skin and irritation of the lungs.
It is suggested that taking of significant quantities of inorganic arsenic may intensify
the possibilities of developing cancer, especially possibilities of cancer of the skin,
lungs, liver and lymph glands. Very high exposures to inorganic arsenic may cause
infertility and abortion in women, or disturbance of the skin, loss of resistance to
infection, disturbance of the heart and damage to the brain in men and women.
Finally, inorganic arsenic may also damage DNA.
x Delinquency, alcoholism and prostitution
Several studies, including some from the World Bank, also forecast an increase in
crime and other social problem s such as alcoholism in mining areas. It has been
proven that in mining areas tend to be higher indices of venereal disease and
AIDS, due to prostitution.
x Conflict and violence
"a country whose exports of commodities represent 25% of GDP has eight times
as high a risk of facing civil war in the country whose commodity exports represent
only 5% of GDP "(Ian Bannon and Paul Collier, Natural Resource and Violent
Conflict, World Bank 2003)
In recent years, Ecuador has gone through a series of violent social and
environmental conflicts, generated in relation to large-scale mining activities. Some
of the examples of these conflicts are:
[Page 219]
-The conflict of the San Felipe de Molletura comm une in the parish Molleturo de
Cuenca, Azuay, with the Ecuador Gold S.A. and IMC mining project, which has
48,000 ha of concession.
-The Cantons Limon, San Juan Bosco and Gualaquiza in the Province of Morona
Santiago, in conflict with the Panantsa and San Carlos de Corriente Resources Inc
concessions.
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- Intag in the Canton Cotacachi, Imaba bura in conflict with the Intag mining project
of Ascendant Copper Corporation (currently Copper Mesa)
- Parroquia Jima, Canton Sigsig Province of Azuay , in latent conflict due to the
Ecuador Gold, Expausa, Ascendant Explotación and Ecuaoro Resources and to
the entrepreneur Jefferson Sagbay.
These cases, and in general all cases of conflict are marked by lack of observance
and respect for fundamental rights such as prior consultation and participation, and
ignorance of the principle of precaution. The tactics of approach and "community
relations" are similar, and can include di sinformation and deceit in the early
phases, passing to repression and violence at moments of higher-level conflict,
using the forces of law and order or their own "private security" forces. Each case
includes a succession of conflicts due to water and la nd, but in addition, due to
natural Heritage and cultural heritage.
Militarism and the appearance of the armed groups are processes that commonly
accompany mining activity.
Mining can be transformed into an important source of finance to support irregular
armed groups, and often violate human rights, and leading to the paramilitarization
of a region. Some 70% of forced displacement in Colombia between 1995 and
2002 was produced in mining areas (Source, DECOIN).
x Division, occupation and loss of territory (see analysis of the current
Mining Law, a serious threat to indigenous peoples , in the general
introduction to this report).
[Page 220]
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IV. Recommendations
A. Environmental.
Principal recommendation. Form an internal environmental monitoring
team to perform continuous environmental follow-up.
General recommendation. A careful and rigourous study must be made of the
specific and precise impact of the palm plantation activities and the miners in the
areas of environment and health. Very accurate information must be obtained on
the effects the palm industry and the miners cause, directly or indirectly, and what
elements of these activities generate impact, in order to lend legitimacy to actions
subsequently taken, in order to improve the situation of the Centres affected.
x Form an internal monitoring team for ea ch centre affected by these
activities-Guadualito, Balsareño, Pambilar, La Unión, Rio Bogotá), in order
not to depend on external te chnical personnel, and to effect continuous and
environmental and social follow-up. For this purpose, we recommend that
there be a process of detailed training, which will be sufficiently long to
ensure that the handling of equipment, the methods of monitoring water and
soil with specific procedures, and the treatment of data and analysis, can all
be conducted in the Centre itself.
x There must be support from FCAE in the formation of each Centre´ s
monitoring team, to contract training staf f committed to the cause, the
organization of a week-long workshop, with the various essential elements
required for successful environm ental monitoring (knowing how to take
water samples, with what frequency, and where, handling of equipment,
etc.)
x This logistical support is required for the coordination, functioning and work
of the monitoring team in each centr e, in particular, there should be a the
presence of personnel from FCAE, to coordinate external trainers or
technical personnel in the beginning, to ensure the transport of samples
to laboratory immediately, etc.
[Page 221]
B. Health:
x A detailed biomedical study should be made of the origins of diseases and
their symptoms.
The objective is to be able to say with precision what diseases or illnesses are
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
produced indirectly or directly by the palm plantations, which diseases are
produced by acute toxicity, and which by chronic toxicity.
For this purpose, we suggest that account be taken of a series of questions. How
often, and when, do some things occur - vomiting, blotches, and headaches?
x Financing should be sought to implement this biomedical study
-Articulate this study to the health model
- Provide continuous information to those affected
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C. Legal and conservation
x Support of FCAE in claims or other legal actions taken by the communities.
x For this, intensive and continuous communication should be maintained with
the Centres, and information should always be kept fully up to date.
x Conservation projects should be better integrated into daily and local life
(family properties), with a gender dimension (potential), as a complement to
other activities already implemented or about to be implemented.
D. Forestry
x Focus efforts on the legalization of forestry exploitation
x And on the process of environmental education. Awareness, so that people
will take account of the criterion of sustainability in each family.
[Page 222]
E. Palm plantation
x Support of FCAE for legal actions start ed by the commun ities affected.
Strengthen ties with Ecolex.
x Start up an internal monitoring system for water quality.
x Work on spaces of dialogue with the plantation companies, so that they will
respect national environmental regulations.
x In the longer term, consideration should be given to a program of ecological
restoration, which could include the following components: ensure that there
is it a strip of forest separating the Plantation is from the territory, and
around the rivers (at least 10 m), as a protective corridor.
x Generation and support of local development alternatives (fruit production of
food, supporting transport and commercialization), to the extent it is
desirable and possible, in Guadualit o. Make a new evaluation of the
purchase of the Robalino property.
F. Mining
x Support communities in their legal actions
x Awareness. This should be a long and careful process. It requires a
continuous process presence of FCAE in the Centres affected, and long
work in restoring social relationships
x Balsareño: as of now, there must be continuous follow-up of the mining
activity
x Strengthening ties with the various actors engaged in the anti-mining battle,
such as the indigenous movement in general (and its various organizations,
210 $QQH[▯▯▯
such as CONAIE, CONAICE…. ), and social organizations committed to that
battle such as DECOIN of Intag, and Ecolex. These organizations, in
particular DECOIN can contribute a great deal to FCAE in the defense of
territory, in the face of the threat from mining (information, networks,
lawyers, etc.)
[Page 223]
V. ANNEXES
Annex 1. Description of the development of workshops and participants
I. General description of the two workshops
A. Guadualito
On Tuesday-Wednesday June 16-17, a social mapping workshop was held to
enquire into the social impacts of palm plantations and other territorial threats. The
entire community was invited to attend the workshop s. On Tuesday, there were
some 10-12 adults present. In particular, Felipe Cuajivoy and Dumar Mairongo
were present, and they were the coordinators of the "Health and Contamination"
and “Guadualito” maps respectively. They also provided this very valuable
information, enriching the process of dial ogue. As a draughtsman, we had special
participation of Aida Cantincú z, Jair, Alirio Paí and other members of the
community.
At Felipe Cuajivoy´s suggestion, on the first day of the workshop the maps were
stuck to the wall, and drawn sta nding up. This meant, partly, that the coordinators
of the group had a privileged position to draw, and thus did not facilitate the
participation of others. The fact that the coordination group were also responsible
persons with posts of responsibility in the community could also have been reason
not to encourage others to participate. With the map "Guadaulito in the past", the
dynamics were slightly different, because Vi torio Paí, although he did the drawing
himself, asked for advice from others in the group on biodiversity found in the past.
On the second day, some new participa nts arrived, and several other people had
been there the day before also came. On this day, that was no separation by
groups, and work was done on the relationships map in plenary. The workshop
ended at midday.
B. Balsareño
[Page 224]
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At first, this significant amount of time was spent with all the participants on map
locations. The detailed drawings were then taken and transferred to a large sheet,
and conversations began with the participants, to find them accurately on the map,
and so that everyone would clearly understand the limits of the Centre and the
courses of the rivers, and correct whatever seems to them to be out of date or
wrong.
After this important and necessary session for location, two groups were formed,
responsible for the two territorial maps othe Centre. They were encouraged to
draw, and little by littlwith coordination, indications and guidance from key
questions, participants began to draw the maps.
III. List of participants:
A. Guadualito
1. Aida Cantincúz 11. Magdalena García 21. Elena María
Cantincúz
2. Felipe Cuajivoy 12. Lucrecia Cantincúz 22. Inés Mariana Guango
3. Jairo Churta 13. Cecilia Cantincúz 23. Delfina Guango
(FCAEjuventud)
4. Alírio Paí Cantincúz 14. Vitorio Paí 24. Jose Marcelino
Cantincúz
5. Leonardo Rodríguez 15. Yecni Erica 25. Luis Antonio Delgado
Rodríguez
6. Jairo Cantincúz 16. GuillermoPlNas2a.caáz
7. Luz María Cuajivoy 17. Raúl Eduardo 27. Herminda Paí
President) Noguera
8. Rosalva Guanga 18. Demetrio Cantincúz 28. Fidel Cuajivoy
9. Hermes Rodríguez 19. Jair Delgado
10. Dumar Mairongo 20. Efrén Álvarez
…
[Page 225]
…
B. Balsareño
Participants
1. Salvador Pascal 15. Norberto Pascal 29. Rafael Pay
2. Marcelo Pascal 16. Carlos Pascal 30. Rosa Pay
3. Augusto Llanos (?) 17. Gloria Cantincúz 31. María Amparo
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4. Carmen Pascal 18. Carmela Cantincúz 32. Emerita Cantincúz
5. Rosa Guanga 19. Demetrio Pascal 33. Virgilio Nastacuaz
6. Manuel Pay 20. Lisandro Pascal 34. Germán Cantincúz
7. Jilber Taicuz 21. Lucho Pay 35. Medardo Pascal
8. Francisco Pascal 22. Alfonso Taicuz 36. Robertina Pascal
9. Julio Pascal 23. Ricardo Pascal 37. Neftali Pozo
10. Aura Pascal 24. Alberto Taicuz 38. Norman Pascal
11. Rosa Pascal 25. Oscar Pay 39. Rubén Pascal
12. María Alaria Pascal 26. Gloria Pascal 40. Andrés Pascal
13. Marlene Taicúz 27. Fausto Pascal Cantincúz
14. Mauricio Taicuz 28. Marina Pay 41. Mario Paí
42. Jairo Pascal
[Page 226]
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Annex 2. Guadualito Map 1. The territory in the past
[Page 227]
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List of biodiversity drawn on the map
Árboles = trees
Hierbas = Herbs
Plantas cultivadas = cultivated crop
Liana = liana
[Page 228]
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Annex 3. Guadualito Map 2. The territor y after the arrival of the palm
plantations
[Page 229]
The production of this map was really t he responsibility of Dumar Mairongo. This
map was also made with a sheet of paper stuck to the wall, and was drawn
standing up. Some of those present came up to look at the map, but few took part.
Nonetheless, once the map had been finished, there were some very important
reflections about the serious threat of the palm plantations.
Dumar, as technical expert, had had experience in the workshops using similar
methodologies to this. The scanty participation by others in the group may be due
to the fact that they felt inhibited because Dumar was a qualified technical person,
and had substantial knowledge.
Once the map was finished, it was complem ented by some information, such as
the age of the crops, etc, with the participation of all others present.
[Page 230]
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Annex 4. Guadualito Map 3. Health and Contimination
[Page 231]
General Notes
This map was also made on a sheet of paper stuck to the wall, with Felipe drawing
standing up. Given that this map approached the specific issue of health, and since
Felipe is the Health Promoter of the commu nity, the others following this group did
not play an active part in the drawing, but were eager to hear the information
presented there.
Felipe used this map to provide details of all aspects of health and contamination
of which he was which he had knowledge. This information is therefore very up-to-
date, and Felipe indicated that he would be keen to see the health monitoring for
the entire community, on a permanent basis.
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As can be seen in the map, there are also details of the location of the plantations
and vegetation inside the Centre.
[Page 232]
Annex 5. Guadualito Map 4. Relationships of the Centre with external actors
[Page 233]
General Notes
The map "relationships" was made using different dynamics. Work was done in
plenary, and conversations generated on the relationships of the community with a
number of external actors. This conversatio n was guided by a sheet of questions,
and the moderators were Juan Pinesa and An ne-Lise Naizot, who made up a
schematic information map, and the issues discussed. Efrain Alvarez was also
participating, and subsequently made a major contribution with information on the
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process of timber extraction. On this second day, work stopped at the lunch hour.
The generation of this conversation, which approached such delicate issues as
relations with the plantations, th e lawsuit, relations with FCAE, etc, has generated
certain concerns in the community. Alirio Paí, former president of Guadualito,
asked about the purpose and use which the information would be given.
Subsequently, when the subject of relati onships of Guadualito with FCAE was
discussed, Felipe made some complaints to Jairo Churta about the youth
programme, and in general, support given by FCAE.
[Page 234]
Annex 6. Balsareño Map 1. The territory 40 years ago
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[Page 235]
Coordination: Juan Pineda
General notes
Older adults people took part in this map, led by Lisandro Pascal. More and more
people gradually began to arrive.
The history of the Centre
Lisandro Pascal and Andrés Pascal were the first to arrive, with their families,
when Lisandro was about 17 and Andres was nine. They came on the Palabi
River, from Mataje. When they arrived, there was no settlement there, and they
built the first houses. In La Sirena there were very few people, perhaps two.
Ricaurte at that time was a small village or hamlet, with 5-15 houses. When
Lisandro and Andres arrived, they opened up the road from Mataje to the village.
They also opened up a track close to the Natividad stream. All travel was done by
river.
A territory covered with forests
Aside from the scrub described in the main document, the territory is described as
being covered with forest.
The following is a table with the principal names of the trees, plants, crops and
animals mentioned in the map.
Trees Plants/cropmals
…
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[Page 236]
…
[Page 237]
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Annex 7, Balsareño Map 2. The territory today and contamination
Coordination: Anne Lise Naizot
[Page 238]
Changes in vegetation cover
The forest lies to the north of the Centre's territory, bordering with Mataje. The
scrub has advanced in comparison with the preceding map, but continues to be on
the banks of the Bagatá and Palabí rivers.
The rivers and inlets were drawn: the river Bagatá, the Natividad stream, Vuelta
Mico (where their water comes from), the Palabí, Balsareño inlet, La Honda, El
Negrito inlet (upstream from La Sirena).
Some trees were also named. To the north there is copal, cucharillo, cuangare,
chanulillo, guayacanm, sande, waguaripo, cartagena, chanúl, etc.
222 $QQH[▯▯▯
On the banks of rivers and inlets, they found sane. Chillalde and balsa, amongst
others.
In the Centre, there are fruit trees: borojó, palm, jafruit, chontaduro, lemon, etc.
Some of the family crops are located.
In the map on the previous page there is de tailed information from the principal
document with regards to the plantations, mining, and forest management plans.
On the next page, the two photographs ta ken about two hours apart, to illustrate
the change of colour in the water of R. Palabí, after the activities of the mining
company in the morning at La Sirena.
[Page 239]
R. Palabí at 7-8 a.m. on July 21. According to Virgilio Nastacuaz, who had arrived
from Pambilar at 6 a.m., two dredges were churning up the water at La Sirena near
the Negritos inlet.
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R. Palabí three hours later. The river has returned to its usual colour, which means
that stability in the water in the morning was produced by exploration activities and
disturbance of materials in La Sirena.
[Page 240]
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Annex 8. Balsareño Map 3. Relations of the Centre with external actors
[Page 241]
Coordination: Juan Pineda and Anne-Lise Naizot
General notes
This map was made collectively by a single working group. Since the making of the
map did not imply an exercise in active drawing, we generated a process which
was mainly discussion, on the relationships between the community and
surrounding actors, and the information was recorded in graphic form.
This process made an approach to the history and evolution of relations between
the community and its social environment. There was active participation of
community leaders and others, who confirmed or complemented the information.
This process of conversation was reiterative, and itinerant, raising issues, and then
taking them up again several times, in order to confirm specific points, or discuss
them in greater depth, or link them to other issues.
[Page 242]
▯▯▯226 Annex 66
P RESS ITEM: “L EGAL A CTION . CUADOR ACUSES C OLOMBIA BEFORE
T HE H AGUE .” M IGALHAS LATINOAMERICANAS , 1A PRIL2008
(PUBLISHED EYLPAI-SPAIN ANEL COMERCIO-ECUADOR, 01 PRI2008.
AVAILABLE :HTTP:/LAMIGALHASCOM MOSTRA_NOTICI.ASPXCOD =57448.
LAST VISIT: 10 DE. 2011)
227▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Legal Action
Ecuador Acuses Colombia before The Hague
[ …]
The home team
The former foreign minister Diego Cordovez was appointed agent of Ecuador
in the case brought before The Hague.
The team also includes the following lawyers: Pierre-Marie Dupuy (European
University Institute), Philippe Sands Q.C. (University College London),
Alan Boyle (University of Edinburgh), Paul Reichler (Foley Hoag LLp Law
Firm of Washington), and Iñigo Salvador (Universidad Catolica de Quito).
The latter is the brother of the Ecuadorian Foreign Minister.
Ecuador states that The Hague has jurisdiction to deal with this case. Its
argument is that both countries are parties to the Pact of Bogota, which states
that that judicial body will settle any dispute.
[Page 2]
229▯▯▯ Annex 67
PLAINTIFF QUESTIONNAIRE , RIAS/QUINTEROS V.D YNCORP, D.D.C.
(EMV OL.IV,A NNEX 193, W ITNESS5)
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(5:5-'$5) and ▯▯▯7-cv▯▯▯▯▯▯▯5:5-'$5▯▯ Cases consolidated for Case
0DQDJHPHQW▯DQG▯'LVFRYHU\▯
▯▯▯▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 193, Witness 5
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Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 193, Witness 5
240 $QQH[▯▯▯
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241$QQH[▯▯▯
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242 $QQH[▯▯▯
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244 $QQH[▯▯▯
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246 $QQH[▯▯▯
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247$QQH[▯▯▯
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249$QQH[▯▯▯
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Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 193, Witness 5
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Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 193, Witness 5
260 $QQH[▯▯▯
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261$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 193, Witness 5
262 $QQH[▯▯▯
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264 $QQH[▯▯▯
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266 $QQH[▯▯▯
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267$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 193, Witness 5
▯▯▯ Annex 68
PLAINTIFF QUESTIONNAIRE , RIAS/QUINTEROS V.D YNCORP, D.D.C.
(EMV OL.IV,A NNEX 197, W ITNESS9)
▯8QLWHG▯6WDWHV▯'LVWULFW▯&RXUW▯IRU▯WKH▯'LVWULFW▯RI▯&ROXPELD▯▯&DVHs 1R▯▯▯▯▯▯-FY▯▯▯▯▯
(5:5-'$5) and ▯▯▯7-cv▯▯▯▯▯▯▯5:5-'$5▯▯ Cases consolidated for Case
0DQDJHPHQW▯DQG▯'LVFRYHU\▯
269270 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
271$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
272 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
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Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
274 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
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Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
276 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
277$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
279$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
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Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
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Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
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Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
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Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
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Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
290 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
291$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
292 $QQH[▯▯▯
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Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
294 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
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Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
296 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
297$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
299$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
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Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
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Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 197, Witness 9
▯▯▯▯▯▯ Annex 69
PLAINTIFF Q UESTIONNAIRES , ARIAS/QUINTEROS V.D YNCORP ,
D.D.C. (EMV OL .IV,A NNEX 199, WITNESS 11)PERSONALLY AND
ON BEHALF OF HER DECEASED DAUGHTER
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Cases 1R▯▯▯▯▯▯-FY▯▯▯▯▯ (5:5-'$5) and ▯▯▯7-cv▯▯▯▯▯▯▯5:5-'$5▯▯
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▯▯▯▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 199, Witness 11
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▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
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▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
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▯▯▯▯▯▯ Annex 70
PLAINTIFF QUESTIONNAIRE , RIAS/QUINTEROS V.D YNCORP, D.D.C.
(EMV OL .IV,ANNEX 200, WITNESS12)
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(5:5-'$5) and ▯▯▯7-cv▯▯▯▯▯▯▯5:5-'$5▯▯ Cases consolidated for Case
0DQDJHPHQW▯DQG▯'LVFRYHU\▯
▯▯▯▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
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Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 200, Witness 12
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400 $QQH[▯▯▯
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401$QQH[▯▯▯
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402 $QQH[▯▯▯
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▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 200, Witness 12
404 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 200, Witness 12
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 200, Witness 12
406 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 200, Witness 12
407$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 200, Witness 12
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 200, Witness 12
409$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 200, Witness 12
410 $QQH[▯▯▯
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411$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 200, Witness 12
412 Annex 71
PLAINTIFF QUESTIONNAIRE , RIAS/QUINTEROS V.D YNCORP, D.D.C.
(EMV OL .IV,ANNEX 201, WITNESS13)
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(5:5-'$5) and ▯▯▯7-cv▯▯▯▯▯▯▯5:5-'$5▯▯ Cases consolidated for Case
0DQDJHPHQW▯DQG▯'LVFRYHU\▯
▯▯▯414 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
416 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
417$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
419$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
420 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
421$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
422 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
424 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
426 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
427$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
429$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
440 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
441$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
442 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
444 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
446 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
447$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
449$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 201, Witness 13
▯▯▯ Annex 72
PLAINTIFF Q UESTIONNAIRE , RIAS/QUINTEROS V.D YNCORP , D.D.C.
(EM V OL .IV,A NNEX 204, WITNESS 18)
▯8QLWHG▯6WDWHV▯'LVWULFW▯&RXUW▯IRU▯WKH▯'LVWULFW▯RI▯&ROXPELD▯▯&DVHs 1R▯▯▯▯▯▯-FY▯▯▯▯▯
(5:5-'$5) and ▯▯▯7-cv▯▯▯▯▯▯▯5:5-'$5▯▯ Cases consolidated for Case
0DQDJHPHQW▯DQG▯'LVFRYHU\▯
▯▯▯▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
460 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
461$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
462 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
464 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
466 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
467$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
469$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
470 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
471$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
472 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
474 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
476 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
477$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
479$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 204, Witness 18
▯▯▯▯▯▯ Annex 73
PLAINTIFF QUESTIONNAIRE , RIAS/QUINTEROS V.D YNCORP, D.D.C.
(EMV OL .IV,ANNEX 217, WITNESS33)
▯8QLWHG▯6WDWHV▯'LVWULFW▯&RXUW▯IRU▯WKH▯'LVWULFW▯RI▯&ROXPELD▯▯&DVHs 1R▯▯▯▯▯▯-FY▯▯▯▯▯
(5:5-'$5) and ▯▯▯7-cv▯▯▯▯▯▯▯5:5-'$5▯▯ Cases consolidated for Case
0DQDJHPHQW▯DQG▯'LVFRYHU\▯
▯▯▯▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
490 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
491$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
492 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
494 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
496 $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
497$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
499$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 217, Witness 33
▯▯▯▯▯▯ Annex 74
PLAINTIFF QUESTIONNAIRE , RIAS/QUINTEROS V.D YNCORP, D.D.C.
(EMV OL .IV,ANNEX 220, WITNESS37)
▯8QLWHG▯6WDWHV▯'LVWULFW▯&RXUW▯IRU▯WKH▯'LVWULFW▯RI▯&ROXPELD▯▯&DVHs 1R▯▯▯▯▯▯-FY▯▯▯▯▯
(5:5-'$5) and ▯▯▯7-cv▯▯▯▯▯▯▯5:5-'$5▯▯ Cases consolidated for Case
0DQDJHPHQW▯DQG▯'LVFRYHU\▯
▯▯▯▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯$QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯ $QQH[▯▯▯
Questionnaire respondent is the same person as: EM, Vol. IV, Annex 220, Witness 37
▯▯▯▯▯▯
volume VI