Dissenting Opinion by M. Krylov (translation)

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003-19480528-ADV-01-05-EN
Parent Document Number
003-19480528-ADV-01-00-EN
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DISSENTING OPINION BY M. KRYLOV.

[Translation.]
To my regret, 1 am unable for the following reasons to concur in
the opinion of the Court.

I. From a legal standpoint, the drafting of the question put
to the Court gives rise to some criticism : the word "conditions"
is used in this question with different meanings ;the words "con-
sent" and "vote" are used, but in fact the reasons for a vote are
meant. These errors of drafting are characteristic. They reveal
the secret of the origin of the Resolution of November 17th,
1947. It was not framed in a legal atmosphere.

Appearances are deceptive : though framed in a legal form, it is
a question put with a definitely political purpose ; it is political in
conception ; though abstract in form, it is a concrete question
which expressly refers in one of its paragraphs to the "exchange of
views which has taken place in the Security Council at its 204th,

205th and 206th Meetings" ; though impersonal in form, it is a
question designed to censure the reasons given by a permanent
member of the Security Council.

It has been suggested that the request couched in abstract terms
is not of a political character, that the Court is not called upon to
consider the reasons which may underly the request and, lastly,
that the Court is bound only to envisage the question in theabstract
form in which it has been presented by the General Assembly.
1cannot share this view. 1hold that it is impossible to eliminate
the political elements from the question put to the Court and only
to consider it as presented in an abstract form. The reply to the
question should refer to concrete cases which have been considered

by the Security Council and General Assembly. The legal criteria
should be examined in the light of the political grounds on which,
in actual fact, the attitude oI Members of the United Nations was
based.
Clearly to indicate the political character of the question put
to the Court, it will suffice to quote the Resolution of the General
Assembly dated November 17th, 1947, which contains a passage
which is quite conclusive on the point. The Resolution says in
particular : "The General Assembly ...decides to recornrnend to the
permanent members of the Security Council to consult with a view

54 DISSENTING OPINION BY M. KRYLOV I08

to reaching agreement on the admission to membership of the
applicants which have not been recommended hitherto, and to
submit their conclusions to the Security Council."

"Reaching agreement" regarding the admission of States to
membership in the United Nations means :to settle the dispute by
politicalmeans within the Security Council itself, a political organ
of the United Nations. On this organ rests the primary respon-
sibility for the maintenance of international peace and security

(Art. 24 of the Charter). This organ bears the initial respon-
sibility as regards the admission of new Members (U.N.C.I.O.,
Vol. 8, p. 461).
In view of the fact that the admission of newMembers is dependent
on political decisions of the Security Council and General Assembly,
1 should have preferred that the Court should have abstained from
giving a reply which might, in the nature of things, be utilized in
the political dispute which has been going on for a year and a half
in the Security Council and General Assembly and have refused to
give an advisoq opinion.

2. My view would secni to be borne out by the fact that, during
the eighteen years of its activities, the Permanent Court of Inter-
national Justice was never once asked to give an advisory opinion
regarding any article of the Covenant of the League of Nations in
abstracto. It may be noted, by way of example, that in three of
its opinions, the Permanent Court had to deal with articles of the
Covenant, but in each of these opinions-(1) Nationality Decrees

in Tunis and Morocco ; (2) the Status of Eastern Carelia, and (3)
the Frontier between Turkey and Iraq-the Court was considering
concrete situations. The interpretation of Articles j, 15 and 17
of the Covenant was in close connexion, in al1 these opinions, with
the concrete situation.
It is easy to explain why this was so. Quite obviously, it \vas
not desired to involve the Permanent Court in political disputes.

1 must even go further : not once did the Permanent Court
adjudge any case ex @quoet bono, that is to Say, it always kept
within the limits of existing law, of strict legality.

In the present case, the question put to the Court is couched
in abstract form. The Court's opinion will have a quasi-legislative
effect, and this, as will be shown later (para. 3), is in no way

desirable. From the standpoint under consideration, the practice
of the Permanent Court should be taken into account by tlie
Court :the interpretation of the Charter inabstracfois not desirable.
3. Whereas the Permanent Court, in interpreting the Covenant
of the League of Nations, sought to consider concrete situations,

or existing disputes, the Court, in the present case, is about to
55 DISSENTING OPINION BY M. KRYLOV 109

make a pronouncement, with quasi-legislative effect, concerning
decisions to be taken by the political organs of the United Nations.
The Court's answer will amount to a definition of the competence
of the organs of the United Nations which decide the question
of the admission of a new State to membership in the United
Nations. In practice, the terms of opinions of the Permanent
Court have always been complied with. But the Permanent Court
never had before it a question of such importance formulated in

abstracto. In the present case, it may be asked whether the polit-
ical organs of the United Nations, acting under conditions which
cannot even be foreseen at the present time, might not one day
depart from the precepts of the Court's opinion. International
justice must keep within the framework of international law and
must not encroach on the political sphere.
1 would refer, in this connexion, to the last article by Professor
Manley Hudson, a former judge of the Permanent Court, in the
first number of the American Journal of International Law for
1948. This distinguished author says in this article (pp. 15-19)
that it must be borne in mind that in some cases it may be a
disservice to the Court to urge that it shall deal with disputes
in which legal relations between the parties are subordinated to
political considerations involved. Speaking of requests for advis-
ory opinions, Professor Hudson suggests that caution must be
exercised in cases where a request for an opinion has to do with
questions relating to the powers of organs of the United Nations.
1 think as he does that in this case the Charter should be inter-

preted rather by the political organs themselves than by opinions
of the Court. The Court's activity must not be "artificially
stimulated".
Thus 1 conclude that it would be better if the Court were to
assert its right not to answer the question put, and to state its
grounds for so doing (Article 65 of the Statute says : "the Court
may give an advisory opinion.. ..").

II.

I. Since the Court has decided to give an opinion and is content
to answer the question in the artificially narrow form in which it
has been framed, 1find myself obliged to avail myself of my right
to extend the scope of the question and to express my opinion on

the legal import of Article 4 of the Charter.
In the first place, 1 substantially concur in the arguments put
forward in the dissenting opinion of M.Basdevant, Vice-President
of the Court, and of Judges Winiarski, McNair and Read, and
in that of Judge ZoriEiC. 1 would, however, in my opinion,
emphasize the following ideas which 1 feel it my duty to
formulate and, above all, analyse the practice of the Security
56 DISSENTING OPINION BY M. KRYLOV II0
Council and General Assembly with regard to the admission of
new Members.

2. In its opinion, the Court declares positively that the criteria
prescribed in paragraph I of Article 4 of the Charter are subjected
to the judgment of the Organization, Le., of the Security Council

and General Assembly. But, as 1 shall show later, a State which,
in the judgment of the Organization, possesses al1 these quali-
fications is not ipso facto entitled to be admitted to membership
in the United Nations. The political organs of the United Nations
must still decide whether or not they wish to recommend and to
admit it. Their decision is a discretionary one. Accordingly,
these criteria are not exhaustive. This clearly appears from the
text of Article 4 and from the preparatory work.
The authoritative texts of Article 4 of the Charter show some
differences of wording. The English text, and the Russian text,
which closely follows it, Say that membership in the United Nations
is open to States which have the qualifications required by Article 4.
The French, Spanish and Chinese l texts better express the general
principle of the constitution of the United Nations, a principle which

is not purely and simply that of universality ("peuvent devenir
Membres des Nations unies.. ..") ("Podran ser Miembros de las
Naciones Unidas...."). It is true that all (applicant) States may
become Members of the United Nations ("peuvent devenirMembres
des Nations unies tous Etats ....candidats) but only if they satisfy
the criteria of Article4 of the Charter. Certainly the five texts al1
express the same idea, namely, that the qualifications required by
Article 4 are necessary in order to become a Member of the United
Nations. But these texts by no means imply that the presence of
these requisite qualifications necessarily leads to the admission of
the applicant State to the United Nations.

3. The same conclusion emerges from an analysis of the report
of the Rapporteur of Committee I/z of the San Francisco Conference.
According t9 this report (U.N.C.I.O., Vol. 7, p. 315), the admission
of a new Member must be submitted for examination by the Organ-

ization. The Committee did not enurnerate the elements to be
considered in this examination. It only mentioned the main
criteria. This means that the enumeration of criteria in Article 4
of the Charter is not exhaustive. In forming a judgment as to the
desirability of admitting a new Member-that is toSay, in exercis-
ing its discretionary powers with regard to such admission-the
Organization may be guided by considerations "of any nature",
i.e., not merely legal but also political considerations. This
demonstrates the true legal meaning of paragraph I of Article 4
of the Charter.

Iiindlyçonimunicatedby Judge Hsu BIO. DISSETYTING OPINION BY M. KRYLOV III
The affirmation that the qualifications required by Article 4
of the Charter are exhaustive in character, implies that Members of
the United Nations taking part in the vote in the Security Council

and General Assembly must be exclusively guided by consider-
ations which can be "connected" with the five conditions enumerated
in Article 4. But this is dehitely contrary to the interpretation
given by the Report of Committee 112.
Again, this requirement does not to my mind appear to serve any
purpose. A member of the United Nations, called upon to vote on
the admission of a State, is legally entitled to vote according to its
own appreciation of the situation. It is not obliged to give reasons
for its vote ; it may vote without giving any reasons and such a
vote is pot subject to any control. What purpose then would be
served by a censure of the reasons invoked by Member States in the
Security Council or General Assembly ? The recommendation to
the effect that the real reasons for a vote must be "connected" with

the allegedly exhaustive criteria of Article 4 might result in hypo-
critical declarations being made by some Members of the United
Nations Organization .

5. TheCourt, in its opinion, declares thatit does not follow from
the exhaustive character of paragraph Iof Article 4 that "an appre-
ciation is precluded of such circumstances of fact as would enable
the existence of the requisite conditions to be verified".The opinion
States that in this connexion no relevant political factor is excluded.
This means that, in a concrete case, Members have a right of discre-
tionary and political appreciation. But in that case, one is forced
to the, in my view, inevitable conclusion that this right of discre-
tionary appreciation is implicitly sapctioned by Article 4 of the

Charter and that the enurneration of criteria in that Article is not
exhaustive. Otherwise, this right of appreciation would have no
basis.
1have already said that 1accept the interpretation quoted above,
given by the Report of Cornmittee 112. 1 hold, therefore, that
the Charter allows every Member of the Organization the right to
appreciate whether a particular State can be admitted to member-
ship, such appreciation to be based on the presence or absence
of the qua.lifications required by Article 4 of the Charter and on
considerations of a political nature.

III.

1 have sought to elucidate the general import of Article 4 of the

Charter on the basis of an analysis of the text of this Article and
of the preparatory work.
It still remains for me to consider the practice followed by the
political organs of the United Nations with regard to the admission
of new Members.
58 DISSENTING OPINION BY M. KRYLOV II2

In the course of the discussions in the Security Council, at its
zoqth, 205th and 206th Meetings, as well as at meetings of the
General Assembly and of its First Commission, both political and
legal considerations have been put forward and a variety of argu-
mentshave been adduced to show that some particular State should
or should not be admitted to membership in the United Nations.

It is not my intention to follow out al1 the legal arguments
advanced in the course of these numerous meetings of which the
records have been placed by the Secretary-General of the United
Nations at the Court's disposal. 1shall confine myself to consider-

ing a few of them, by way of example, in order to clarify my
standpoint.

I. The delegate of the U.S.S.R. stated in the Security Council
that two applicant States,Portugal and Eire,not having takeri part
in the second world war alongside the democratic countries, could
not be admitted to membership in the United Nations. The Soviet
delegate's argument was legally based on the criterion of "a peace-
loviag State"-or, in French "État pacifique"- (1 would emphasize
that the French word pacifiqtte has a more passive sense, whereas
the English word "peace-loving", as also the Russian, Spanish
-amantes de la Paz-and Chinese1 equivalents possess a more
active sense). Relying more particularly on the latter texts and

declaring that the two States above mentioned had made no effort
to combat the Nazi danger, the delegate for the U.S.S.R. was legally
justified, at that moment, in maintairiing his point of view which
was that these States were not "peace-loving". The argument of
the U.S.S.R. delegate regarding the value as a criterion of particip-
ation in the world war has met with the support of the eminent
jurist of Panama M. Ricardo Alfaro. As regards the concrete
question of the admission of Portugal, the attitude of the delegate
of the U.S.S.R. was frequeiltly shared by other States, such as
Australia, India and the Philippines.

2. The same delegate, in refusing membership of the Organiz-

ation to these States, added, as a supplementary argument,
that they did not maintain diplomatic relations with the U.S.S.R.
Was he legally entitled to do this ? His argument was based
on the legal precepts of the Charter. The latter, in paragraph 2
of Article 1,says that one of the purroses of the United Nations
is to develop friendly relations among nations. The absence of
diplomatic relations, Le., normal bonds between States, due to
a decision deliberately and obstinately taken by an applicant
State, is surely inconsistent with thè criteria stated in Article 4

of the Charter, particularly that which provides that an applicant

Icindly cominunicatby Judge Hsu Mo.
59 DISSENTING OPINION BY M. KRYLOV
113
State must be "willing" to carry out the principles and pur-
poses of the Charter.
It may be noted that the other members of the Security Council
(China, the U.S.A., the United Kingdom and others) also took
into account-rightly or wrongly in concreto-the fact of the
absence of diplomatic relations.

At the 92nd Meeting of the General Assembly on Sep-
tember 3oth, 1947, the delegate of Afghanistan voted against the
admission of Pakistan, on account, he declared, of a frontier

dispute between these two States. Later, on October zoth, 1947,
at the 96th Meeting, this delegate said that he no longer main-
tained his opposition, because the dispute was about to be settled
through diplomatic channels. It would seem that such an
argument is warranted, because the attitude of the State voting
against admission may be justified by the precepts of Article 4
of the Charter. A similar attitude was adopted by the French
delegate in the Security Council in the case of the admission
of Siam.

4. 1 would also cite by way of example the arguments put
forward in the Security Council which do not seem to me to
accord with the general principles of the Charter. 1 hold that
a Member of the United Nations is not justified in basing his
opposition to the admission of a particular State on arguments
which relate to matters falling essentially within the domestic
jurisdiction of the applicant State.The United Nations Organiz-
ation has been created by the original Member States which
differ in extent, population, armed strength, political institutions,
social conditions, etc. The clause in paragraph 7 of Article 2

of the Charter (domestic jurisdiction)in principle excludes ques-
tions appertaining to the domestic jurisdiction of a State from
the jurisdiction of the Organization itself. This rule must, 1
hold, also be applied in connexion with the admission of new
Members. In support of my view, 1 may refer to the attitude
adopted by many delegations, including that of the U.S.A., at
the San Francisco Conference, not only in Committee 111, which
dealt with the purposes and principles of the Charter, but also in
Committee III3 which studied economic and social questions and
questions concerning fundamental human rights.

5. The admission of Austria and Transjordan encountered
objections on the part of several States-the U.S.S.R., Australia,

Canada, India, Pakistan and others. The question was raised
whether, at the time of their application,these States were really
independent States. The expression of such "doubts" is not
contrary to Article 4 of the Charter, for that is a consideration
which would merely lead to a postponement of the vote.
60 DISSFNTING OPINION BY M. KRYLOV II4

6. Finally, 1 come to the question of the vote which has
-wrongly, 1 think-been described as a "conditional vote". A
vote may be affirmative or negative;or a Member may also abstain
from voting. But a "conditional vote" is meaningless in law.
Obviously, as has already been said, the question put by the
General Assembly refers not to the "vote" but to the reasons forit.
The concrete case envisaged by the question put to the Court
is the admission of five ex-enemy States which was discussed by
the Security Council. The delegates of the majority of Members

of the Council wished to admit two ex-enemy States (Italy and
Finland) and were unwilling to admit three others (Bulgaria,
Hungary and Roumania). The U.S.S.R. delegate in the Security
Council postponed his affirmative vote in favour of Italy and
Finland because he was not sure of the admission of the three
others to membership. Was this delegate legally justified in so
doing ? The majority of the delegates in the Security Council,
in interpreting Article 4, held that that Article did not warrant
such a proceeding and even forbade it. It would not seem that
thereis anything to justify such an interpretation. No doubt, the
application of each State must be considered separately on its own
merits. But it is possible to imagineeveral applicant States being
admitted together and such a vote is by no means precluded by
Article 4 of the Charter.
Such a proceeding is especially warranted when it is a question

of admitting States whose applications are presented in identical
circumstances ;for instance, in a case where several newly created
States succeed to a State which has ceased to exist.
IQ the particular case, the applications for admission to the
United Nations of the five ex-enemy States were considered to
be worthy of support, after the conclusion of the Peace Treaties of
Paris of 1947 ,ot only by the participants in the Conference of
Potsdam of 1945 but also by al1 parties to these peace treaties.
Al1 these applications should have been treated in the same man-
ner, that is to Say, that al1these applicant States should have been
admitted simultaneously. As 1 have stated above (under No. 4),
there was no warrant for an unjustified discrimination between
the five candidates on the ground of their domestic régime. In
this specific, concrete, and even unique case-having regard to
the Potsdam Agreement and to the above-mentioned peace
treaties-the suggestion made by the delegate of the Soviet Union

was not contrary to Article 4 of the Charter, and could not be
regarded as illegal. As 1 have stated, a block vote is not forbidden
by the Charter and accordingly it is legal ; it is a legitimate
proceeding. Accordingly, there isnoneed forme to consider whether
the clause approved at Potsdam and repeated in the Peace
Treaties of 1947 is inconsistent with Article 103 of the Charter. DISSENTING OPINION BY M. KRYLOV 115

It follows that the right of appreciation, sanctioned by Article 4
of the Charter, may be exercised by Members of the United Nations
in various circumstances in connexion with the admission of new

Members. It goes without saying that, in utilizing this right of
appreciation in respect of an applicant State, each Member of the
Organization must be guided by legal and political considerations
which accord with the Purposes and Principles ofthe UnitedNations
and that it must exercise its right in al1 good faith.
Accordingly, 1 give the following reply to the question (that
is to say to two parts of the question) put by the General
Assembly :

A Member of the United Nations, which is called upon, in
virtue of Article 4 of the Charter, to pronounce itself by its vote,
either in the Security Council or in the General Assembiy, on
the admission of a State to membership in the United Nations,

is entitled to declare, during the discussion and before the vote,
that it takes into account in voting : (1) the legal criteria pre-
scribed in paragraph I of the said Article, and (2) the political
considerations consistent with the Purposes and Principles of the
United Nations.

(Signed) S. KRYLOV.

Bilingual Content

OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. KRYLOV

Les raisons suivantes ne me permettent pas, à mon regret,
de me rallier à l'avis de la Cour.

IO Le texte de la question posée devant la Cour est rédigé,
du point de vue juridique, d'une manière qui prête à la
critique : le tenne « conditions »est employé dans cette question
avec des significations differentes; on se sert des mots « le consen-
tement » et « le vote », mais on vise, en fait, les motifs d'un
vote. Ces défauts de rédaction sont caractéristiques. Ils révèlent

le secret de la naissance de la Résolution du 17 novembre 1947.
Cette Résolution n'a pas étéconçue dans une atmosphère juri-
dique.
Les apparences trompent : sous la forme juridique, c'est
une question posée avec un but politique nettement prononcé,
question politique par sa conception ; sous une forme abstraite,
c'est une question concrète qui se réfère explicitement, par l'un
de ses considérants, aux ((vues qui furent échangéesau sein du
Conseil de Sécurité à ses 2oqme, 205m et zo6me Séances );
sous une forme impersonnelle, c'est une question qui vise à cen-
surer les motifs exprimés par un membre permanent du Conseil

de Sécurité.
On a suggéré quela demande formulée en termes abstraits n'a
pas un caractère politique, que la Cour n'a point à connaître
les mobiles qui ont pu inspirer cette demande, enfin, que la Cour
a le devoir de n'envisager la question que sous l'aspect abstrait
que lui a conférél'Assembléegénérale.
Je ne puis partager ce point de vue. Je pense qu'il est impos-
sible d'éliminer les éIémentspolitiques de la question poséedevant
la Cour et de ne s'occuper que de la question présentée sous un
aspect abstrait. La réponse à la question devrait se référer à
des cas concrets qui ont été examinés par le Conseil de Sécurité

et par l'Assemblée générale. Il faut examiner les critères juri-
diques, ayant en vue les motifs politiques sur lesquels, en fait,
se fondait l'attitude des Membres des Nations unies.
Pour faire ressortir le caractère politique de la question posée
devant la Cour, il suffit de citer le texte de la Résolution de
l'Assembléegénérale, endate du 17 novembre 1947, qui contient
une clause entièrement probante en cette matière. Cette Réso-
lution dit notamment : ((L'Assemblée générale ....décide de
recommander aux membres permanents du Conseil de Sécurité DISSENTING OPINION BY M. KRYLOV.

[Translation.]
To my regret, 1 am unable for the following reasons to concur in
the opinion of the Court.

I. From a legal standpoint, the drafting of the question put
to the Court gives rise to some criticism : the word "conditions"
is used in this question with different meanings ;the words "con-
sent" and "vote" are used, but in fact the reasons for a vote are
meant. These errors of drafting are characteristic. They reveal
the secret of the origin of the Resolution of November 17th,
1947. It was not framed in a legal atmosphere.

Appearances are deceptive : though framed in a legal form, it is
a question put with a definitely political purpose ; it is political in
conception ; though abstract in form, it is a concrete question
which expressly refers in one of its paragraphs to the "exchange of
views which has taken place in the Security Council at its 204th,

205th and 206th Meetings" ; though impersonal in form, it is a
question designed to censure the reasons given by a permanent
member of the Security Council.

It has been suggested that the request couched in abstract terms
is not of a political character, that the Court is not called upon to
consider the reasons which may underly the request and, lastly,
that the Court is bound only to envisage the question in theabstract
form in which it has been presented by the General Assembly.
1cannot share this view. 1hold that it is impossible to eliminate
the political elements from the question put to the Court and only
to consider it as presented in an abstract form. The reply to the
question should refer to concrete cases which have been considered

by the Security Council and General Assembly. The legal criteria
should be examined in the light of the political grounds on which,
in actual fact, the attitude oI Members of the United Nations was
based.
Clearly to indicate the political character of the question put
to the Court, it will suffice to quote the Resolution of the General
Assembly dated November 17th, 1947, which contains a passage
which is quite conclusive on the point. The Resolution says in
particular : "The General Assembly ...decides to recornrnend to the
permanent members of the Security Council to consult with a view

54I08 OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. KRYLOV

de se consulter en vue de réaliser un accord sur l'admission comme
Membres des Nations unies des Etats qui ont fait une demande
à cet effet et dont l'admission n'a pas jusqu'à ce jour étérecom-
mandée, et de présenter leurs conclusions au Conseil de Sécurité. ))
« Réaliser un accord »sur l'admission des Etats comme Mem-
bres des Nations unies, cela veut dire : résoudre le conflit par

des moyens politiques au sein même du Conseil de Sécurité,
organe politique de 1'0. N. U. C'est à cet organe qu'incombe la
responsabilité principale du maintien de la paix et de la sécurité
internationales (art. 24 de la Charte). C'est à cet organe que
revient la responsabilité principale dans les cas d'admission de
nouveaux Membres (U. N. C. 1.O., vol. 8, p. 461).
Ayant en vue que l'admission de nouveaux Membres s'opère
par les décisions politiques du Conseil de Sécuritéet de l'Assemblée
générale, j'eusse préféré quela Cour s'abstînt de donner une
réponse, laquelle, par la nature des faits, pourrait être utilisée
dans la lutte politique engagée, pendant une année et demie,

au sein du Conseil de Sécurité et de l'Assemblée générale,et
refusât de donner un avis consultatif.
2" Mon opinion me semble renforcée par le fait que, durant
ses dix-huit aqnées d'activité, la Cour permanente de Justice
internationale n'a pas une seule fois étéappelée à donner un

avis consultatif sur un article quelconque du Pacte de la Société
des Nations in abstracto. On peut noter, à titre d'exemple, que
dans trois de ses avis, la Cour permanente a eu à traiter des
articles du Pacte, mais dans chacun de ces avis - 1) la question
de la nationalité des ressortissants de Tunis et du Maroc, 2) le
Statut de la Carélie orientale, et 3) la frontière de Mossoul -
la Cour a eu en vue des situations concrètes. L'interprétation
des articles5, 15 et 17 du Pacte était étroitement liée,dans chacun
de ces avis, à la situation concrète.
11 est facile d'expliquer pourquoi il en était ainsi. De toute
évidence, on ne voulait pas engager la Cour permanente dans

des différends politiques.
Je dois même dire davantage. Pas une fois la Cour permanente
n'a eu à traiter une affaire quelconque ex æquoet bono c'est-A-dire
qu'elle s'est toujours tenue dans les limites du droit existant,
de la stricte légalité.
Dans le cas présent, la question posée devant la Cour est for-
mulée sous une forme abstraite. L'avis de la Cour aura un effet
quasi législatif, ce qui n'est nullement désirable, ainsi qu'il sera
démontré plus loin (par. 3O).Sous l'angle envisagé, la pratique
de la Cour permanente doit être prise en considération par la
Cour :l'interprétation de la Charte in abstracton'est pas désirable.

3" Tandis que la Cour permanente, en interprétant le Pacte
de la Société des Nations, a essayé d'examiner des situations
concrètes, des différends existants, la Cour va, dans le cas présent,

55 DISSENTING OPINION BY M. KRYLOV I08

to reaching agreement on the admission to membership of the
applicants which have not been recommended hitherto, and to
submit their conclusions to the Security Council."

"Reaching agreement" regarding the admission of States to
membership in the United Nations means :to settle the dispute by
politicalmeans within the Security Council itself, a political organ
of the United Nations. On this organ rests the primary respon-
sibility for the maintenance of international peace and security

(Art. 24 of the Charter). This organ bears the initial respon-
sibility as regards the admission of new Members (U.N.C.I.O.,
Vol. 8, p. 461).
In view of the fact that the admission of newMembers is dependent
on political decisions of the Security Council and General Assembly,
1 should have preferred that the Court should have abstained from
giving a reply which might, in the nature of things, be utilized in
the political dispute which has been going on for a year and a half
in the Security Council and General Assembly and have refused to
give an advisoq opinion.

2. My view would secni to be borne out by the fact that, during
the eighteen years of its activities, the Permanent Court of Inter-
national Justice was never once asked to give an advisory opinion
regarding any article of the Covenant of the League of Nations in
abstracto. It may be noted, by way of example, that in three of
its opinions, the Permanent Court had to deal with articles of the
Covenant, but in each of these opinions-(1) Nationality Decrees

in Tunis and Morocco ; (2) the Status of Eastern Carelia, and (3)
the Frontier between Turkey and Iraq-the Court was considering
concrete situations. The interpretation of Articles j, 15 and 17
of the Covenant was in close connexion, in al1 these opinions, with
the concrete situation.
It is easy to explain why this was so. Quite obviously, it \vas
not desired to involve the Permanent Court in political disputes.

1 must even go further : not once did the Permanent Court
adjudge any case ex @quoet bono, that is to Say, it always kept
within the limits of existing law, of strict legality.

In the present case, the question put to the Court is couched
in abstract form. The Court's opinion will have a quasi-legislative
effect, and this, as will be shown later (para. 3), is in no way

desirable. From the standpoint under consideration, the practice
of the Permanent Court should be taken into account by tlie
Court :the interpretation of the Charter inabstracfois not desirable.
3. Whereas the Permanent Court, in interpreting the Covenant
of the League of Nations, sought to consider concrete situations,

or existing disputes, the Court, in the present case, is about to
55 IOg OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. KRYLOV

quasi légiférersur les décisionsà prendre par les organes politiques
de l'O. N. U. La réponse de la Cour équivaudra à la définition
de la compétence des organes de l'O.N. U. qui prennent leur
décision sur la question de l'admission d'un nouvel Etat aux
Nations unies. Dans la pratique, on a toujours suivi les dispositions
de l'avis de la Cour permanente. Mais jamais la Cour permanente
n'a eu devant elle une question d'une telle envergure, posée sous
une forme abstraite. Dans le cas présent, on peut' se demander si

les organes politiques de l'O. N. U., agissant dans des conditions
qu'on ne peut mêmepas discerner actuellement, ne s'écarteraient
pas, à un moment donné, des préceptes de l'avis de la Cour. La
justice internationale doit demeurer dans le cadre du droit inter-
national et ne pas s'immiscer dans la politique.

A cet égara il y a lieu de se référerau dernier article publié par
M. Manley Hudson, l'ancien juge de la Cour permanente, dans le
premier livre du ((Journal américain de droit international »,
année 1948. L'éminent auteur dit, dans cet article (pp. 15-19),
qu'il convient de garder présent à l'esprit que, dans certains cas,

ce n'est pas servir la cause de la Cour qu'exiger que les différends,
dans lesquels les relations juridiques sont subordonnées aux
considérations politiques, soient examinés par la Cour. Se référant
aux demandes d'avis consultatifs, le professeur Hudson exprime
la penséequ'il faut agir avecprécaution dans les cas où la demande
d'avis se réfère à des questions rentrant dans la compétence des
organes des Nations unies. Je pense comme lui que l'interprétation
de la Charte, dans ce cas, doit êtreeffectuéeplutôt par les organes
politiques eux-mêmes que par les avis de la Cour. L'activité de
la Cour ne doit pas être ((stimulée artificiellement D.
Je viens donc à la conclusion qu'il serait préférableque la Cour

usât de son droit de ne pas répondre àla question posée, en énon-
çant les motifs de son abstention (l'article65 du Statut dit notam-
ment que ((la Cour peut donner un avis consultatif ....»).

II.

IO Vu que la Cour a décidéde donner un avis et qu'elle s'est
contentée de répondre à la formule, artificiellementétroite, de la
question à elle posée, je me vois contraint d'user de mon droit
d'élargir les limites de la question et d'exprimer mon opinion

sur la portée juridique de l'article 4 de la Charte.
Tout d'abord, je me rallie en substance aux arguments avancés
dans l'opinion dissidente de M. Basdevant, Vice-Président de la
Cour, et de MM. les juges Winiarski, McNair et Read, et dans celle
de M. le juge ZoriEiC. Je voudrais cependant souligner, dans mon
opinion individuelle, les idées suivantes, qu'il me paraît nécessaire
de formuler, et surtout analyser la pratique du Conseil de Sécurité

56 DISSENTING OPINION BY M. KRYLOV 109

make a pronouncement, with quasi-legislative effect, concerning
decisions to be taken by the political organs of the United Nations.
The Court's answer will amount to a definition of the competence
of the organs of the United Nations which decide the question
of the admission of a new State to membership in the United
Nations. In practice, the terms of opinions of the Permanent
Court have always been complied with. But the Permanent Court
never had before it a question of such importance formulated in

abstracto. In the present case, it may be asked whether the polit-
ical organs of the United Nations, acting under conditions which
cannot even be foreseen at the present time, might not one day
depart from the precepts of the Court's opinion. International
justice must keep within the framework of international law and
must not encroach on the political sphere.
1 would refer, in this connexion, to the last article by Professor
Manley Hudson, a former judge of the Permanent Court, in the
first number of the American Journal of International Law for
1948. This distinguished author says in this article (pp. 15-19)
that it must be borne in mind that in some cases it may be a
disservice to the Court to urge that it shall deal with disputes
in which legal relations between the parties are subordinated to
political considerations involved. Speaking of requests for advis-
ory opinions, Professor Hudson suggests that caution must be
exercised in cases where a request for an opinion has to do with
questions relating to the powers of organs of the United Nations.
1 think as he does that in this case the Charter should be inter-

preted rather by the political organs themselves than by opinions
of the Court. The Court's activity must not be "artificially
stimulated".
Thus 1 conclude that it would be better if the Court were to
assert its right not to answer the question put, and to state its
grounds for so doing (Article 65 of the Statute says : "the Court
may give an advisory opinion.. ..").

II.

I. Since the Court has decided to give an opinion and is content
to answer the question in the artificially narrow form in which it
has been framed, 1find myself obliged to avail myself of my right
to extend the scope of the question and to express my opinion on

the legal import of Article 4 of the Charter.
In the first place, 1 substantially concur in the arguments put
forward in the dissenting opinion of M.Basdevant, Vice-President
of the Court, and of Judges Winiarski, McNair and Read, and
in that of Judge ZoriEiC. 1 would, however, in my opinion,
emphasize the following ideas which 1 feel it my duty to
formulate and, above all, analyse the practice of the Security
56II0 OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. KRYLOV

et de l'Assemblée généraleen matière d'admission de nouveaux
Membres.

2" Dans son avis, la Cour affirme avec autorité que les critères
définisdans le paragraphe Ide l'article4 de la Charte sont soumis
au jugement de l'organisation, c'est-à-dire du Conseil de Sécurité
et de l'Assemblée générale.Mais, comme je vais le montrer plus

loin, l'État qui possède, au jugement de l'organisation, toutes ces
qualités, n'a pas ipso facto de droit à êtreadmis comme Membre
des Nations unies. Il faut encore que les organes politiques de
1'0. N. U. décident s'ils veulent ou non recommander et admettre
l'État comme Membre de l'organisation: Leur décisionest discré-
tionnaire. Donc, ces critères ne sont pas limitatifs. Cela ressort
clairement du texte de l'article 4 et des travaux préparatoires.
Les textes authentiques de l'article4 de la Charte présentent
quelques différences de rédaction. Le texte anglais et le texte russe,
se suivant de près, disent que l'admission comme Membre de
l'O. N, U. est ouverte (membershipin the United Nations is open....)
aux Etats qui possèdent les qualités requises par l'article 4.

Les textes français, espagnol et chinois l expriment mieux le prin-
cipe général dela constitution des Nations unies, le principe qui
n'est pas l'universalisme pur et simple (« peuvent devenir Membres
des Nations unies ....))) (((Podran ser Miembros de las Naciones
Unidas ...»). Il esf vrai que (peuvent devenir Membres des
Nations unies tous Etats ....)candidats, mais seulement s'ils satis-
fontaux critères de l'article 4 de la Charte. Certainement, les cinq
textes expriment tous la même idée,à savoir que les qualités
requises par l'article 4 sont nécessaires pour devenir Membre de
1'0.N. U. Mais ces textes n'impliquent aucunement que l'existence
deç qualités requises détermine nécessairement l'admission de

1'Etat postulant à 1'0.N. U.
3" La même conclusion se dégage de l'analyse du rapport du

rapporteur du Comité I/zde la Conférencede San-Francisco. Selon
ce rapport (U. N. C. 1.O., vol. 7,p. 31g) ,'admission d'un Membre
nouveau doit êtresoumise à l'examen de l'organisation. Le Comité
n'a pas cru devoir énumérer tousles élémentsqui seraient à consi-
dérer au cours de cet examen. Il n'a mentionné que les critères
fondamentaux. Cela veut dire que les critères énumérésdans
l'article4 de la Charte ne sont pas limitatifs. En formant un juge-
ment sur l'opportunité de l'admission d'un Membre, en exerçant
son pouvoir discrétionnaire à l'égard de cette admission, l'organi-
sation peut selaisser guider par des considérations ((de tout ordre »,
c'est-à-dire non seulement des considérations juridiques mais aussi

des considérations politiques. Cela dégage le vrai sens juridique
du paragraphe I de l'article 4 de la Charte.

l Communication aimablede M. le juge Hsu Mo.

57 DISSENTING OPINION BY M. KRYLOV II0
Council and General Assembly with regard to the admission of
new Members.

2. In its opinion, the Court declares positively that the criteria
prescribed in paragraph I of Article 4 of the Charter are subjected
to the judgment of the Organization, Le., of the Security Council

and General Assembly. But, as 1 shall show later, a State which,
in the judgment of the Organization, possesses al1 these quali-
fications is not ipso facto entitled to be admitted to membership
in the United Nations. The political organs of the United Nations
must still decide whether or not they wish to recommend and to
admit it. Their decision is a discretionary one. Accordingly,
these criteria are not exhaustive. This clearly appears from the
text of Article 4 and from the preparatory work.
The authoritative texts of Article 4 of the Charter show some
differences of wording. The English text, and the Russian text,
which closely follows it, Say that membership in the United Nations
is open to States which have the qualifications required by Article 4.
The French, Spanish and Chinese l texts better express the general
principle of the constitution of the United Nations, a principle which

is not purely and simply that of universality ("peuvent devenir
Membres des Nations unies.. ..") ("Podran ser Miembros de las
Naciones Unidas...."). It is true that all (applicant) States may
become Members of the United Nations ("peuvent devenirMembres
des Nations unies tous Etats ....candidats) but only if they satisfy
the criteria of Article4 of the Charter. Certainly the five texts al1
express the same idea, namely, that the qualifications required by
Article 4 are necessary in order to become a Member of the United
Nations. But these texts by no means imply that the presence of
these requisite qualifications necessarily leads to the admission of
the applicant State to the United Nations.

3. The same conclusion emerges from an analysis of the report
of the Rapporteur of Committee I/z of the San Francisco Conference.
According t9 this report (U.N.C.I.O., Vol. 7, p. 315), the admission
of a new Member must be submitted for examination by the Organ-

ization. The Committee did not enurnerate the elements to be
considered in this examination. It only mentioned the main
criteria. This means that the enumeration of criteria in Article 4
of the Charter is not exhaustive. In forming a judgment as to the
desirability of admitting a new Member-that is toSay, in exercis-
ing its discretionary powers with regard to such admission-the
Organization may be guided by considerations "of any nature",
i.e., not merely legal but also political considerations. This
demonstrates the true legal meaning of paragraph I of Article 4
of the Charter.

Iiindlyçonimunicatedby Judge Hsu BIO. III OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. KRYLOV
4' En affirmant le caractère limitatif des qualités requises par
l'article4 de la Charte, on tâche d'exiger que les Membres de

l'O.N. U. participant au vote au sein du Conseil de Sécuritéet à
l'Assemblée générale se laissent exclusivement guider par des
considérations qui peuvent être ((ramenées ))aux cinq conditions
énuméréesdans l'article 4. Mais cette exigence est nettement
contraire à l'interprétation donnéepar le rapport du Comité112.
D'un autre côté, cette exigence ne me semble pas présenter une
utilité quelconque, Un Membre de l'O. N. U., appelé à voter sur
l'admission d'un Etat, est juridiquement fondé à voter selon sa
propre appréciation. Il n'est pas obligé de motiver son vote ; il
peut émettre un vote non motivé, lequel, de ce fait, échappe à

tout cont~ôle. A quoi aboutirait alors la censure des motifs invoqués
par les Etats Membres au Conseil de Sécurité ou à l'Assemblée
générale ? La recommandation de ((ramener ))les vrais motifs de
son vote aux critères prétendus limitatifs de l'article4, pourrait
mener aux déclarationshypocrites de telou telMembre de l'O. N. U.

jO La Cour, dans son avis, déclare qu'il ne résulte nullement du

caractère limitatif du paragraphe I de l'article 4,((que soit exclue
une appréciation discrétionnaire des circonstances de fait de nature
à permettre de vérifierl'existence des conditions requises 1)L'avis
indique qu'il n'écarte dans ce cas aucun élémentpolitique pertinent.
Cela veut dire que in co+zcreto les Membres possèdent un droit
d'appréciation discrétionnaire et' politique. Mais alors, il faut en
arriver à la conclusion - inévitable, je pense - que ce droit
d'appréciation discrétionnaire est implicitement sanctionné par
l'article4 de la Charte et que l'énumération des critères, dans cet
article, ='est pas limitative. Autrement, ce droit d'appréciation

ne serait pas fondé.
J'ai déjà dit plus haut que je me rallie à l'interprétation précitée
qu'a donnée le rapport du Comité 112.Je pense donc que la Charte
laisse à chaque Membre de l'Organisation le droit d'apprécier si
tel ou tel Etat peut être admis comme Membre en fondant son
appréciation sur l'existence ou la non-existence des qualitésrequises
par l'article 4 de la Charte, et sur des considérations d'ordre poli-
tique.

III.

J'ai essayé de dégagerle sens généralde l'article 4 de la Charte
en me fondant sur l'analyse du texte de cet article et des travaux
préparatoires.
Je dois me référer encore à l'examen de la pratique suivie par
les organes politiques des Nations unies en matière d'admission de
nouveaux Membres.

58 DISSETYTING OPINION BY M. KRYLOV III
The affirmation that the qualifications required by Article 4
of the Charter are exhaustive in character, implies that Members of
the United Nations taking part in the vote in the Security Council

and General Assembly must be exclusively guided by consider-
ations which can be "connected" with the five conditions enumerated
in Article 4. But this is dehitely contrary to the interpretation
given by the Report of Committee 112.
Again, this requirement does not to my mind appear to serve any
purpose. A member of the United Nations, called upon to vote on
the admission of a State, is legally entitled to vote according to its
own appreciation of the situation. It is not obliged to give reasons
for its vote ; it may vote without giving any reasons and such a
vote is pot subject to any control. What purpose then would be
served by a censure of the reasons invoked by Member States in the
Security Council or General Assembly ? The recommendation to
the effect that the real reasons for a vote must be "connected" with

the allegedly exhaustive criteria of Article 4 might result in hypo-
critical declarations being made by some Members of the United
Nations Organization .

5. TheCourt, in its opinion, declares thatit does not follow from
the exhaustive character of paragraph Iof Article 4 that "an appre-
ciation is precluded of such circumstances of fact as would enable
the existence of the requisite conditions to be verified".The opinion
States that in this connexion no relevant political factor is excluded.
This means that, in a concrete case, Members have a right of discre-
tionary and political appreciation. But in that case, one is forced
to the, in my view, inevitable conclusion that this right of discre-
tionary appreciation is implicitly sapctioned by Article 4 of the

Charter and that the enurneration of criteria in that Article is not
exhaustive. Otherwise, this right of appreciation would have no
basis.
1have already said that 1accept the interpretation quoted above,
given by the Report of Cornmittee 112. 1 hold, therefore, that
the Charter allows every Member of the Organization the right to
appreciate whether a particular State can be admitted to member-
ship, such appreciation to be based on the presence or absence
of the qua.lifications required by Article 4 of the Charter and on
considerations of a political nature.

III.

1 have sought to elucidate the general import of Article 4 of the

Charter on the basis of an analysis of the text of this Article and
of the preparatory work.
It still remains for me to consider the practice followed by the
political organs of the United Nations with regard to the admission
of new Members.
58II2 OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. KRYLOV
Au cours des débats au Conseil de Sécurité, lors des 204me,2ogme

et 206meSéances, ainsi que des autres séances du Conseil et des
séances de l'Assembléegénéraleet de sa Première Commission, on
a exprimé des considérations soit politiques soit juridiques, et l'on
a défendu des arguments divers tendant à prouver que tel ou tel
État doit ou ne doit pas êtreadmis comme Membre des Nations
unies.
Je n'ai pas l'intention de suivre tous les arguments juridiques qui
ont étéavancésau cours de ces nombreuses séances,dont lesprocès-
verbaux sont mis par le Secrétaire général desNations unies à la
disposition de la Cour. Je me bornerai à examiner quelques-uns
d'entre eux à titre d'exemple, pour clarifier mon point de vue.

I" Le délégué de 1'U.R. S. S. a affirméau Conseil de Sécuritéque
deux États candidats, le Portugal et l'Irlande, n'ayant pas pris
part à la deuxième guerre mondiale aux côtés des pays démocra-
tiques, ne peuvent être admis comme Membres des Nations unies.
LJargumentation<du délégué soviétique était juridiquement fondée
sur le critère: 1'Etat pacifique ou, en anglais, the fleace-lovingState
(je voudrais souligner que le mot français (<pacifique n a un sens
plutôt statique, tandis que le mot anglais peace-loving- ainsi que
le texte russe et espagnol amantes de la Paz, et chinoisl,donnent
à ce mot un sens plutôt dynamique). S'appuyant surtout sur ces
derniers textes et déclarant que les deux Etats susmentionnés

n'avaient fait aucun effort pour combattre le danger naziste, le
déléguéde 1'U.R. S. S. était juridiquement fondé à défendre, à ce
moment, son point de vue selon lequel ces États n'étaient pas the
fieme-loving States. L'argument du déléguéde 1'U.R. S. S., sur la
valeur, comme critère, de la participation à la guerre mondiale, a
été appuyé par l'éminent juriste panamien M. Ricardo Alfaro.
Quant à la question concrète de l'admission du Portugal, l'attitude
du délégué de 1'U.R. S.S. a étémaintes fois partagée par d'autres
Etats, tels que l'Australie, l'Inde, les Philippines.

2" Le mêmedélégué, enrefusant l'entrée de l'organisation aux
États sus-mentionnés,a ajouté, à titre d'argument supplémentaire,

que ces Etats n'entretenaient pas de relations diplomatiques avec
l'union soviétique. Etait-il juridiquement fondé à le faire ? Son
affirmation était fondée sur les préceptes juridiques de la Charte.
Celle-ci, dans le paragraphe z de l'article premier, déclare qu'un
des buts des Nations unies est de développer entre les nations des
relations amicales. L'absence de relations diplomatiques,c'est-à-dire
de liens normaux entre les États, due à la décision prise délibéré-
ment et obstinément par l'État candidat, n'est-elle pas contraire
aux critères énoncésdans l'article 4 de la Charte, notamment à

Communication aimablede M. le juge Hsu Mo.
59 DISSENTING OPINION BY M. KRYLOV II2

In the course of the discussions in the Security Council, at its
zoqth, 205th and 206th Meetings, as well as at meetings of the
General Assembly and of its First Commission, both political and
legal considerations have been put forward and a variety of argu-
mentshave been adduced to show that some particular State should
or should not be admitted to membership in the United Nations.

It is not my intention to follow out al1 the legal arguments
advanced in the course of these numerous meetings of which the
records have been placed by the Secretary-General of the United
Nations at the Court's disposal. 1shall confine myself to consider-

ing a few of them, by way of example, in order to clarify my
standpoint.

I. The delegate of the U.S.S.R. stated in the Security Council
that two applicant States,Portugal and Eire,not having takeri part
in the second world war alongside the democratic countries, could
not be admitted to membership in the United Nations. The Soviet
delegate's argument was legally based on the criterion of "a peace-
loviag State"-or, in French "État pacifique"- (1 would emphasize
that the French word pacifiqtte has a more passive sense, whereas
the English word "peace-loving", as also the Russian, Spanish
-amantes de la Paz-and Chinese1 equivalents possess a more
active sense). Relying more particularly on the latter texts and

declaring that the two States above mentioned had made no effort
to combat the Nazi danger, the delegate for the U.S.S.R. was legally
justified, at that moment, in maintairiing his point of view which
was that these States were not "peace-loving". The argument of
the U.S.S.R. delegate regarding the value as a criterion of particip-
ation in the world war has met with the support of the eminent
jurist of Panama M. Ricardo Alfaro. As regards the concrete
question of the admission of Portugal, the attitude of the delegate
of the U.S.S.R. was frequeiltly shared by other States, such as
Australia, India and the Philippines.

2. The same delegate, in refusing membership of the Organiz-

ation to these States, added, as a supplementary argument,
that they did not maintain diplomatic relations with the U.S.S.R.
Was he legally entitled to do this ? His argument was based
on the legal precepts of the Charter. The latter, in paragraph 2
of Article 1,says that one of the purroses of the United Nations
is to develop friendly relations among nations. The absence of
diplomatic relations, Le., normal bonds between States, due to
a decision deliberately and obstinately taken by an applicant
State, is surely inconsistent with thè criteria stated in Article 4

of the Charter, particularly that which provides that an applicant

Icindly cominunicatby Judge Hsu Mo.
59 II3 OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. KRYLOV
celui qui prévoit que l'État postulant doit être « disposé »à se
conformer aux buts et principes de la Charte ?
On peut remarquer que les autres membres du Conseil de Sécurité
(Chine, Etats-Unis, Royaume-Uni, et les autres) prenaient aussi

en considération - à tort ou à raison in concreto - le fait
de l'absence de relations diplomatiques.

3' Lors de la gzme Séance de l'Assemblée générale, le
30 septembre 1947, le déléguéde 1'Afghanistan a voté contre
l'admission du Pakistan, à cause, a-t-il affirmé,d'un différend de
frontières existant entreces deux États. Plus tard, le 20 octobre
1947, lors de la96me Séance,ce délégué a déclaré qu'ilne mainte-
nait plus son opposition à l'admission du Pakistan, parce que le
différendallait êtreréglpar la voie diplomatique. Il semble qu'une
telle argumentation soit fondée,parce que l'attitude deEtat votant
contre l'admission peut se justifier par les préceptes de l'article
de la Charte. La mêmeattitude a étéprise par le délégué français
au Conseil de Sécuritédans le cas de l'admission du Siam.

4' Je citerai aussi à titre d'exemple les arguments exprimés au
sein du Conseil de Sécurité,qui ne me paraissent pas concorder avec
les principes généraux de la Charte. Je pense qu'un Membre de
l'O. N. U. n'est pas fondéà appuyer le refus qu'il opposeà l'admis-
sion de tel ou tel État comme Membre de l'O.N. U. par des argu-

ments se référantaux affaires qui relèvent essentiellement de la
compétence nationale de l'État candidat. L'Organisation des
Nations unies est crééepar les États Membres originaires qui
diffèrent quant à leur étendue, population, puissance armée,
institutions politiques, conditions sociales, etc. La clause du para-
graphe 7 de l'article2 de la Charte (domesticjurisdiction) soustrait
en principe à la compétence de l'Organisation elle;même les
questions ressortissant à la compétence nationale de 1'Etat. Cette
règledoit êtreégalementsuivie, je pense, lorsqu'il s'agit de l'admis-
sion de nouveaux Membres. Pour appuyer mon point de vue, je
puis me référer à l'attitude prise par de nombreuses délégations, y

comprise celle des États-Unis, à la Conférence de San-Francisco,
non seulement au sein du Comité 111 qui s'occupait des buts et
principes de la Charte,mais aussiau sein du Comité 1113quiétudiait
les questions économiqueset sociales et les questions relatives aux
droits fondamentaux de l'homme.
5" L'admission de l'Autriche et de la Transjordanie a rencontré
des objections de la part de quelques États (U. R. S. S.,
Australie, Canada, Inde, Pakistan, et autres). On s'est demandé si
ces États, au moment où leur demande d'admission avait été
présentée,étaient en fait des Etats indépendants. L'expression de

tels ((doutes» n'est pas contraire àl'article 4 de la Charte,caryia
là une considération qui ne conduit qu'à l'ajournement du vote.
60 DISSENTING OPINION BY M. KRYLOV
113
State must be "willing" to carry out the principles and pur-
poses of the Charter.
It may be noted that the other members of the Security Council
(China, the U.S.A., the United Kingdom and others) also took
into account-rightly or wrongly in concreto-the fact of the
absence of diplomatic relations.

At the 92nd Meeting of the General Assembly on Sep-
tember 3oth, 1947, the delegate of Afghanistan voted against the
admission of Pakistan, on account, he declared, of a frontier

dispute between these two States. Later, on October zoth, 1947,
at the 96th Meeting, this delegate said that he no longer main-
tained his opposition, because the dispute was about to be settled
through diplomatic channels. It would seem that such an
argument is warranted, because the attitude of the State voting
against admission may be justified by the precepts of Article 4
of the Charter. A similar attitude was adopted by the French
delegate in the Security Council in the case of the admission
of Siam.

4. 1 would also cite by way of example the arguments put
forward in the Security Council which do not seem to me to
accord with the general principles of the Charter. 1 hold that
a Member of the United Nations is not justified in basing his
opposition to the admission of a particular State on arguments
which relate to matters falling essentially within the domestic
jurisdiction of the applicant State.The United Nations Organiz-
ation has been created by the original Member States which
differ in extent, population, armed strength, political institutions,
social conditions, etc. The clause in paragraph 7 of Article 2

of the Charter (domestic jurisdiction)in principle excludes ques-
tions appertaining to the domestic jurisdiction of a State from
the jurisdiction of the Organization itself. This rule must, 1
hold, also be applied in connexion with the admission of new
Members. In support of my view, 1 may refer to the attitude
adopted by many delegations, including that of the U.S.A., at
the San Francisco Conference, not only in Committee 111, which
dealt with the purposes and principles of the Charter, but also in
Committee III3 which studied economic and social questions and
questions concerning fundamental human rights.

5. The admission of Austria and Transjordan encountered
objections on the part of several States-the U.S.S.R., Australia,

Canada, India, Pakistan and others. The question was raised
whether, at the time of their application,these States were really
independent States. The expression of such "doubts" is not
contrary to Article 4 of the Charter, for that is a consideration
which would merely lead to a postponement of the vote.
60 II4 OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. KRYLOV
6" JJaborde enfin la question du vote qu'on a nommé - à tort,

je crois- un vote ((subordonné à une condition ».Le vote peut
êtreou affirmatif ou négatif. On peut aussi s'abstenir. Mais le vote
subordonné à une condition )est un non-sensjuridique. Évidem-
ment, ainsi qu'on l'a déjà dit, la question poséepar l'Assemblée
généralese réfère nonau «vote )mais aux motifs du vote.
Le cas concret, envisagé dans la question poséedevant la Cour,
est l'admission de cinq Etats ex-ennemis, qui a étédiscutée par
le Conseil de Sécurité. Les délégués dlea majorité des membres du
Conseil voulaient admettre deux États ex-ennemis (Italie et Fin-

lande) et ne voulaient pas en admettre trois autres (Bulgarie,
Hongrie, Roumanie). Le déléguéde 1'U.R. S. S. au Conseil de
Sécuritéa différé sonvote affirmatif en faveur de l'Italie et de la
enlande, parce qu'il n'était pas sûr de l'admission des trois autres
Etats comme Membres de l'Organisation. Ce délégué était-il juri-
diquement fondé à le faire ? La majorité des délégués du Conseil
de Sécurité, eninterprétant l'article 4 de la Charte, étaient d'avis
que cet article ne prévoit pas un tel procédé,et mêmel'interdit.
Rien ne justifie, semble-t-il, cette interprétation. Sans doute, la
candidature de chaque État doit êtreappréciéeséparément,çelon

ses propres mérites. Mais on peut concevoir que plusieurs Etats
candidats soient admis en bloc, et un tel vote n'est nullement exclu
par l'article 4 de la Charte.
Un tel procédé est particulièrement justifié lorsqu'il s'agit
d'admettre les Etats dont la demande est présentée dans des
cgconstances identiques par exemple, dans le cas où plusieurs
Etats nouvellement nés succèdent à un Etat qui a cesséd'exister.
Dans le cas concret envisagé,les demandes d'admission à l'O.N.U.
des cinq Etats ex-ennemis étaient considerées comme devant être

appuyées, après la conclusion des Traités de paix de Paris de
1947, non seulement par les participants à la Conférence de
Potsdam de 1945, mais aussi par tous les participants des traités
de paix susnommés. Toutes ces demandes auraient dû -être
appréciées de la même manière, c'est-à-dire que tous ces Etats
candidats auraient dû être admis simultanément. 11n'était pas
permis, ainsi que je l'ai déjà dit plus haut (sousle no 41,d'établir
une discrimination injustifiée entre les cinq candidats, à raison de
leur régime intérieur. Dans ce cas spécifique, concret et même
unique - ayant en vue l'Accord de Potsdam et les traités de paix
susmentionnés -, la suggestion présentéepar le délégué de l'Union
soviétique n'était pas contraire à l'article 4 de la Charte. Elle
ne peu être considérée comme étant contra legem. Ainsi que

je l'ai déjà dit, le vote en bloc n'est pas défendu par la Charte,
donc il est intra legern: c'est un procédélicite. Partant de ce
point de vue, je n'ai pas besoin de rechercher si la clause
agréée à Potsdam et répétéedans les Traités de paix de 1947 est
contraire à l'article 103 de la Charte. DISSFNTING OPINION BY M. KRYLOV II4

6. Finally, 1 come to the question of the vote which has
-wrongly, 1 think-been described as a "conditional vote". A
vote may be affirmative or negative;or a Member may also abstain
from voting. But a "conditional vote" is meaningless in law.
Obviously, as has already been said, the question put by the
General Assembly refers not to the "vote" but to the reasons forit.
The concrete case envisaged by the question put to the Court
is the admission of five ex-enemy States which was discussed by
the Security Council. The delegates of the majority of Members

of the Council wished to admit two ex-enemy States (Italy and
Finland) and were unwilling to admit three others (Bulgaria,
Hungary and Roumania). The U.S.S.R. delegate in the Security
Council postponed his affirmative vote in favour of Italy and
Finland because he was not sure of the admission of the three
others to membership. Was this delegate legally justified in so
doing ? The majority of the delegates in the Security Council,
in interpreting Article 4, held that that Article did not warrant
such a proceeding and even forbade it. It would not seem that
thereis anything to justify such an interpretation. No doubt, the
application of each State must be considered separately on its own
merits. But it is possible to imagineeveral applicant States being
admitted together and such a vote is by no means precluded by
Article 4 of the Charter.
Such a proceeding is especially warranted when it is a question

of admitting States whose applications are presented in identical
circumstances ;for instance, in a case where several newly created
States succeed to a State which has ceased to exist.
IQ the particular case, the applications for admission to the
United Nations of the five ex-enemy States were considered to
be worthy of support, after the conclusion of the Peace Treaties of
Paris of 1947 ,ot only by the participants in the Conference of
Potsdam of 1945 but also by al1 parties to these peace treaties.
Al1 these applications should have been treated in the same man-
ner, that is to Say, that al1these applicant States should have been
admitted simultaneously. As 1 have stated above (under No. 4),
there was no warrant for an unjustified discrimination between
the five candidates on the ground of their domestic régime. In
this specific, concrete, and even unique case-having regard to
the Potsdam Agreement and to the above-mentioned peace
treaties-the suggestion made by the delegate of the Soviet Union

was not contrary to Article 4 of the Charter, and could not be
regarded as illegal. As 1 have stated, a block vote is not forbidden
by the Charter and accordingly it is legal ; it is a legitimate
proceeding. Accordingly, there isnoneed forme to consider whether
the clause approved at Potsdam and repeated in the Peace
Treaties of 1947 is inconsistent with Article 103 of the Charter.11.5 OPINION DISSIDENTE DE M. KRYLOV

IV.

Donc, le droit d'appréciation, sanctionné par l'article 4 de la
Charte, peut s'exercer par les Membres de l'O.N.U.dans descircons-
tances diverses en matière d'admission de nouveaux Membres. Il
va sans dire qu'en usant de ce droit d'appréciation à l'égard de
l'État candidat, chaque Membre de l'organisation doit êtreguidé
par des considérations juridiques et politiques qui concordent avec
les Buts et Principes des Nations unies, et qu'il doit exercer son
droit en toute bonne foi.
Ainsi, je donne àla question (c'est-à-dire aux deux parties de la
question) posée par l'Assemblée généralela réponse suivante :

Un Membre de l'Organisation des Nations unies, appelé en vertu
de l'article4 de la Charte à se prononcer par son vote, soit au
Conseil de Sécurité, soit à l'Assemblée générale,sur l'admission
d'un État comme Membre des Nations unies, a le droit de déclarer,
au cours de la discussion et avant le vote, qu'il s'inspire dans

son vote 1) des critères juridiques prévus au paragraphe I dudit
article, et2)des considérations politiques conformes aux Buts et
Principes des Nations unies.

(Signé S).KRYLOV. DISSENTING OPINION BY M. KRYLOV 115

It follows that the right of appreciation, sanctioned by Article 4
of the Charter, may be exercised by Members of the United Nations
in various circumstances in connexion with the admission of new

Members. It goes without saying that, in utilizing this right of
appreciation in respect of an applicant State, each Member of the
Organization must be guided by legal and political considerations
which accord with the Purposes and Principles ofthe UnitedNations
and that it must exercise its right in al1 good faith.
Accordingly, 1 give the following reply to the question (that
is to say to two parts of the question) put by the General
Assembly :

A Member of the United Nations, which is called upon, in
virtue of Article 4 of the Charter, to pronounce itself by its vote,
either in the Security Council or in the General Assembiy, on
the admission of a State to membership in the United Nations,

is entitled to declare, during the discussion and before the vote,
that it takes into account in voting : (1) the legal criteria pre-
scribed in paragraph I of the said Article, and (2) the political
considerations consistent with the Purposes and Principles of the
United Nations.

(Signed) S. KRYLOV.

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Dissenting Opinion by M. Krylov (translation)

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