INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE
MARITIME DELIMITATION IN THE INDIAN OCEAN
(SOMALIA v. KENYA)
APPENDIX 2 TO THE REPUBLIC OF KENYA’S APPLICATION TO
SUBMIT NEW EVIDENCE AND WRITTEN SUBMISSIONS
VOLUME I
22nd February 2021
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION.............................................................................................................1
CHAPTER I: THIS APPENDIX EXPLAINS THE SIGNIFICANT AND
RELEVANT NEW EVIDENCE THAT WAS NOT PREVIOUSLY BEFORE THE
COURT............................................................................................................................15
CHAPTER II: THE EVIDENCE CONFIRMS THAT SOMALIA ACQUIESCED
IN KENYA’S CLAIM TO A MARITIME BOUNDARY ALONG THE
PARALLEL OF LATITUDE BEFORE THE CRYSTALLISATION OF THE
PRESENT DISPUTE......................................................................................................27
Somalia acquiesced in Kenya’s claim when it benefited its
beleaguered people; it is now seeking to retract that acquiescence to
benefit private interests ........................................................................30
1. 1970s to 1991: Somalia acquiesced in Kenya’s claim in the
context of an improvement of its bilateral relations with
Kenya.........................................................................................30
2. 1991 to 2012: Somalia continued to acquiesce in Kenya’s
claim while it benefited from Kenya’s support......................47
3. 2012 to 2013: Kenya’s discovery of offshore oil triggered
interest in Somalia by the private entity Soma Oil & Gas....73
4. February 2014 to August 2014: Somalia protested against
Kenya’s claim, as it engaged in a six-month flurry of activity
to benefit private interests .......................................................96
5. Conclusion...............................................................................103
Maritime boundaries can and do form through acquiescence........104
The evidence confirms that the Parties’ conduct between 1979 and
2014 plainly satisfies the three requirements for acquiescence.......109
1. Since 1979, Kenya’s acts and course of conduct have clearly
indicated that Kenya claims a maritime boundary along the
Parallel of Latitude.................................................................110
2. Somalia had both full knowledge of Kenya’s claim and a
duty to protest against it if it wished to prevent
acquiescence............................................................................131
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3. Somalia failed to protest against Kenya’s claim within a
reasonable time.......................................................................139
Somalia benefited from and Kenya relied on Somalia’s
acquiescence.........................................................................................157
CHAPTER III: INDEPENDENTLY OF SOMALIA’S ACQUIESCENCE, THE
EVIDENCE CONFIRMS THAT AN EQUITABLE SOLUTION REQUIRES THE
APPLICATION OF THE LATITUDINAL DELIMITATION METHOD.............162
CHAPTER IV: THE NEW EVIDENCE CONFIRMS THAT, CORRECTLY
APPLIED, THE THREE-STEP DELIMITATION METHOD ALSO WOULD
REQUIRE THE PARTIES’ MARITIME BOUNDARY TO FOLLOW THE
PARALLEL OF LATITUDE ......................................................................................183
Deficiencies in the charted data from which Somalia calculates its
proposed basepoints require the provisional equidistance line
proposed by Somalia to be reconstructed anew ...............................184
The evidence confirms that there are multiple relevant
circumstances that require the provisional equidistance line to be
adjusted to follow the Parallel of Latitude........................................190
1. The severe cut-off effect that the provisional equidistance
line produces on Kenya’s maritime areas requires that line to
be adjusted to the Parallel of Latitude .................................195
2. The regional context requires the adjustment of the
provisional equidistance line to the Parallel of Latitude.....206
3. Vital security interests concerning both the Parties and the
international community at large require the provisional
equidistance line to be adjusted to the Parallel of Latitude212
4. The evidence of the Parties’ conduct reflects a de facto
boundary line that requires the adjustment of the provisional
equidistance line to the Parallel of Latitude.........................238
5. The evidence confirms that Kenya’s fisherfolk currently and
historically have critically relied for their livelihoods upon
the fisheries just to the south of the Parallel of Latitude; their
equitable access to those natural resources requires the
adjustment of the provisional equidistance line to the Parallel
of Latitude...............................................................................246
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The Parallel of Latitude line leads to no significant
disproportionality; the equidistance line leads to significant
disproportionality................................................................................265
1. Somalia’s calculations regarding the scope of the relevant
maritime area are inconsistent with its own legal
submissions..............................................................................267
2. Somalia’s calculations of the lengths of the relevant coasts
are inconsistent with its own legal submissions ...................275
3. The equidistance line creates a significant disproportionality
both using Kenya’s correct methods and applying Somalia’s
stated methods in a consistent manner.................................279
4. The Parallel of Latitude creates no significant
disproportionality, regardless of whether the Court uses
Kenya’s correct methods or Somalia’s stated methods in a
consistent manner...................................................................282
CHAPTER V: THE EVIDENCE CONFIRMS THAT KENYA’S ACTIVITIES IN
THE NOW-DISPUTED MARITIME AREA HAVE AT ALL TIMES COMPLIED
WITH APPLICABLE INTERNATIONAL LAW NORMS.....................................284
Somalia misstates the legal standard for wrongfulness of activities in
a disputed maritime area....................................................................287
1. Contrary to Somalia’s arguments, one State’s self-serving
“perception” of the nature of a given activity does not
determine whether that activity is wrongful ........................287
2. Contrary to Somalia’s arguments, the delimitation of a
shared continental shelf does not establish retroactive
liability.....................................................................................291
The evidence confirms the lawfulness of Kenya’s activities ............295
1. Somalia did not object to Kenya’s well-publicised activities in
the now-disputed maritime area until 2014 .........................296
2. Somalia, not Kenya, is in breach of its obligation to make
every effort to enter into provisional arrangements............298
3. The new evidence is relevant in confirming that Somalia has
failed to prove that any of Kenya’s actions have hampered or
could hamper the reaching of a final agreement; even under
its own standard, Somalia has shown no reasonable basis for
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its so-called “perception” of a de facto, irreversible
regime ......................................................................................300
Somalia has failed to prove that it is entitled to any type of
reparations ...........................................................................................305
1
INTRODUCTION
1. The Republic of Kenya respectfully files this Appendix 2 (the “Appendix”)
to its Application to submit new evidence in the case concerning the
Maritime Delimitation in the Indian Ocean (Somalia v. Kenya) (the
“Application”), for the purpose of explaining the relevance of the new
evidence.1
2. As in any other proceeding before it, the Court must reach its decision in
the present proceeding “on a fully informed basis”.2 This basis “provides
both the parties and the Court with the safeguards required for the sound
administration of international justice”.3 Conscious of that, the Court has
made clear that it will “employ whatever means and resources may enable
it to satisfy itself whether the submissions of the applicant State are
well-founded in fact and law, and simultaneously to safeguard the essential
principles of the sound administration of justice.”4
3. In this proceeding, the Court would benefit from this additional information
and evidence so as to make a “fully informed” decision. Kenya filed its
Rejoinder more than two years ago, on 18 December 2018. Since Kenya
filed that last written submission, Kenya has diligently and in good faith
1 Unless otherwise defined in this Appendix, capitalised terms shall have the meanings
ascribed to them in the Rejoinder filed by Kenya on 18 December 2018.
2 International Court of Justice, Handbook, 31 December 2018, page 51.
3 International Court of Justice, Handbook, 31 December 2018, page 51.
4 International Court of Justice, Handbook, 31 December 2018, page 51. See also Military
and Paramilitary Activities in and against Nicaragua (Nicaragua v. United States of
America), Merits, Judgment of 27 June 1986, I.C.J. Reports 1986, p. 14, paragraph 59.
The Court made this statement in the context of a respondent State having failed to appear
in proceedings before the Court. However, the statement applies with equal force in this
case.
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continued to look for relevant evidence to assist the Court. As part of those
efforts, Kenya instructed a new team of researchers and technical experts in
this case.
4. As explained in the Application, the COVID-19 pandemic has prevented
Kenya from obtaining a crucial part of the material evidence it needs in
order to present its position and have a fair and equal opportunity to
comment on Somalia’s contentions. However, with the benefit of its new
research team, Kenya has already secured a significant amount of evidence
that is highly relevant to the present dispute. This Appendix describes the
content and relevance of that new evidence obtained to date, in order to
provide the Court with an appreciation of the scope of the material evidence
that is not yet on the record of the case.
5. Kenya is not seeking to re-plead its case to this Court. On the contrary, the
purpose of this Appendix is to explain the relevance of the new evidence
and information.
6. This Appendix consists of eight volumes. Volume I contains the
explanation of the new evidence. Volumes II to VIII contain the abundant
and significant new evidence.
7. The main text of this Appendix consists of five Chapters. Following this
Introduction, Chapter I outlines the new evidence contained in this
Appendix that was not previously before the Court. As that Chapter shows,
that new evidence concerns every issue in dispute between the Parties.
8. The new evidence described in Chapter II confirms that Somalia has
acquiesced in a boundary line that follows the parallel of latitude at 1° 39’
43.2”S (the “Parallel of Latitude”). Contrary to Somalia’s arguments,
maritime boundaries can and do form through acquiescence. The three-part
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test for acquiescence is well established. As both Parties agree, a finding
of acquiescence requires: (i) “an act, course of conduct or omission by [...]
one party indicative of its view of the content of the applicable legal rule”;5
(ii) “the knowledge (actual or reasonably to be inferred) of the other party
of such conduct or omission”;6 and (iii) “a failure by the latter party within
a reasonable time to reject, or dissociate itself from, the position taken by
the first”.7
9. Somalia cannot credibly deny that the Parties’ conduct in the period from
1979 until 2014 meets each of these three requirements. The evidence is
clear. In the late 1970s, Somalia abandoned its irredentist policy of a
“Greater Somalia”.8 Based on a new policy of “accommodation”,9 Somalia
sought to repair its relations with Kenya. In response, Kenya welcomed
and encouraged Somalia’s overtures as a constructive development. It was
in this context that Kenya issued its 1979 proclamation of an exclusive
economic zone (the “EEZ”) following the Parallel of Latitude (the “1979
EEZ Proclamation”).
5 SR, paragraph 2.6; KR, paragraph 44.
6 SR, paragraph 2.6; KR, paragraph 45.
7 SR, paragraph 2.6; KR, paragraph 46.
8 See KCM, paragraph 68.
9 See KCM, paragraph 68, citing, e.g., Report from the Kenyan Embassy in Somalia to the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Mission Mogadiscio (KES.105A.Vol.II/73), The
Ambassador’s Meetings with Somali Ministers, 4 April 1978, KCM, Annex 15; Letter from
the Kenyan Embassy in China to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (KEP/POL/GEN/1A/59),
Vice-Minister Ho Ying’s Tour, 30 January 1980, KCM, Annex 22; Telegram to the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, No. 227, (MFA/231/21/001A/245), Account of Siad Barre’s
Address at Mass Rally, 2 December 1980, KCM, Annex 25; Minutes of a Meeting between
H.E. President Daniel T. Arap Moi and H.E. President Siad Barre of Somalia on June 29,
1981, at State House, Nairobi (MFA/231/21/001A/28), 10 July 1981, KCM, Annex 26;
Note on a Meeting between Hon. Ole Tipis, Minister of State in the Office of the President
and the Somalia Ambassador to Kenya, H.E. MR. Abdirahman Hussein Mahamoud
(MFA/231/21/001A/68), 7 September 1982, KCM, Annex 27.
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10. Since 1979, Kenya has repeatedly made a formal, public and precise
boundary claim. Acting in good faith throughout, Kenya continuously
confirmed its claim with consistent conduct on the ground. Kenya also has
sought to formalise the maritime boundary between the Parties through a
written agreement. Kenya’s conduct throughout this period was, indeed,
more than simply one “act, course of conduct or omission”. It was
continuous, decades-long conduct that established Kenya’s legal claim.
11. At all relevant times, Kenya ensured that Somalia had full, actual
knowledge of its claim. This included directly notifying Somalia of its
claim, repeatedly, through the auspices of the United Nations (the “UN”)
and multiple other means.
12. Yet, for 35 years, Somalia did not protest against Kenya’s boundary claim.
Nor did Somalia present an alternative claim, whether along the
equidistance line it now invokes or otherwise. On the contrary, the evidence
in this Appendix confirms that Somalia conclusively agreed with Kenya’s
boundary claim. That evidence also proves that Somalia’s failure to protest
was not an inadvertent omission. It was a fully conscious choice by
Somalia. That choice was entirely consistent with Somalia’s new policy of
“accommodation” towards Kenya. Importantly, Somalia has benefited
from – and Kenya has relied on – that choice in multiple ways.
13. Indeed, Kenya relied on Somalia’s agreement for several decades. It
invested time and expenditure in the management of marine resources,
other natural resources and security threats in the now-disputed maritime
area. Following Somalia’s abandonment of its expansionist sovereignty
claims, Kenya provided Somalia with extensive political, military and
economic support. That support enabled Somalia to confront numerous
existential threats emanating from its land and maritime territory, including
5
in relation to piracy, international terrorism and other crimes regularly
committed in Somalia’s maritime areas. Somalia’s decision not to object
to the latitudinal delimitation method – which was and still is considered
wholly equitable in Eastern Africa – can only be understood within that
overarching context.
14. Somalia’s position in relation to its maritime boundary suddenly and
dramatically changed in 2014. In February of that year, and for the first
time, Somalia protested against Kenya’s claim to the Parallel of Latitude
boundary. In the six months that followed, Somalia frenetically took a
series of major steps, without seriously pursuing negotiations or discussions
with Kenya regarding its new position. From February 2014 to August
2014, Somalia: (i) protested against the Parallel of Latitude boundary; (ii)
purported to give oil and gas rights to the private company Soma Oil & Gas
Exploration Limited (“Soma Oil & Gas”)10 south of the Parallel of
Latitude; (iii) declared its EEZ as extending south of the Parallel of Latitude
for the first time; (iv) provided further information on its submissions to the
UN Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf (the “CLCS”); and
(v) in August 2014, initiated the present proceeding.
15. The Court will see that Somalia’s frenzied six-month burst of activity was
needed in order for Soma Oil & Gas to exercise its no-bid, no-auction
exclusive rights to oil and gas in the now-disputed maritime area. A
favourable result for Somalia in this proceeding would inevitably – and
apparently by design – greatly enrich certain Somali Government officials.
10 Soma Oil & Gas Exploration Limited is a wholly owned subsidiary of Soma Oil & Gas
Holdings Limited. See Annual Return of Soma Oil & Gas Exploration Limited, UK
Companies House, 11 August 2014, page 6, Annex 161.
6
It also would benefit foreigners who own interests in Soma Oil & Gas. It
is doubtful whether it would benefit Somalia itself or its people.
16. However, as this Court has made clear, “[f]rontier rectifications cannot in
law be claimed on the ground that a frontier area has turned out to have an
importance not known or suspected when the frontier was established.”11
Put differently, whatever its new motivations or interest in the now-disputed
maritime area, Somalia cannot avoid the legal consequences of its at least
35-year agreement on the Parallel of Latitude maritime boundary. That
would be contrary to fundamental principles of public international law. It
would undermine the principles of stability, predictability, fairness and
good faith that must govern international relations.
17. The new evidence described in Chapter III confirms that, independently
of Somalia’s undisputable acquiescence, the Parallel of Latitude is, in any
event, the most equitable delimitation in this case. The three-step
delimitation method is not mandatory. Nor is it appropriate to achieve an
equitable solution in this case. Applying the three-step methodology as
Somalia proposes would contradict the views expressed by the Parties at all
relevant times. It would also disregard the geographical and regional
context. Further, Somalia’s security situation has prevented Somalia from
identifying reliable basepoints. This prevents the Court from drawing a
reliable equidistance line. Ultimately, applying the three-step methodology
as advanced by Somalia – and merely for the sake of securing an artificial
methodological uniformity – would lead to an inequitable result.
11 Case concerning the Temple of Preah Vihear (Cambodia v. Thailand), Merits, Judgment
of 15 June 1962, I.C.J. Reports 1962, p. 6, page 23.
7
18. Therefore, in the unlikely scenario that it does not find acquiescence, the
Court should delimit the maritime boundary based on the latitudinal
delimitation method. That method is reliable and feasible in this case. It is
also consistent with the general configuration of the Eastern African coast
and with the regional context and practices. It is true to the Parties’ longstanding
will and actions. It does not prejudice either of the Parties. Rather,
it enables them to extend their maritime territory as far seaward as
international law permits, avoiding encroachment and cut-off effects. That
method also avoids marked disproportions between the maritime zones
allocated to each of the disputing Parties. Importantly, using the latitudinal
method would strengthen the principles of transparency and predictability
in international relations.
19. The evidence described in Chapter IV undermines Somalia’s claim that
Kenya has neither challenged the way in which Somalia has applied the
three-step methodology nor argued “that applying [that] method yields the
parallel of latitude that Kenya claims.”12 While that methodology is illsuited
for this case, correctly applied (based on the new evidence) it would
nonetheless lead to the conclusion that the Parties’ maritime boundary
should follow the Parallel of Latitude. Indeed, Somalia has manifestly
misapplied the three-step delimitation method in multiple ways.
20. The provisional equidistance line, constructed by Somalia under the first
stage of the three-step methodology, is afflicted by deficiencies in the
underlying charted data. These deficiencies require limited but nonetheless
necessary changes to the provisional equidistance line proposed by
Somalia.
12 SR, paragraph 3.45.
8
21. Correctly applying the second stage of the three-step methodology also
requires adjusting the provisional equidistance line. Specifically, the new
evidence contained in this Appendix proves that there are at least five
relevant or special circumstances that call for the adjustment of that line to
the Parallel of Latitude.13
22. First, an equidistance line would produce a severe cut-off effect on Kenya’s
maritime areas. The cut-off effect becomes increasingly pronounced past
the 200 nautical miles (“M”) limit. It becomes so severe that it entirely cuts
off Kenya from the outer limit of its continental shelf. By contrast, a
boundary line along the Parallel of Latitude would not produce any severe
cut-off effect on either Kenya or Somalia.
23. Second, the regional context also requires adjusting the provisional
equidistance line. This relevant circumstance has two dimensions. One
concerns the regional practice of Eastern African Coastal States. In
particular, all relevant States on the Eastern African coast that have
delimited their maritime boundaries have done so using parallels of latitude.
13 The Court and other international tribunals have referred to both “special” and “relevant”
circumstances depending on the maritime area to be delimited. However, nowadays those
terms are considered to be broadly equivalent. For the purposes of this Appendix, Kenya
will therefore refer only to “relevant circumstances”. See, e.g., S. Fietta and R. Cleverly,
A Practitioner’s Guide to Maritime Boundary Delimitation (Oxford University Press,
2016), page 54 (“[t]he second stage requires consideration of whether there are factors
calling for the adjustment or shifting of the provisional equidistance or median line in order
to achieve an equitable result. Such factors are commonly referred to as ‘relevant
circumstances’ (and are broadly equivalent to the ‘special circumstances’ requiring
adjustment of a provisional equidistance line in territorial sea delimitation under Article
15 of UNCLOS)”); M. Evans, Relevant Circumstances, in MARITIME BOUNDARY
DELIMITATION: THE CASE LAW: IS IT CONSISTENT AND PREDICTABLE?, ed. A. G. Oude
Elferink et al. (Cambridge University Press, 2018), page 228 (“[a]lthough the courts have
not been consistent and, indeed, have recently upturned the language of the 1958
Convention, this has probably been a helpful development since it removes the scope for
arguing that ‘relevant’ circumstances might be different in some ways from ‘special’
circumstances. Even if once they may have been different (and this is by no means
obvious), today they are not.”).
9
They considered that parallel boundaries would lead to an equitable division
of their maritime territories in light of the general coastal configuration of
the region. The other, narrower dimension, concerns the Kenya-Tanzania
maritime boundary. This boundary, which was agreed in 1976, essentially
follows a parallel of latitude emanating from the Kenya-Tanzania land
border.
24. Somalia now appears to argue that the Kenya-Tanzania maritime boundary
is fundamentally disadvantageous to Kenya, that Kenya erred in agreeing
that boundary with Tanzania and that Kenya is now unreasonably
attempting to claim unjustified maritime areas from Somalia in order to
compensate itself for the consequences of its error. The implication seems
to be that, had Kenya insisted on an equidistance boundary vis-à-vis
Tanzania, as Somalia now seeks to do vis-à-vis Kenya, then Kenya would
not need to advance a latitudinal claim against Somalia.
25. This fundamentally misconceives the situation. Kenya and Tanzania agreed
their maritime boundary bona fide, in accordance with both international
law and the contemporaneous views expressed by all relevant States,
including Somalia. Further, the boundary is in some respects more
favourable and in other respects less favourable to Kenya than an
equidistance Kenya-Tanzania boundary would have been. In particular, an
equidistance boundary would have given Kenya substantially less maritime
territory from its coastline to a distance of some 200M, though more
maritime territory beyond that distance. Somalia’s argument is therefore
unfounded both on the facts and in equity.
26. In these circumstances, blindly and mechanically drawing the Parties’
maritime boundary along an equidistance line would be unreasonably
10
punitive for Kenya, inequitable and inconsistent with the general coastal
configuration of the region.
27. Third, security concerns vital for both the Parties and the international
community at large are yet another relevant circumstance that calls for the
adjustment of the provisional equidistance line to the Parallel of Latitude.
The threats emanating from terrorism, piracy and other crimes regularly
committed off Somalia’s coast are greater than any other security concerns
ever presented to this august Court in a maritime delimitation case.
Unfortunately, Somalia’s admitted inability to both police and prevent
crime in its own land and waters means that there is no foreseeable end to
those threats. In stark contrast, Kenya can police and prevent – and, in fact,
has policed and prevented – crimes in the now-disputed maritime area.
Therefore, granting the now-disputed maritime area to Somalia would allow
pirates, terrorists and other criminals to operate undisturbed in a
significantly larger maritime area. Unlike in any other case ever brought
before this Court, the adjustment of the provisional equidistance line in this
case would help protect lives in Kenya, Somalia and other regions of the
world.
28. Fourth, the Parties’ long-standing conduct in relation to oil concessions,
fishing activities, naval patrols and other sovereign activities constitutes an
additional relevant circumstance. Even if Somalia had not acquiesced in
Kenya’s claim (quod non), the Parties’ conduct on the ground reflects, at a
minimum, a de facto boundary along the Parallel of Latitude. Somalia and
Kenya would not have acted in accordance with that de facto boundary for
over three decades if they considered it to be inequitable. Therefore, that
de facto line also calls for the adjustment of the provisional equidistance
line to the Parallel of Latitude.
11
29. Fifth, Kenya’s fisherfolk historically have relied for their livelihoods upon
the fisheries just to the south of the Parallel of Latitude. They continue to
do so today. The practical effect of an equidistance boundary line in this
case would be catastrophic for those people. It would leave them without a
source of income and without access to their staple food. Their equitable
access to those resources therefore requires adjusting the provisional
equidistance line to the Parallel of Latitude.
30. Somalia also has misapplied the third stage of the three-step methodology.
Somalia follows an erroneous methodology to identify both the Parties’
relevant coasts and the relevant maritime area. That methodology in effect
ignores a significant part of the projections generated by the Parties’
relevant coasts.
31. In addition, Somalia then fails to apply its stated methodology to its own
calculations of proportionality. If one corrects the inconsistencies in
Somalia’s calculations, the proportionality analysis turns wholly in Kenya’s
favour. In particular, correcting Somalia’s inconsistencies reveals that, by
using the equidistance line, Somalia would be granted about twice the
maritime area that would be justified by the length of its relevant coast.
This is a significant disproportionality. By contrast, no significant
disproportionality exists when using the Parallel of Latitude.
32. The new evidence described in Chapter V confirms that Somalia’s
arguments concerning Kenya’s alleged violations of Somalia’s sovereign
rights in the now-disputed maritime area lack any basis in law or fact.
33. Somalia’s claim is entirely premised on an erroneous legal standard.
Somalia wrongly claims that “Kenya’s exploration activities, insofar as they
have been undertaken in an area that the Court could attribute to Somalia,
12
constitute a violation of Somalia’s sovereignty [...] and sovereign rights”.14
However, the delimitation of a continental shelf is constitutive, not merely
declaratory. It follows that Kenya’s good faith activities in an area that was
not even in dispute until 2014 – let alone delimited by this Court – could
not possibly have violated Somalia’s sovereign rights. That would remain
true even if the Court eventually were to find that Kenya conducted its
activities in an area that falls on Somalia’s side of the boundary drawn in
this case. Put differently, any such finding would not create retroactive
liability for Kenya.
34. Articles 74(3) and 83(3) of the United Nations Convention on the Law of
the Sea (“UNCLOS”) set out the correct legal standard to assess Somalia’s
claims. As a threshold matter, the obligations contained in those provisions
apply only “[p]ending agreement” between the disputing Parties on the
delimitation of their continental shelf and EEZ. Yet, when Kenya
conducted the activities complained of by Somalia, the Parties had already
agreed that their maritime boundary runs along the Parallel of Latitude.
Therefore, Somalia’s acquiescence in that maritime boundary is dispositive
of the entirety of its claims concerning Kenya’s activities in the nowdisputed
maritime area.
35. In any event, even if the Court were to find that Somalia has not acquiesced
in that boundary, Somalia would have failed to meet its burden of proof in
multiple ways. Somalia has failed to prove that Kenya has violated any of
its obligations under UNCLOS Articles 74(3) and 83(3). Indeed, Kenya
has made “every effort to enter into provisional arrangements” with
Somalia. In contrast, Somalia has not complied with that obligation.
Somalia also has failed to prove that any of Kenya’s activities
14 SR, paragraph 4.13.
13
“jeopardize[d] or hamper[ed] the reaching of the final agreement” between
the Parties. Nor has Somalia proven that Kenya’s alleged violations have
caused it any injury that requires reparations under international law.
36. Ultimately, Somalia’s approach and narrative in this case is not appropriate
or accurate in the context of this dispute. Somalia’s narrative implies that
it should be awarded rights over the now-disputed maritime area as part of
a levelling-up exercise that would give it access to “important marine and
mineral resources, which Somalia views as keys to its economic
development, stability and security.”15 Somalia’s submissions attempt to
juxtapose Kenya’s “lush savannah plains”,16 with its land that is “ideal for
agriculture”,17 with barren and “arid”18 Somalia. Somalia’s pleadings
digress into such areas as contrasting the Parties’ economies by relying on
such imperfect measures as GDP per capita in 2013.19 In other words,
Somalia relies on the potential benefits it may gain pursuant to the outcome
of this proceeding as a factor that should influence how the dispute is
determined by the Court.
37. Kenya recognises the economic hardships that Somalia’s people have faced.
Indeed, Kenya has done more than any other nation to try and alleviate that
suffering.20 But those hardships must not affect the analysis of the legal
merits. Kenya has its own battles with adverse economic difficulties. This
proceeding is not an exercise in garnering sympathy from this Court. Nor
15 MS, paragraph 1.14
16 MS, paragraph 2.18.
17 MS, paragraph 2.19.
18 MS, paragraph 2.16.
19 See MS, paragraph 1.10.
20 See Chapter II.A.2(i).
14
is it a comparison between the Parties’ resources. Rather, it is about the
correct application of public international law to the facts as this Court finds
them to be. In any event, as the new evidence confirms, the fact remains
that the likely beneficiary of any hypothetical judgment from this Court in
Somalia’s favour would not be the Somali people. The beneficiaries would
be the ultimate beneficial owners of Soma Oil & Gas and, likely, select
Somali Government officials connected with the company.21
21 See paragraph 200 below.
15
CHAPTER I: THIS APPENDIX EXPLAINS THE SIGNIFICANT
AND RELEVANT NEW EVIDENCE THAT WAS NOT
PREVIOUSLY BEFORE THE COURT
38. This Appendix explains significant and relevant new evidence concerning
each and every issue in dispute between the Parties. Specifically, the new
evidence confirms that: (i) for over three decades, both Parties have acted
in a manner that was consistent with Kenya’s claim to a maritime boundary
along the Parallel of Latitude and inconsistent with Somalia’s new claim to
an equidistance line; (ii) the three-step methodology is not appropriate in
this case, while the latitudinal delimitation method is well suited to achieve
an equitable delimitation; (iii) Somalia has misapplied the three-step
methodology; and (iv) Somalia’s claims regarding the lawfulness of
Kenya’s activities in the now-disputed maritime area are directly
contradicted by the facts.
39. First, the new evidence confirms that Somalia acquiesced in Kenya’s longstanding
and consistent claim, until suddenly, in 2014, it was in the interests
of a private company and of individuals within Somalia’s Government that
Somalia should do otherwise. The current proceeding must be understood
in that context.
40. For example, the new evidence includes the Seismic Option Agreement
concluded between Soma Oil & Gas and Somalia in August 2013 (the
“SOA”).22 This constitutes crucial new evidence that was not previously
on the record of this proceeding. The SOA and other new evidence adduced
by Kenya in this Appendix are vital in demonstrating how and why Somalia
22 See Seismic Option Agreement between the Government of the Federal Republic of
Somalia and Soma Oil & Gas Exploration Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of Soma
Oil & Gas Holdings Limited, 6 August 2013, Annex 162.
16
suddenly changed its longstanding policy of acquiescence and why it
instigated this proceeding.
41. The evidence shows that the founding principle of Soma Oil & Gas was
making profits from exploring onshore and offshore Somali oil and gas
assets.23 Soma Oil & Gas obtained highly irregular rights to virtually all of
that oil and gas, potentially valued at hundreds of millions or even billions
of dollars, without taking any risk of its own.24 In any independent
assessment, the SOA’s one-sided terms, all favouring Soma Oil & Gas,
show that the SOA was not negotiated at arms’ length in a commercial
manner.
42. The new evidence also demonstrates that Kenya’s 2012 discovery of oil and
gas was a significant factor behind Soma Oil & Gas’s formation.25 Soma
Oil & Gas kept a steady eye on offshore hydrocarbon developments in
Kenya thereafter.26 The new evidence examines Soma Oil & Gas’s opaque
ownership.27 The new evidence puts beyond doubt that Soma Oil & Gas
and Somalia initially fully respected the Parallel of Latitude boundary.28
This confirms that, until 2014, Somalia accepted that boundary.
23 See “UK-based Soma Oil & Gas talks about its plans in Somalia”, How we made it in
Africa, 26 August 2013, Annex 106.
24 See Chapter II.A.4.
25 See “UK-based Soma Oil & Gas talks about its plans in Somalia”, How we made it in
Africa, 26 August 2013, Annex 106.
26 See “Soma Oil & Gas Unlocking Somalia’s Potential: Company Presentation”, Soma Oil
& Gas, 7 October 2013, page 8, Annex 163.
27 See Chapter II.A.3.
28 See “Soma Oil & Gas Unlocking Somalia’s Potential: Company Presentation”, Soma Oil
& Gas, 7 October 2013, Annex 163.
17
43. The new evidence also shows that, after Soma Oil & Gas began exploration
off the southern Somali coast, Somalia granted Soma Oil & Gas rights to
oil and gas located south of the Parallel of Latitude.29 In tandem, Somalia
claimed that maritime area for the first time and then brought this
proceeding at breakneck speed in order to give an appearance of legitimacy
to that process.30
44. Further, the terms of the SOA reveal that Soma Oil & Gas’s statements to
the UN Security Council misrepresented the content of the SOA.31 The
new evidence also includes documents that were removed from public
viewing on Soma Oil & Gas’s website but have been recovered from
internet archival sites.32 This all confirms Soma Oil & Gas’s inappropriate
interest in this proceeding.
45. There is also significant new evidence of Kenya’s sovereign and frequent
activities concerning oil concessions in the now-disputed maritime area.33
The new evidence demonstrates that the Kenyan Navy patrolled up to the
29 See Chapters II.A.4 and II.A.5.
30 See Chapters II.A.4 and II.A.5.
31 See Letter from the Rt. Hon. Lord Howard of Lympne, CH QC, Chairman, Soma Oil &
Gas to His Excellency Mr. Rafael Dario Ramirez Carreno, Chairman of the UN Security
Council Committee pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009) concerning
Somalia and Eritrea, 17 August 2015, Annex 164.
32 See “Shareholders”, Soma Oil & Gas via the Wayback Machine, 13 March 2016, available
at:
https://web.archive.org/web/20160313104450/http://www.somaoilandgas.com…
ers/ (last accessed: 21 December 2020), Annex 165; “Shareholders”, Soma Oil & Gas via
the Wayback Machine, 17 April 2016, available at:
https://web.archive.org/web/20160417080104/http://www.somaoilandgas.com…
olders (last accessed: 21 December 2020), Annex 166.
33 See “Total renforce son exploration au Kenya avec la prise du permis d’exploration
offshore L22, situé dans le Bassin de Lamu”, Total, 27 June 2012, Annex 107; “The
Deloitte Guide to Oil and Gas in East Africa – Where potential lies, 2013 Edition”,
Deloitte, 2013, page 5, Annex 167.
18
Parallel of Latitude so as to secure this area before and after 1979.34 It
further confirms that the Kenyan Navy understood a parallel of latitude to
be the “internationally recognized” maritime boundary with Somalia.35
Equally, the new evidence contradicts Somalia’s claims that it “has always
had a different claim, based on equidistance” and that “Somalia has
consistently asserted that claim and acted in accordance with it.”36 Indeed,
the new evidence confirms that Somalia’s oil concession practice between
1979 and 2014 was inconsistent with its new claim to equidistance.37 This
includes Somalia’s discussions with Soma Oil & Gas, which respected the
maritime boundary until 2014.38
46. The new evidence also confirms that the management of Somalia’s airspace
has always been inconsistent with its claims before this Court. Several
maps showing the ICAO official designation demonstrate that the
Mogadishu Flight Information Region (“FIR”) covering the EEZ and
continental shelf areas has been delineated, and is still delineated, as
generally following a parallel of latitude rather than Somalia’s purported
equidistance line.39
34 See Witness Statement of General (Ret’d) Joseph Raymond Kibwana, EGH, CBS,
11 January 2021, Annex WS1.
35 Memorandum on EEZ Limits and Boundaries from Major Y. S. Abdi, KN/16/OPS/TRG,
11 May 2004, Annex 3.
36 SR, paragraph 2.87.
37 See “Somalia signs Shell-ExxonMobil E&P roadmap”, Petroleum Economist,
3 March 2020, Annex 108.
38 See “Soma Oil & Gas Unlocking Somalia’s Potential: Company Presentation”, Soma Oil
& Gas, 7 October 2013, Annex163. See also “Unlocking Somalia’s Potential - Somalia
Oil & Gas Summit London, UK”, Soma Oil & Gas, 20 October 2014, Annex 168.
39 See “Air Navigation Plan, Africa – Indian Ocean Region”, Vol. I, 2nd edition, ICAO, 2010,
pages 302-311, Annex 29; “Report of the African Region (AFI) – Asia/Pacific Region
(APAC) – Middle East Region (MID) Air Traffic Management (ATM) Special
19
47. The new evidence also confirms that, had Somalia disagreed with Kenya’s
claim, Somalia had both a duty and countless opportunities to protest
against it. For example, even during its civil war, Somalia took many
actions in order to preserve its rights with respect to other, less significant
issues. These include actions and protests issued by Somalia between 1991
and 2012 before the UN.40
Coordination Meeting (AAMA/SCM)”, ICAO, 19-20 January 2017, Appendix C and
Appendix E, Annex 30; “Aeronautical Information Publication, Somalia, Part 2, En-route
(ENR)”, ICAO, February 2018, en-route chart -Mogadishu fir, Annex 31; “Aeronautical
Information Publication, Somalia, Part 3, Aerodromes (AD)”, ICAO, February 2018,
AD 1.3-2 index to aerodromes and heliports – AD index chart, Annex 32.
40 These include: (i) Letter from the Prime Minister of Somalia to the President of the
Security Council, S/2001/263, 21 March 2001, Annex 8; (ii) Letter from the Permanent
Representative of Somalia to the UN addressed to the President of the Security Council
(transmitting letter from the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Somalia to the President of the
Security Council), S/2002/550, 16 May 2002, Annex 9; (iii) Letter from the Permanent
Representative of Somalia to the UN addressed to the Chairman of the Security Council
Committee established pursuant to resolution 1267 (1999) concerning Al-Qaida and the
Taliban and associated individuals and entities, S/AC.37/2004/(1455)/28, 31 March 2004,
Annex 10; (iv) Letter from the Chargé d’affaires of the Permanent Mission of Somalia to
the UN addressed to the President of the Security Council (transmitting agreement signed
by the President of Somalia and the Speaker of the Transitional Federal Parliament),
S/2006/14, 9 January 2006, Annex 11; (v) Letter from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of
the Permanent Mission of Somalia addressed to the President of the Human Rights
Council, A/HRC/5/G/13, 13 June 2007, Annex 12; (vi) Letter from the Permanent
Representative of Somalia to the UN addressed to the President of the Security Council,
S/2008/323, 12 May 2008, Annex 13; (vii) Letter from the Permanent Representative of
Somalia to the UN addressed to the President of the Security Council, S/2009/251, 14 May
2009, Annex 14; (viii) Letter from the Permanent Representative of Somalia to the UN
adrssed to the President of the Security Council, S/2011/107, 28 February 2011, Annex
15; (ix) Letter from the Permanent Representative of Somalia to the UN addressed to the
President of the Security Council (transmitting communiqué following the Somalia
Reconciliation Meeting held in Nairobi from 1 to 4 November 2001), S/2001/1063, 6
November 2001, Annex 16; and (x) Letter from the Permanent Representative of Somalia
to the UN adrsssed to the President of the Security Council (transmitting letter dated 4
January 2012 from the Permanent Representative of Somalia to the UN addressed to the
President of the Security Council), S/2012/4, 4 January 2012, Annex 17.
20
48. The new evidence also confirms that, between 1979 and 2014, the Parties
enjoyed good and intense bilateral relations.41 The channels of
communication between the two countries were open at all times. Neither
the civil war nor any other circumstance justifies Somalia’s lack of protest.
Rather, it was a conscious choice that was entirely consistent with
Somalia’s so-called policy of “accommodation” towards Kenya. And
Somalia benefited from that choice.
49. Indeed, the new evidence highlights Kenya’s unwavering support for its
neighbour, including during the Somali civil war. For example, it confirms
that Kenya had a leading role in consolidating Somalia’s internal affairs and
acted as a mediator in Somalia’s national reconciliation process.42 The
evidence also confirms Kenya’s leadership of the Intergovernmental
41 See Chapter II.A. The new evidence includes numerous examples of bilateral meetings
and conferences, as well as expressions of gratitude from Somalia to Kenya. See also A.
Tekle, “Peace and Stability in the Horn of Africa: Problems and Prospects”, Northeast
African Studies, 1989, p. 88, Annex 183; Letter from the Permanent Representative of
Somalia to the UN addressed to the President of the Security Council (transmitting
communiqué following the Somalia Reconciliation Meeting held in Nairobi from 1 to 4
November 2001), S/2001/1063, 6 November 2001, paragraph 6, Annex 16; “Somalia PM
thanks Kenya for solid support”, Capital News, 13 June 2012, Annex 109.
42 See, e.g., Report of the UN Secretary-General on the situation in Somalia, S/2003/231, 26
February 2003, Annex 33; Letter from the Permanent Representative of Somalia to the UN
addressed to the President of the Security Council (transmitting communiqué following
the Somalia Reconciliation Meeting held in Nairobi from 1 to 4 November 2001),
S/2001/1063, 6 November 2001, paragraph 6, Annex 16; Note verbale from the Permanent
Mission of Kenya to the UN addressed to the President of the Security Council
(transmitting Declaration on Cessation of Hostilities and the Structures and Principles of
the Somalia National Reconciliation Process, signed in Eldoret, Kenya, 27 October 2002),
S/2002/1359, 11 December 2002, Annex 18; Letter from the Permanent Mission of Kenya
to the UN addressed to the President of the Security Council (transmitting communiqué
issued at the conclusion of the Extraordinary Summit of the Heads of State and
Government of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, held at Nairobi, on 8
and 9 July 1997), S/1997/535, 10 July 1997, Annex 19; Letter from the Permanent
Representative of Kenya to the UN addressed to the President of the Security Council
(transmitting communiqué of the sixth Summit of the Heads of State and Government of
the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, held in Djibouti on 16 March 1998),
S/1998/247, 17 March 1998, Annex 20.
21
Authority on Development (the “IGAD”).43 It encompasses accounts of
meetings and initiatives launched by Kenya to foster the cessation of
hostilities in Somalia.44 Equally, the new evidence shows that Kenya
hosted in its territory a significant number of Somali core institutions.45 In
that same vein, the new evidence demonstrates Kenya’s prominent role in
handling the Somali refugee crisis during the civil war, providing Somalia
and the Somali people key support when they needed it.46 Notably, the new
43 See Report of the UN Secretary-General on the situation in Somalia, S/2003/231, 26
February 2003, Annex 33; Letter from the Permanent Mission of Kenya to the UN
addressed to the President of the Security Council (transmitting communiqué issued at the
conclusion of the Extraordinary Summit of the Heads of State and Government of the
Intergovernmental Authority on Development, held at Nairobi, on 8 and 9 July 1997),
S/1997/535, 10 July 1997, Annex 19; Letter from the Permanent Representative of Kenya
to the UN addressed to the President of the Security Council (transmitting communiqué of
the sixth Summit of the Heads of State and Government of the Intergovernmental
Authority on Development, held in Djibouti on 16 March 1998), S/1998/247, 17 March
1998, Annex 20; Note verbale from the Permanent Mission of Kenya to the UN addressed
to the President of the Security Council (transmitting Declaration on Cessation of
Hostilities and the Structures and Principles of the Somalia National Reconciliation
Process, signed in Eldoret, Kenya, 27 October 2002), S/2002/1359, 11 December 2002,
Annex 18; UN Security Council Resolution 1725 (2006), S/RES/1725, 6 December 2006,
Annex 34.
44 See Note verbale from the Permanent Mission of Kenya to the UN addressed to the
President of the Security Council (transmitting Declaration on Cessation of Hostilities and
the Structures and Principles of the Somalia National Reconciliation Process, signed in
Eldoret, Kenya, 27 October 2002), S/2002/1359, 11 December 2002, Annex 18; UN
Security Council Resolution 1725 (2006), S/RES/1725, 6 December 2006, Annex 34.
45 Most international organisations assisting Somalia during the civil war had their head
offices in Nairobi. These included the UN Political Office for Somalia, the UN
Development Program and the Civil Aviation Caretaker Authority for Somalia. See
“Somalia: UN envoy re-establishes office in Mogadishu after 17-year hiatus”, UN News,
24 January 2012, Annex 35; “Assessment of Development Results: Somalia, Evaluation
of UNDP Contribution”, Evaluation Office of the UN Development Programme, July 2010,
page 85, Annex 36; “Civil Aviation Caretaker Authority for Somalia (Project
SOM/03/016), Project Evaluation: Final Report”, UN Development Programme, ICAO,
24 July 2009, Annex V – Data Gathering Forms, Page A – 47, Annex 37.
46 See, e.g., “In Kenya, UN refugee chief urges support for Somali refugees and host
communities”, UN High Commissioner for Refugees, 21 December 2017, Annex 38.
22
evidence includes expressions of gratitude by Somalia for Kenya’s support
during the most terrible years of its history.47
50. Second, this Appendix contains significant and relevant new evidence
confirming that, even if Somalia had not acquiesced in Kenya’s claim, the
three-step methodology advocated by Somalia is not appropriate in this
case. Rather, latitudinal delimitation is the most suitable method to achieve
an equitable solution to the Parties’ competing maritime claims.
51. For example, the evidence confirms that Somalia’s security situation has
prevented Somalia from identifying reliable basepoints.48 This prevents the
Court from drawing a reliable equidistance line. Equally, the new evidence
demonstrates that Somalia’s novel equidistance claim is inequitable
because Kenya has relied on, and Somalia has benefited from, the previous
status quo in multiple ways.49 For example, the new evidence confirms that
Kenya has invested significant time and resources in the now-disputed
maritime area. Similarly, the evidence suggests that, for decades, Somalia
chose not to contest Kenya’s boundary claim in order to secure significant
support from Kenya in relation to other matters.50
47 See, e.g., “Somalia PM thanks Kenya for solid support”, Capital News, 13 June 2012,
Annex 109; “In Kenya, UN refugee chief urges support for Somali refugees and host
communities”, UN High Commissioner for Refugees, 21 December 2017, Annex 38;
Letter from the Permanent Representative of Somalia to the UN addressed to the President
of the Security Council (transmitting communiqué following the Somalia Reconciliation
Meeting held in Nairobi from 1 to 4 November 2001), S/2001/1063, 6 November 2001,
paragraph 6, Annex 16.
48 See Chapter III.A.
49 See Chapters II.A.1 and II.A.2.
50 See Chapters I and II.A.1.
23
52. Third, this Appendix also contains new evidence confirming that, in any
event, correctly applying the three-step methodology to the facts of this case
requires delimiting the Parties’ maritime boundary along the Parallel of
Latitude.
53. As previously explained, the evidence proves the unreliable basis of the
provisional equidistance line that Somalia has constructed at the first stage
of the three-step methodology.51 The new evidence also concerns the
second stage of the three-step methodology. It confirms the existence of
multiple special circumstances that require the adjustment of the
provisional equidistance line to the Parallel of Latitude.
54. For example, the new evidence confirms that such adjustment would protect
thousands of lives in Kenya, Somalia and other regions of the world. As
repeatedly emphasised by the UN Security Council, the threats emanating
from terrorism, piracy and other crimes regularly committed off Somalia’s
coast have imminent and far-reaching implications for both Kenya and the
entire Eastern African region.52 The new evidence includes testimony from
the former Chief of General Staff of Kenya, proving that the Kenyan navy
has patrolled up to the Parallel of Latitude for decades and must continue
to do so to protect against piracy, banditry and terrorism.53
51 See Chapter IV.A.
52 See, e.g., UN Security Council Resolution 2520 (2020), S/RES/2520, 29 May 2020, pages
1 and 3, Annex 39 (noting that “Al-Shabaab poses a serious threat to the stability of
Somalia and its neighbours” and that “the situation in Somalia continues to constitute a
threat to international peace and security”).
53 See Witness Statement of General (Ret’d) Joseph Raymond Kibwana, EGH, CBS,
11 January 2021, Annex WS1.
24
55. Indeed, among other things, the new evidence confirms that: (i) Al-
Shabaab regularly uses Somali waters near the border with Kenya as a
means to conduct its operations, launch attacks and facilitate criminal
activities;54 (ii) piracy and other forms of maritime crime thrive in Somali
waters;55 (iii) Somalia is unable to police and prevent those activities in its
own land and waters;56 and (iv) in stark contrast, Kenya can police and
prevent crimes in the now-disputed waters.57
56. The new evidence also confirms that a maritime boundary along an
equidistance line would entail devastating repercussions for the livelihoods
and economic well-being of Kenya’s fisherfolk.58 In particular, Annex 4
contains a report issued by Kenya’s State Law Office regarding fishing
activities and patterns of communities living along Kenya’s northern coast
54 See Chapter IV.B.3(i).
55 See Chapter IV.B.3(ii).
56 See, e.g., Note by the Secretary-General of the International Maritime Organization on the
Relations with the UN and the specialized agencies on Piracy and armed robbery against
ships in waters off the coast of Somalia, IMO A 25/19(a)/1/Add.1, 16 November 2007,
page 3, Annex 40 (noting that “piracy and armed robbery against ships in waters off the
coast of Somalia, unlike in other parts of the world, is caused by the lack of lawful
administration and inability of the authorities to take affirmative action against the
perpetrators, which allows the ‘pirate command centres’ to operate without hindrance at
many points along the coast of Somalia”).
57 See, e.g., “Kenya – KDF”, African Union Mission to Somalia, available at:
https://amisom-au.org/kenya-kdf/ (last accessed: 21 December 2020), Annex 41. Among
others, Kenya also cooperates with the Global Maritime Crime Programme and the Indian
Ocean West team of the UN Office on Drugs and Crime and Kenya. In addition, Kenya
currently chairs the Contact Group on Piracy off the Coast of Somalia; “Global Maritime
Crime Programme: Indian Ocean West”, UN Office on Drugs and Crime, available at:
https://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/piracy/Indian-Ocean.html (last accessed: 21 December
2020), Annex 42; Report of the UN Secretary-General on the situation with respect to
piracy and armed robbery at sea off the coast of Somalia, S/2019/867, 8 November 2019
(the “2019 UN Piracy in Somalia Report”), paragraphs 29 and 70, Annex 43; Witness
Statement of General (Ret’d) Joseph Raymond Kibwana, EGH, CBS, 11 January 2021,
Annex WS1.
58 See Chapter IV.B.5.
25
(the “Fishing Report”). That report confirms that Somalia’s proposed
application of the three-step delimitation method would entail catastrophic
repercussions for those communities.59 The Fishing Report includes
numerous witness interviews of fisherfolk and other individuals.60
57. The new evidence also confirms that Somalia would be incapable of
preventing illegal fishing and maintaining security within the disputed
waters.61 It demonstrates that the adoption of Somalia’s proposed maritime
boundary would allow pirates, terrorists and other criminals to operate
undisturbed in a larger maritime area.62 These constitute special
circumstances that neither Party has previously addressed in this
proceeding.
58. The fact that local Kenyan fisherfolk and their communities are critically
dependent on fisheries for their livelihoods is a matter of utmost political
importance within Kenya. No single factor has more significantly and
urgently jeopardised the livelihoods of local fishing communities than the
disruption and insecurity that has plagued them owing to threats emanating
from Somalia.
59. As noted above, the new evidence also identifies additional examples of the
Parties’ conduct that reflect a de facto boundary line along the Parallel of
Latitude.63 That evidence therefore confirms that an adjustment of the
59 See Report on Fishing Activities and Patterns in Lamu County, Republic of Kenya, State
Law Office of the Republic of Kenya (“Fishing Report”), 23 December 2020, Annex 4.
60 See Fishing Report, Annexes FR18 to FR43, Annex 4.
61 See Chapter IV.B.3.
62 See Chapter IV.B.3.
63 See paragraphs 40-46 above.
26
provisional equidistance line to the Parallel of Latitude is called for in this
case.
60. This Appendix also contains new evidence confirming that Somalia has
misapplied the third stage of the three-step methodology.64
61. Lastly, the new evidence confirming that Somalia has long acquiesced in
the Parallel of Latitude boundary is dispositive of Somalia’s entire claims
regarding Kenya’s alleged illegal activities in the now-disputed maritime
area.65
64 See Chapter IV.C.
65 See Chapter V.
27
CHAPTER II: THE EVIDENCE CONFIRMS THAT SOMALIA
ACQUIESCED IN KENYA’S CLAIM TO A MARITIME
BOUNDARY ALONG THE PARALLEL OF LATITUDE BEFORE
THE CRYSTALLISATION OF THE PRESENT DISPUTE
62. The new evidence explained in this Appendix confirms that Somalia has
acquiesced in Kenya’s claim to a boundary line running along the Parallel
of Latitude.
63. Section A of this Chapter contains an accurate chronology of facts based
on new evidence. It confirms that, having retreated from its prior aggressive
claims to a “Greater Somalia”, from 1979 to 1991 Somalia pursued a policy
of amicable and friendly relations with Kenya. That policy of
“accommodation” included accepting Kenya’s maritime boundary claim.
64. Somalia’s acquiescence continued from 1991 to 2012 as Somalia sought
and obtained significant benefits from Kenya in terms of support and aid.
Starting in 2012, Kenya discovered offshore oil and gas close to the nowdisputed
maritime area. This led to Soma Oil & Gas’s incorporation. From
its inception, Soma Oil & Gas took a keen interest in Kenya’s oil and gas
assets. Notably, Soma Oil & Gas was given highly irregular rights to all
Somali oil and gas without cost or risk. Initially, the agreements between
Somalia and Soma Oil & Gas assumed that themaritime boundary ran along
the Parallel of Latitude.
65. However, in February 2014, Somalia suddenly protested against Kenya’s
claim to the latitudinal boundary. Tellingly, Somalia did so just before it
extended Soma Oil & Gas’s rights south of the Parallel of Latitude. That
extension took place in circumstances that UN bodies have described as a
28
“pattern of corruption”.66 Then, in the following six months, Somalia not
only refused to negotiate its new position with Kenya, it also declared and
submitted the coordinates of its EEZ, made a CLCS submission and, in
August 2014, started this proceeding.
66. Section B of this Chapter shows that the international law norms governing
acquiescence apply to maritime boundaries and therefore establishes the
relevance of the new evidence. Somalia’s arguments to the contrary lack
any basis in international law and are clearly at odds with well-established
jurisprudence of this Court and other international tribunals.
67. Section C of this Chapter explains that the new evidence confirms that the
Parties’ acts and conduct since 1979 meet each of the three requirements
for a finding of acquiescence.
68. As explained in Section C.1, the new evidence confirms that since 1979,
Kenya has consistently and repeatedly claimed that the Parties’ maritime
boundary runs along the Parallel of Latitude. Importantly, for 35 years,
Kenya acted in accordance with its boundary claim. Kenya’s “act[s] [and]
course of conduct” were therefore clearly “indicative of its view of the
content of the applicable legal rule”.
69. Section C.2 shows that the new evidence confirms that Somalia had full
“knowledge (actual or reasonably to be inferred) of” Kenya’s claim.
66 Letter from the Coordinator of the Somalia and Eritrea Monitoring Group mandated
pursuant to paragraph 46 of Security Council resolution 2182 (2014) to the Chair of the
Security Council Committee pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009)
concerning Somalia and Eritrea, reporting the initial findings of the Monitoring Group’s
investigation into the operations of Soma Oil & Gas Holdings Limited (Soma),
S/AC.29/2015/SEMG/OC.31, 28 July 2015, pages 23-25, KCM, Annex 101.
29
Indeed, Somalia was directly and repeatedly notified of Kenya’s claims
through the most appropriate channels.
70. Yet, as explained in Section C.3, for at least 35 years, the new evidence
also confirms that Somalia failed “within a reasonable time to reject, or
dissociate itself from, the position taken by [Kenya]” on the Parties’
maritime boundary. Somalia’s silence by itself confirms that Somalia
acquiesced in Kenya’s claim. However, Somalia did not just remain silent.
Rather, from 1979 to 2014, Somalia’s conduct was both consistent with the
existence of a maritime boundary along the Parallel of Latitude and
manifestly inconsistent with its novel claim to the equidistance line.
71. Somalia now seeks to resile from its unquestionable consent to Kenya’s
claim. However, Somalia simply cannot escape the legal consequences of
the position that it chose to take. As Sir Hersch Lauterpacht explained, “the
far-reaching effect of the failure to protest is not a mere artificiality of the
law” but an “essential requirement of stability” in the international arena.67
72. Further, as explained in Section D, allowing Somalia unilaterally to
withdraw from the Parties’ agreement would be contrary to other general
principles of international law for at least two additional reasons. First, for
at least 35 years, Kenya consistently relied on Somalia’s acquiescence, to
its own detriment, in multiple and significant ways. Second, throughout
that period, Somalia benefited enormously from its own acquiescence and
Kenya’s reliance. This further confirms that the Court should reject
Somalia’s claim to a boundary along the equidistance line. As Judge Alfaro
67 H. Lauterpacht, “Sovereignty over Submarine Areas”, British Yearbook of International
Law, 1950, pages 395-396.
30
succinctly and categorically explained, “a State must not be permitted to
benefit by its own inconsistency to the prejudice of another State”.68
Somalia acquiesced in Kenya’s claim when it benefited its beleaguered
people; it is now seeking to retract that acquiescence to benefit private
interests
73. This Section explains how the new evidence confirms that Somalia
acquiesced in Kenya’s claim when it benefited its beleaguered people, and
that Somalia is now seeking to retract that acquiescence to benefit private
interests. However, acquiescence is consent. Having consented to the
latitudinal boundary, Somalia cannot now unilaterally revoke that consent.
1. 1970s to 1991: Somalia acquiesced in Kenya’s claim in the
context of an improvement of its bilateral relations with
Kenya
74. From 1979 to 1991, Somalia acquiesced in the maritime boundary claimed
by Kenya in the context of improving friendly relations between the two
countries.
75. The evidence discussed in Section II.A.1(i) confirms that the relations
between Kenya and Somalia dramatically improved in the late 1970s when
Somalia abandoned its irredentist territorial claims.
76. The evidence discussed in Section II.A.1(ii) confirms that Kenya made
clear in the 1970s that it considered maritime claims based on equidistance
as “malicious”. Kenya therefore advocated the use of latitudinal boundaries
68 Case concerning the Temple of Preah Vihear (Cambodia v. Thailand), Merits, Judgment
of 15 June 1962, I.C.J. Reports 1962, p. 6, Separate Opinion of Vice-President Alfaro,
page 40.
31
with its neighbours, including through its 1979 EEZ Proclamation and its
boundary agreement with Tanzania.
77. The evidence discussed in Section II.A.1(iii) confirms that, from 1980 to
1991, Somalia did not protest either Kenya’s 1979 EEZ Proclamation or
Kenya’s consistent activities as far north as the Parallel of Latitude, even as
the two countries were engaging in numerous bilateral exchanges.
(i) In the late 1970s, Somalia dramatically improved its relations with
Kenya by abandoning its irredentist claims; at that time, initial oil
and gas exploration in the relevant maritime areas was not
promising
78. The post-colonial history of the Parties provides important contextual
background to Somalia’s acquiescence in Kenya’s maritime boundary
claim. Somalia gained independence in 1960. Kenya’s independence came
in 1963. The two States initially did not enjoy good relations. Somalia
rejected the borders between the two States and made irredentist claims to
Kenya’s northern territory.69 This led to the 1963-1967 Shifta War.70
Somalia’s policy of “Greater Somalia” persisted in the years that followed,
until the mid-1970s.71
79. Nevertheless, as explained in the witness statement of General (Ret’d)
Joseph Raymond Kibwana, EGH, CBS (the former Chief of General Staff
of the Kenyan Armed Forces and one of the first ten recruits to the Kenyan
Navy after independence), even before 1979, the Kenyan Navy patrolled up
to the Parallel of Latitude. It did so initially under the command of the
69 See KCM, paragraph 36.
70 See KCM, paragraphs 36 and 258.
71 KCM, paragraph 68.
32
British Royal Naval Training Team and, after 1972, under its own
initiative.72
80. In the latter half of the 1970s, Somalia and Kenya’s relations improved
significantly because Somalia abandoned its aggressive territorial claims.
During and after the 1977-1978 Ogaden war against Ethiopia, Somalia
retreated from its catastrophic irredentist policy.73 In July 1977, Kenya and
Somalia pledged to maintain peace along their border and agreed to set up
a border commission to “normalize and restore tranquillity” in the region.74
81. Starting from around 1977, Somalia abandoned its “Greater Somalia”
policy and started its so-called policy of “accommodation” towards
Kenya.75 As the New York Times reported in 1977, while Somalia had
historically claimed a large section of northern Kenya, recently, “it ha[d]
not pressed the claim”.76 Kenya welcomed this change in policy. The end
of the 1970s therefore initiated a period of reconciliation and cooperation.77
82. During this same period, Somalia and Kenya started actively to explore for
offshore oil and gas resources. In August 1970, the Kenyan Ministry of
Foreign Affairs noted the need to legislate on the maritime areas in order to
72 See Witness Statement of General (Ret’d) Joseph Raymond Kibwana, EGH, CBS,
11 January 2021, paragraphs 6-9, Annex WS1.
73 See KCM, paragraph 68.
74 “Kenya and Somalia agree on plan to maintain peace along border”, The New York Times,
21 July 1977, Annex 110.
75 KCM, paragraph 258.
76 “Kenya and Somalia agree on plan to maintain peace along border”, The New York Times,
21 July 1977, Annex 110.
77 See KCM, paragraph 68, footnote 71.
33
issue licences for oil and other minerals in these areas.78 Subsequently, in
1972, both States adopted laws on the territorial sea.79
83. These initial efforts to extract offshore oil and gas resources did not prove
particularly successful. An industry publication confirms that “[t]he earliest
offshore exploration activities [in Kenya] were 2D seismic data acquisition
programs, beginning in 1970”.80 As a study prepared by the Oxford
Institute of Energy Studies shows, “[a]ltogether, a total of 15 wells were
drilled in Kenya throughout the 1960s and 70s”.81 However, these efforts
had “no commercial success”.82
84. Similarly, a World Bank report confirms that, during the 1970s, Somalia
had “a large oil and gas potential” which, however, remained “largely
untested” and “no commercial discovery was made”.83 The report also
confirms that “[t]he petroleum potential of Somalia, though still not fully
78 See KCM, page 17, footnote 37; Confidential Memorandum from the Minister of Foreign
Affairs to the Cabinet, Territorial Waters Legislation, containing the 1970 Territorial
Waters Bill, 8 August 1970, paragraph 2, KCM, Annex 2.
79 See Somali Democratic Republic, Law No. 37, Law on the Somali Territorial Sea and
Ports (10 Sept. 1972), MS, Annex 9; Republic of Kenya, Law No. 2 of 1972, Territorial
Waters Act (16 May 1972), MS, Annex 16.
80 Nina Rach, “Kenya forges ahead”, oedigital.com (1 July 2013), MS, Annex 113. See also
“Kenyan explorers look deeper offshore”, Offshore Engineer, 21 July 2014, Annex 111.
81 “Kenya: An African oil upstart in transition”, The Oxford Institute for Energy Studies,
October 2014, page 8, Annex 112.
82 “Kenya: An African oil upstart in transition”, The Oxford Institute for Energy Studies,
October 2014, page 8, Annex 112.
83 “Project Completion Report, Democratic Republic of Somalia, Petroleum Exploration
Promotion Project (Credit 1043-SO)”, Report No. 7533, The World Bank, 8 December
1988, page 2, Annex 44.
34
evaluated, was deemed sufficiently interesting to warrant the organized
effort of promoting the various sedimentary basins”.84
(ii) In the 1970s, Kenya’s position was that any maritime boundaries
claims by Somalia and Tanzania based on equidistance lines
would be inequitable, prompting the use of parallels of latitude
85. When the Third UN Conference on the Law of the Sea (“UNCLOS III”)
began in 1972, Kenya and Somalia were very active in the negotiations that
led to the adoption of UNCLOS.85 This is unsurprising, given the two
States’ history and the fact that their maritime boundaries remained
undelimited. During those negotiations, Somalia and Kenya concurred that
equitable principles, as opposed to equidistance, should apply to maritime
delimitation in the EEZ and continental shelf.86 Ignoring these facts,
Somalia now argues that “Kenya and Somalia had different views on how
the boundary should be delimited”.87 The historical record contradicts
Somalia’s position.
86. States participating in UNCLOS III were, on this issue, divided in two
opposing groups.88 The first group wished to retain, and extend to the EEZ,
the rule set out in Article 6 of the 1958 Geneva Convention on the
84 “Project Completion Report, Democratic Republic of Somalia, Petroleum Exploration
Promotion Project (Credit 1043-SO)”, Report No. 7533, The World Bank, 8 December
1988, page 2, Annex 44.
85 See KCM, paragraphs 69-75.
86 See KCM, paragraphs 69-70; KR, paragraph 131.
87 SR, paragraph 2.30.
88 See KCM, paragraph 70; Third UNCLOS, Informal Suggestions NG7/4, NG7/10,
NG7/10/Rev.1 and NG7/10/Rev.2, 1978-1980, Third United Nations Conference on the
Law of the Sea: Documents by Renate Platzöder, Oceana Publications, 1986, Vol. IX,
KCM, Annex 69.
35
Continental Shelf and its reference to the median or equidistance line.89
This was the “equidistance” group.
87. The second group wished to remove any reference to equidistance and refer,
instead, to equity or equitable principles. The States in this group relied,
inter alia, on the then recent judgment in the 1969 North Sea Continental
Shelf Cases and on the 1977 decision in the Anglo-French Continental Shelf
case.90 This was the “equity/equitable principles” group.
88. Both Kenya and Somalia belonged to the “equity/equitable principles”
group. The Somali delegates taking the floor in 1980 and again in 1982 at
the Plenary of the Conference summarised clearly the Parties’ positions.
President Yusuf, then acting as Somalia’s representative to UNCLOS III,
stated that delimitation of the EEZ and the continental shelf “should be
effected in accordance with equitable principles and all the relevant
circumstances”.91 Mr Robleh stated that:
[h]is delegation considered that such delimitation should
be determined on the basis of the principle of equity. It
was convinced that a serious analysis of customary
international law, as articulated in the 1969 North Sea
cases and the 1977 arbitral decision on the Channel case
89 See KCM, paragraph 70; Third UNCLOS, Informal Suggestions NG7/4, NG7/10,
NG7/10/Rev.1 and NG7/10/Rev.2, 1978-1980, Third United Nations Conference on the
Law of the Sea: Documents by Renate Platzöder, Oceana Publications, 1986, Vol. IX,
KCM, Annex 69. See also Convention on the Continental Shelf, 29 April 1958, 499 UNTS
311, 10 June 1964, Status as at 26 October 2020.
90 See North Sea Continental Shelf Cases (Federal Republic of Germany/Denmark; Federal
Republic of Germany/Netherlands), Judgment of 20 February 1969, I.C.J. Reports 1969,
p. 3; Delimitation of Continental Shelf between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland, and the French Republic (UK, France), Award, 30 June 1977, RIAA,
Volume XVIII, p. 3.
91 128th Plenary meeting, 3 April 1980, A/CONF/.62/SR.128, Official Records of the Third
United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, Volume XIII, Ninth Session, p. 35 and
p. 44, paragraph 43, KCM, Annex 71.
36
between France and the United Kingdom, would prove
that equity and equitable principles rather than the purely
geometric methods of the median or equidistance line had
become consecrated as the general rule in international
law in delimitation matters.92
89. Kenya’s representatives took the same position. Reporting to the Kenyan
Ministry of Foreign Affairs on 14 March 1980, the Kenyan Permanent
Mission to the UN stated that:
Kenya has been a supporter of the equitable principles
group and continues to do so. The current international
law would tend to support our view that delimitation of
the areas in question should be effected through the
employment of equitable principles rather than the
median or equidistance criterion employed in the 1958
Law of the Sea Conventions.93
90. As the Court knows, the States supporting “equity” or “equitable
principles” prevailed in this diplomatic battle. Indeed, the final draft of
Articles 74 and 83 of UNCLOS does not include any reference to
equidistance.
91. The Parties have addressed a report from the Kenyan Permanent Mission to
the UN dated 1974, in which the authors stated that Tanzania and Somalia
would “have had the malicious intention of distorting the marine borders”
92 138th Plenary meeting, 26 August 1980, A/CONF.62/SR.138, Official Records of the Third
United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, Volume XIV, Resumed Ninth Session,
pp. 55-6, page 56, paragraph 73, KCM, Annex 72 (footnote omitted). See also the
intervention by the same delegate at the 192nd Plenary meeting, 9 December 1982,
A/CONF.62/SR.192, Official Records of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law
of the Sea, Volume XVII, Resumed Eleventh Session and Final Part Eleventh Session and
Conclusion, p. 127, paragraph 159, KCM, Annex 73.
93 Second Report of the Ninth Session of 3rd UNCLOS (New York from 3 March to 4 April
1980) from the Kenya Permanent Mission to the United Nations to the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, Delimitation of Maritme [sic] Boundaries, 14 March 1980, page 2, KCM, Annex
23.
37
using an equidistance or median line.94 This report confirms that, as early
as 1974, Kenya had already made perfectly clear that any claim based on
an equidistance line by either Somalia or Tanzania would be viewed as
inequitable.
92. In 1976, in that well-known and well-understood context, Kenya and
Tanzania concluded their Maritime Agreement on the Territorial Sea
Boundary, generally using a parallel of latitude as their maritime
boundary.95 Thus, Tanzania accepted and agreed that the equidistance line
was not the equitable solution in the circumstances of the coastal geography
of the three States. The Kenya-Tanzania Agreement was circulated to all
UN Member States, including Somalia.96
93. After describing the equidistance line as “malicious” in 1974, Kenya then
publicly proclaimed the Parallel of Latitude as its maritime boundary with
Somalia. For example, in 1976, the Survey of Kenya issued a map
indicating the Parallel of Latitude as the maritime boundary in the EEZ up
to 200M.97 On 28 February 1979, Kenya issued the 1979 EEZ
94 KCM, paragraph 70; SR, paragraph 2.97. See also Report from the Kenya Permanent
Mission to the United Nations on the Work of the Second Session of the Third United
Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, held in Caracas, Venezuela from 20th June to
29th August 1974 (273/430/001A/15) received by the Kenyan Ministry of Foreign Affairs
on 28 October 1974, Extract, page 64, KCM, Annex 11.
95 See KCM, paragraphs 42-49.
96 See KCM, paragraph 44; Letter from the Permanent Mission of Kenya to the United
Nations to the United Nations Secretary-General (KMUN/LAW/MSC/23A/7) forwarded
to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Agreement on the Territorial Sea Boundary between
Kenya and Tanzania, 18 April 1977, KCM, Annex 14.
97 See KCM, paragraph 57; Kenya Territorial Sea and Economic Zone, Survey of Kenya,
SK-90 Edition 1, 1976, KCM, Figure 1-7.
38
Proclamation, declaring an EEZ extending to 200M and using the Parallel
of Latitude as the maritime boundary between Kenya and Somalia.98
94. The 1979 EEZ Proclamation was widely circulated. On 5 March 1979,
Kenya asked the UN Secretary-General to transmit the text of the 1979 EEZ
Proclamation to all the Permanent Missions of UN Member States.99 On
19 July 1979, the UN Secretary-General confirmed that the transmittal had
been completed.100 The UN thereafter included the 1979 EEZ Proclamation
in its publication on national legislation relating to the EEZ.101
95. It is no coincidence that, just a year later, in 1980, Somalia opposed
equidistance as a method of delimitation during the UNCLOS III
negotiation sessions.102 Presumably, the position of its southerly neighbour
influenced that decision, at least in part.
96. In addition to Kenya, Tanzania and Somalia, numerous other African
States, on both the eastern and western coasts, have adopted parallels of
latitude as their maritime boundaries guided by the region’s coastal
98 See Republic of Kenya, Presidential Proclamation of 28 February 1979 (28 Feb. 1979),
MS, Annex 19.
99 See KCM, paragraph 64; Letter from the Permanent Mission of Kenya to the United
Nations to the United Nations Secretary-General (KMUN/LAW/MSC/23A/49), 9 March
1979, Cover letter from the Permanent Mission of Kenya to the United Nations to the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs (KMUN/LAW/MSC/23A/50), Proclamation of the President
of the Republic of Kenya on Kenya’s Exclusive Economic Zone, 9 March 1979, KCM,
Annex 19.
100 See KCM, paragraph 65; Letter from the United Nations Secretary-General (LE 113 (3-
3)), 19 July 1979, forwarded by the Permanent Mission of Kenya to the United Nations to
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (KMUN/LAW/MSC/23/18), Proclamation of Kenya’s
Exclusive Economic Zone, 25 October 1979, KCM, Annex 20.
101 See KCM, paragraph 66.
102 See KCM, paragraphs 69 and 71; KR, paragraph 28; 128th Plenary meeting, 3 April 1980,
A/CONF.62/SR.128, Official Records of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law
of the Sea, Volume XIII, Ninth Session, p.35 and p.44, KCM, Annex 71.
39
geographies. This confirms a consistent regional practice according to
which Africa’s unique coastal geography is often most equitably delimited
in this manner and not necessarily using an equidistance line. In addition
to Kenya, Tanzania and Somalia, parallels of latitude have been used by:
(i) Gambia and Senegal in 1975;103
(ii) Mauritania and Morocco in 1976;104
(iii) Mozambique and Tanzania in 1988;105 and
(iv) Angola and Namibia in 2002.106
97. This provides further evidence confirming that Somalia acquiesced in the
Parallel of Latitude: on the eastern and western coasts of Africa, latitudinal
delimitation was and still is considered an equitable solution.
(iii) Somalia did not protest against Kenya’s latitudinal claim or
against Kenya’s activities in the now-disputed maritime area from
1980 to 1991, even as the two States engaged in numerous other
diplomatic exchanges
103 See Agreement between The Gambia and the Republic of Senegal, 4 June 1975, JI Charney
& LM Alexander (eds), International Maritime Boundaries I (Nijhoff 1993), p. 854, KCM,
Annex 132.
104 See Convention concerning the State frontier line established between the Islamic Republic
of Mauritania and the Kingdom of Morocco (with map), 14 April 1976, 1035 UNTS 120,
KCM, Annex 134.
105 See Agreement between the Government of the United Republic of Tanzania and the
Government of the People’s Republic of Mozambique Regarding the
Tanzania/Mozambique Boundary, 28 December 1988, JI Charney and LM Alexander
(eds), International Maritime Boundaries I (Nijhoff 1993), p. 898, KCM, Annex 143.
106 See Treaty between the Government of the Republic of Angola and the Government of the
Republic of Namibia regarding the Delimitation and Demarcation of the Maritime Borders
between the Republic of Angola and the Republic of Namibia, 4 June 2002, JI Charney &
LM Alexander (eds), International Maritime Boundaries V (Nijhoff 2005), p. 3719, KCM,
Annex 148.
40
98. As explained above, as of July 1979, Somalia had been formally and fully
notified of Kenya’s claim that the two States’ maritime boundary ran along
the Parallel of Latitude. Somalia did not protest against that claim in 1979,
or indeed at any time before 2014.107 In all those years, Somalia said
nothing in protest or objection and it presented no alternative maritime
boundary claim. This is confirmed by the UN.108
99. Yet, throughout the 1980s, and in the context of dramatically improved
relations, Kenya and Somalia discussed numerous issues of mutual concern.
On multiple occasions, Somalia raised other matters bilaterally with Kenya.
100. For example, on 20 April 1980, Somalia’s Vice President met with Kenya’s
Vice President in Nairobi. They discussed matters such as cooperation on
marine exploitation but Somalia lodged no protest against the 1979 EEZ
Proclamation.109 The minutes of this meeting indicate that the areas for
cooperation with Kenya would include security matters, road construction,
shipping arrangements, business and trade.110 Relevantly, the minutes also
explain that “on oil exploitation it was noted [...] though this was in
107 See KCM, paragraph 67.
108 See Letter from the Office of Legal Affairs of the United Nations to the Permanent Mission
of the Republic of Kenya to the United Nations, received 8 November 2017, KCM, Annex
65.
109 See KCM, paragraph 68; Letter from the Permanent Secretary to the Vice President,
Minister for Finance and the Office of the President (MFA.231/21/001A/92), 6 May 1980,
enclosing the minutes of a meeting held at the Inter-continental Hotel Nairobi on 20th April
1980 between H.E. Kenya’s Vice President Mr. Mwai Kibaki and H.E. the Somali Vice
President Mr. Hussein Kulmie Afrah, page 2, KCM, Annex 24.
110 See Letter from the Permanent Secretary to the Vice President, Minister for Finance and
the Office of the President (MFA.231/21/001A/92), 6 May 1980, enclosing the minutes of
a meeting held at the Inter-continental Hotel Nairobi on 20th April 1980 between H.E.
Kenya’s Vice President Mr. Mwai Kibaki and H.E. the Somali Vice President Mr. Hussein
Kulmie Afrah, KCM, Annex 24.
41
progress, there was nothing substantial to report”.111 Put differently,
Somalia did not consider that the 1979 EEZ Proclamation, which had at
least the potential of having implications for “oil exploitation”, constituted
a notable development. Indeed, the 1979 EEZ Proclamation was consistent
with both Parties’ views.
101. In fact, in 1981, Kenya’s President visited Mogadishu and received
assurances that Somalia had no irredentist interests in the Northern Frontier
District of Kenya.112 Further, on 29 June 1981, the Presidents of the two
countries met to discuss a series of important bilateral issues. During this
meeting, Somalia indicated that it was “not seeking any territory from
Kenya”.113 This statement is vital. It confirms that Somalia knew that
territorial or maritime claims that conflicted with Kenya’s claims would
disrupt the ongoing amicable relations. Kenya could have perceived these
claims as a return to the “Greater Somalia” policies. The statement must
also be understood by reference to Kenya’s position, in 1974, that an
equidistance claim by Somalia would be “malicious”.114 This provides
further evidence of Somalia’s motives in acquiescing in the maritime
boundary.
111 Letter from the Permanent Secretary to the Vice President, Minister for Finance and the
Office of the President (MFA.231/21/001A/92), 6 May 1980, enclosing the minutes of a
meeting held at the Inter-continental Hotel Nairobi on 20th April 1980 between H.E.
Kenya’s Vice President Mr. Mwai Kibaki and H.E. the Somali Vice President Mr. Hussein
Kulmie Afrah, KCM, Annex 24.
112 See A. Tekle, “Peace and Stability in the Horn of Africa: Problems and Prospects”,
Northeast African Studies, 1989, p. 88, Annex 183.
113 KCM, page 29 footnote 71; P. B. Gupte, Somalia Calls for Talks with Ethiopia, New York
Times, 30 June 1981, KCM, Annex 105.
114 See paragraph 91 above.
42
102. In the absence of any protest by Somalia, and in light of Somalia’s repeated
assurances, Kenya acted consistently with its 1979 EEZ Proclamation. For
instance, Kenya continued to deploy military resources as far north as the
Parallel of Latitude. In 1980, the Kenyan Navy included all maritime areas
as far north as the Parallel of Latitude in its “Naval Command Areas of
Responsibility”.115 Somalia never objected to the actions of Kenya’s Navy.
This is further confirmed by the witness statement of General Kibwana,
who also relates Kenya continued naval patrols up to the Parallel of Latitude
from 1979 onwards. As General Kibwana explains, even though Somalia’s
Navy was well-equipped by the USSR and able to object at the time,
Somalia’s Navy did not object to those patrols.116
103. Kenya’s military activities intensified in the late 1980s and early 1990s.
This coincided with the beginning of the Somali civil war in 1991.117 As
the internal situation deteriorated in Somalia, the Kenyan Navy
immediately sought to protect Kenya’s northern maritime territory. In
February 1990, Kenya deployed naval units that patrolled as far north as the
Parallel of Latitude, including in the territorial sea waters.118 General
115 KCM, paragraphs 120-121; Kenya Naval Command Areas of Responsibility (Map of
23 May 1980), KCM, Figure 1-12.
116 See Witness Statement of General (Ret’d) Joseph Raymond Kibwana, EGH, CBS,
11 January 2021, paragraphs 13-14, Annex WS1.
117 See KCM, paragraph 124.
118 See KCM, paragraph 125; Report of Proceeding of KNS JAMHURI on a North and South
Coast Patrol from 20 February to 25 February 1990, Kenya Navy, Report dated 28
February 1990, KCM, Annex 32; Report of Proceedings of KNS JAMHURI on a North
Coast Patrol from 4 September to 10 September 1990 (KNS/32/Ops/Trg), Kenya Navy,
Report dated 16 September 1990, KCM, Annex 33; Report of Proceedings of KNS
NYAYO while on a North Coast Patrol from 12th Sept 90 to 18 Sept 90, KNS NYAYO at
Mkunguni, Kenya Navy, 29 September 1990, KCM, Annex 34; Report of Proceedings of
KNS UMOJA while on a North/South Patrol from 19 September 1990 to 25 September
1990, Kenya Navy, Report dated 12 October 1990, KCM, Annex 35.
43
Kibwana also confirms that Kenyan naval patrols up to the Parallel of
Latitude increased after 1991, to address piracy and banditry as the Somali
civil war started.119
104. Somalia did not protest against any of these military deployments, even
though some of them took place in areas that Somalia now claims as part of
its territorial sea. It is untenable to believe that a sovereign State would not
have objected to a military encroachment into its territorial sea. The
appropriate conclusion is that Somalia did not consider there was any such
encroachment.
105. But Somalia did not simply remain silent. Rather, it actively took steps
confirming that it agreed with Kenya’s claim and with its position regarding
the principles governing maritime delimitation. Indeed, in 1979, after Elf-
Aquitaine relinquished its Somali-granted exploration permits for an oil
concession block along a line perpendicular to the general direction of the
coast,120 Somalia simply abandoned this licensing block.121
106. Crucially, none of the oil concession licences subsequently offered by
Somalia in the 1980s went further south than the Parallel of Latitude.122 For
example, an industry publication confirms that all Shell/ExxonMobil
concession blocks granted by Somalia (both legacy blocks offered before
119 See Witness Statement of General (Ret’d) Joseph Raymond Kibwana, EGH, CBS,
11 January 2021, paragraphs 18-19, Annex WS1.
120 See KCM, paragraph 141; P. Giorgio Scorcelletti and B. M. Abbott, Petroleum
Developments in Central and Southern Africa in 1978, The American Association of
Petroleum Geologists Bulletin V. 63, No. 10, pp. 1689-1742, October 1979, at p. 1694,
page 1694, KCM, Annex 104; Somali Concession Blocks for the year 1978, KCM, Figure
1-20.
121 See KCM, paragraph 141; KR, paragraph 95.
122 See KCM, paragraphs 141-142.
44
1991 and those offered subsequently) stopped at the Parallel of Latitude.123
Somalia did not offer an exploration licence south of the Parallel of Latitude
until it raised its new claim to an equidistance line in 2014.124
107. During the 1980s, Somalia’s marine fisheries policy was also consistent
with a maritime boundary along the Parallel of Latitude. In 1987, a Somali
official map depicted Somalia’s Fisheries Development Region 1 stopping
at the Parallel of Latitude.125 The same year, Somalia consented to and
participated in the Georgy Ushakov survey, conducted under the auspices
of the UNESCO.126 The survey’s investigations recognised the Parallel of
Latitude as the maritime boundary and stopped just north of the Parallel of
Latitude.127
108. Kenya’s oil and other activities during the 1980s also were consistent with
the existence of a maritime boundary along the Parallel of Latitude. In
1984, the Survey of Kenya issued a map showing a licensing block whose
northern boundary coincided with the Parallel of Latitude.128 Further, in
123 See “Somalia signs Shell-ExxonMobil E&P roadmap”, Petroleum Economist, 3 March
2020, Annex 108.
124 See paragraph 468 below.
125 See KCM, paragraph 129; KR, paragraph 89; Fishery Development Regions of Somalia,
KCM, Figure 1-14.
126 See KCM, paragraphs 131-132; KR, paragraphs 91-92; Yearly Fisheris [sic] and Marine
Transport Report 1987/1988, Somali Democratic Republic, Ministry of Fisheries and
Marine Transport, KCM, Annex 50; 1987 Ushakov Fishery Survey Locations, KCM,
Figure 1-16.
127 See KCM, paragraphs 131-132; KR, paragraphs 91-92; Yearly Fisheris [sic] and Marine
Transport Report 1987/1988, Somali Democratic Republic, Ministry of Fisheries and
Marine Transport, KCM, Annex 50; 1987 Ushakov Fishery Survey Locations, KCM,
Figure 1-16.
128 See KCM, paragraph 143; Map showing Kenya’s EEZ and prospective licensing blocks
for oil exploration along the Parallel of Latitude, Survey of Kenya, 1984, KCM, Figure 1-
23.
45
the 1980s, Kenya developed its marine fisheries industry in its EEZ as far
north as the Parallel of Latitude.129 Between 1980 and 1983, the survey
conducted by the Nansen Program investigated Kenyan fisheries as far
north as 3.5M south of the Parallel of Latitude boundary.130
109. The record also suggests that, as of 1989, Somalia’s own legislation
recognised the Parallel of Latitude as the Parties’ maritime boundary. On
26 January 1989, Somalia adopted Law No. 5, approving the Somali
Maritime Law of 1988 (the “1988 Maritime Law”).131 Article 4(6) of the
1988 Maritime Law provides that, in the absence of an agreement:
the Somali Democratic Republic shall consider that the
border between the Somali Democratic Republic and the
Republic of Djibouti and the Republic of Kenya is a
straight line toward the sea from the land as indicated
on the enclosed charts.132 (Emphasis added).
110. Somalia has not produced those “enclosed charts”. Despite strenuous
efforts by Kenya, the charts have not been found in the records of a number
of potentially relevant libraries. Unfortunately, Somalia’s non-disclosure
can only be described as conduct that deviates from its obligation to litigate
this dispute in good faith. Somalia should not be permitted to obtain any
tactical advantage from this non-disclosure. On the contrary, the Court
129 See KCM, paragraphs 133-135.
130 See KCM, paragraphs 133-134.
131 See Somali Democratic Republic, Ministry of Fisheries and Sea Transport, Somali
Maritime Law (1988), MS, Annex 10; Somali Democratic Republic, Law No. 5, Somali
Maritime Law (26 Jan. 1989), MS, Annex 11.
132 KCM, paragraph 81; Somali Democratic Republic, Ministry of Fisheries and Sea
Transport, Somali Maritime Law (1988), MS, Annex 10; Somali Democratic Republic,
Law No. 5, Somali Maritime Law (26 Jan. 1989), MS, Annex 11.
46
should draw the required inference that Somalia’s non-production of the
chart means that the chart is damaging to its case.133
111. Somalia has argued before this Court that, in Somali, the expression
“straight line” (or “xariiq toosan”) in the 1988 Maritime Law was meant to
refer to the median or equidistance line.134 Kenya respectfully maintains
that the expression “straight line” could never faithfully be interpreted as an
equidistance line.135 An equidistance line is almost never a straight line.
Certainly, Somalia’s proposed equidistance line in this proceeding is not a
straight line. Further, Somalia’s interpretation is inconsistent with the terms
of the 1988 Maritime Law themselves.136 Somalia’s description of its
boundary with Yemen uses the phrase “median line” (“xariiq dhexe oo u
dhaxeysa ballar isku mid ah”; in English, literally, central line between
them at an equal distance) in Article 4(6) of the same law.137 Thus,
Somalia’s own translation of the 1988 Maritime Law shows that Somali
133 See Corfu Channel (United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland v. Albania),
Merits, Judgment of 9 April 1949, I.C.J. Reports 1949, p. 4, page 18 (“the fact of this
exclusive territorial control exercised by a State within its frontiers has a bearing upon the
methods of proof available to establish the knowledge of that State as to such events. By
reason of this exclusive control, the other State, the victim of a breach of international law,
is often unable to furnish direct proof of facts giving rise to responsibility. Such a State
should be allowed a more liberal recourse to inferences of fact and circumstantial
evidence”).
134 SR, paragraph 2.99.
135 KCM, paragraphs 84-85; KR, paragraph 105.
136 See KCM, paragraph 84; KR, paragraph 105.
137 Somali Democratic Republic, Ministry of Fisheries and Sea Transport, Somali Maritime
Law (1988), Article 4(6), MS, Annex 10; KR, paragraph 105; Certified Translation from
Absolute Translations (15 October 2018), KR, Annex 14; Report from Absolute
Translations (26 October 2018), KR, Annex 15. See also KR, paragraph 105.
47
uses different terms to refer to a median line than the term “xariiq toosan”
(or straight line).138
112. In all events, Somalia could easily show what the expression “straight line”
means in the statute by disclosing the related charts. It has chosen not to do
so. Respectfully, that appears to tell this Court all it needs to know.
113. On 25 August 1989, Kenya adopted its 1989 Maritime Zones Act,
implementing UNCLOS into its national legislation.139 Kenya and Somalia
ratified UNCLOS the same year, in 1989.140 In other words, both States
were paying close attention to maritime issues throughout the 1980s.
Nonetheless, Somalia did not protest against the Parallel of Latitude as the
maritime boundary.
2. 1991 to 2012: Somalia continued to acquiesce in Kenya’s
claim while it benefited from Kenya’s support
114. The evidence also clearly indicates that, from 1991 to 2012, Somalia
continued to acquiesce in Kenya’s claim while it benefited from Kenya’s
support.
115. The evidence discussed in Section A.2(i) below confirms that Kenya
provided Somalia with significant levels of assistance during its civil war.
Section A.2(ii) demonstrates that Kenya’s activities in the now-disputed
maritime area increased in the 2000s. The evidence discussed in Section
A.2(iii) confirms that the Somali Government continued to engage in
138 See KCM, paragraph 84; KR, paragraph 105.
139 See KCM, paragraphs 77-79; Republic of Kenya, Chapter 371, Maritime Zones Act (25
Aug. 1989), MS, Annex 20.
140 See KCM, paragraph 77.
48
significant international relations and acts, without ever protesting against
Kenya’s increasing activities in the now-disputed maritime area.
(i) Kenya provided Somalia with significant assistance during
Somalia’s civil war from 1991 to 2012
116. Kenya greatly assisted the Somali people and Government in the twentyyear
period of the Somali civil war, from 1991 to 2012. Kenya went beyond
its obligations under international law, as a responsible actor in the
international sphere. Kenya is proud to have done so. Kenya provided
humanitarian assistance, including by responsibly hosting over 500,000
refugees. Kenya brought the Somali combatants together to attempt to
resolve the civil war from virtually the start of the conflict. Kenya hosted
UN organisations dedicated to helping Somalia. At times, Nairobi was the
seat of the Somali Government.
117. From 1992 to 1994, in the first two years of the civil war, approximately
300,000 Somali refugees entered Kenya.141 During the war, Kenya strove
to ensure safe conditions in its refugee camps. Starting in 1993, Kenya’s
local police worked with the UN High Commissioner for Refugees to
implement the Women Victims of Violence Project in Kenya.142 From
141 See “Review of UNHCR’s Kenya-Somalia Cross-border Operation”, EVAL/CROS/14,
UN High Commissioner for Refugees, 1 December 1994, Annex 45 (“[b]y mid-year, more
than 300,000 Somali refugees had entered Kenya and their number increased assistance
the rate of 1,000 per day”).
142 See “UNHCR’s Women Victims of Violence Project in Kenya: An Evaluation Summary”,
EC/1995/SC.2/CRP.22, UN High Commissioner for Refugees, 8 June 1995, paragraph 6,
Annex 46.
49
1994 onward, protections were extended to all Somali refugees, regardless
of their sex or the nature of their problems.143
118. In 2011, the UN Secretary-General commended Kenya “for continuing to
provide support to refugees from Somalia, and welcomed the additional
security measures taken in the camps hosting them.”144 In 2017, during his
visit to Kenya, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees “expresse[d] his
gratitude to Kenya for hosting almost half a million refugees and keeping
its borders open to people fleeing war”.145 To this day, Kenya continues to
host hundreds of thousands of Somali refugees.146
119. Kenya also has consistently used its offices to pursue Somali peace and
security. As early as 24 March 1994, Kenya hosted a national reconciliation
conference for Somalia. This resulted in a signed declaration where Somali
faction leaders agreed to make the necessary arrangements to form a
transitional government and expressed their support for the concept of
voluntary disarmament.147 Then, in 1996, the Somali national
reconciliation process was “launched under the auspices of IGAD and led
143 See “UNHCR’s Women Victims of Violence Project in Kenya: An Evaluation Summary”,
EC/1995/SC.2/CRP.22, UN High Commissioner for Refugees, 8 June 1995, paragraph 12,
Annex 46.
144 “Somali and Sudanese issues top discussions between Ban and Kenyan leaders”, UN News,
8 December 2011, Annex 47.
145 “In Kenya, UN refugee chief urges support for Somali refugees and host communities”,
UN High Commissioner for Refugees, 21 December 2017, Annex 38.
146 See “Horn of Africa Somalia Situation”, UN High Commissioner for Refugees Operational
Portal – Refugee Situations, available at: https://data2.unhcr.org/en/situations/horn (last
accessed: 21 December 2020), Annex 48.
147 See Annex I: Declaration by the leaders of the Somali political organizations, S/1994/614,
24 March 1994, Annex 49.
50
by Kenya”.148 The President of the UN Security Council expressly
“commend[ed] the Government of Kenya for its crucial role in facilitating
the Somali National Reconciliation Process”.149
120. From 1997 on, Kenya, as the IGAD leader, reported to the UN Security
Council on the peacekeeping and national reconciliation activities that were
key to Somalia’s transformation.150 At a summit held in March 1998,
IGAD, led by Kenya, reaffirmed “the need to continue to assist the Somali
people in finding a peaceful solution to the conflict”.151
121. From 1 to 4 November 2001, Kenya sought to arrange an end to the civil
war by hosting a meeting of Somalia’s political leaders and by acting as a
mediator in the Somali national reconciliation process.152
148 Report of the UN Secretary-General on the situation in Somalia, S/2003/231, 26 February
2003, Annex 33.
149 Statement by the President of the Security Council, S/PRST/2003/2, 12 March 2003, page
1, Annex 50.
150 See Letter from the Permanent Mission of Kenya to the UN addressed to the President of
the Security Council (transmitting communiqué issued at the conclusion of the
Extraordinary Summit of the Heads of State and Government of the Intergovernmental
Authority on Development, held at Nairobi, on 8 and 9 July 1997, S/1997/535, 10 July
1997), Annex 19; Letter from the Permanent Representative of Kenya to the UN addressed
to the President of the Security Council transmitting communiqué of the sixth Summit of
the Heads of State and Government of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development,
held in Djibouti on 16 March 1998, S/1998/247, 17 March 1998, Annex 20; Note verbale
from the Permanent Mission of Kenya to the UN addressed to the President of the Security
Council (transmitting Declaration on Cessation of Hostilities and the Structures and
Principles of the Somalia National Reconciliation Process, signed in Eldoret, Kenya, 27
October 2002), S/2002/1359, 11 December 2002, Annex 18.
151 Letter from the Permanent Representative of Kenya to the United Nations addressed to the
President of the Security Council transmitting communiqué of the sixth Summit of the
Heads of State and Government of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, held
in Djibouti on 16 March 1998, S/1998/247, 17 March 1998, paragraph 6, Annex 20.
152 During this meeting, the Somali leaders “expressed their gratitude and appreciation to H.E.
Daniel T. arap Moi, the Government and the people of Kenya for hosting the
Reconciliation Meeting and for the hospitality extended to them.” Letter from the
Permanent Representative of Somalia to the UN addressed to the President of the Security
51
122. On 27 October 2002, Kenya, as the chair of IGAD, hosted a meeting of
Somali leaders that resulted in the signing of a Declaration on Cessation of
Hostilities and the Structures and Principles of the Somalia National
Reconciliation Process.153
123. In 2003, Kenya appointed a Special Envoy for Somalia. This appointment
was marked by the UN Security Council as “a welcome development and
[...] expected to help to infuse renewed vigour in the peace process.”154
124. In 2004, the President of the UN Security Council acknowledged that “[t]he
Government of Kenya has borne a heavy burden in hosting a large number
of Somali delegates and representatives at [another conference seeking
peace] for a protracted period.”155
125. On 29 January 2004, at a meeting again hosted by Kenya, Somali leaders
signed the Declaration on the Harmonization of the Various Issues by the
Somali Delegates at the Somali Consultative Meetings.156 In 2004, the
Council (transmitting communiqué following the Somalia Reconciliation Meeting held in
Nairobi from1 to 4 November 2001), S/2001/1063, 6 November 2001, paragraph 6, Annex
16.
153 Note verbale from the Permanent Mission of Kenya to the UN addressed to the President
of the Security Council (transmitting Declaration on Cessation of Hostilities and the
Structures and Principles of the Somalia National Reconciliation Process, signed in
Eldoret, Kenya, 27 October 2002), S/2002/1359, 11 December 2002, Annex 18.
154 Report of the UN Secretary-General on the situation in Somalia, S/2003/231, 26 February
2003, paragraph 51, Annex 33.
155 Report of the UN Secretary-General on the situation in Somalia, S/2004/115, 12 February
2004, paragraph 60, Annex 51.
156 See Statement of the President of the Security Council at the 4915th meeting of the Security
Council, S/PRST/2004/3, 25 February 2004, Annex 52.
52
President of the UN Security Council lauded this development as “an
important step towards lasting peace and reconciliation in Somalia”.157
126. Kenya also fostered peace in Somalia by urging other countries to support
the Somali peace process. For example, in 2012, Kenya’s Prime Minister
“call[ed] upon South Korea to be steadfast in support for the reconstruction
in Somalia”.158
127. While it was receiving this considerable aid and support, including
significant military support, Somalia never protested Kenya’s claim to a
maritime boundary at the Parallel of Latitude. At the same time, Somalia
and Kenya had close and positive interactions. For example, in 2012,
Somalia’s Prime Minister “paid a courtesy call on President Mwai Kibaki”
to thank him for Kenya’s role in the restoration of peace in Somalia.159
128. Kenya also hosted numerous international organisations dedicated to
supporting Somalia as well as the Somali Government. For example, from
1995 onwards, Kenya hosted the UN Political Office for Somalia.160
Similarly, the UN Development Programme and most of the other
organisations assisting Somalia had their head offices in Nairobi.161
Starting in 1995, Kenya also hosted the Civil Aviation Caretaker Authority
157 Statement of the President of the Security Council at the 4915th meeting of the Security
Council, S/PRST/2004/3, 25 February 2004, Annex 52.
158 “Kenya’s PM urges S. Korea to support peace in Somalia”, Dow Jones Institutional News,
10 July 2012, Annex 113.
159 “Somalia PM thanks Kenya for solid support”, Capital News, 13 June 2012, Annex 109.
160 See “Somalia: UN envoy re-establishes office in Mogadishu after 17-year hiatus”, UN
News, 24 January 2012, Annex 35.
161 See “Assessment of Development Results: Somalia, Evaluation of UNDP Contribution”,
Evaluation Office of the UN Development Programme, July 2010, page 85, Annex 36.
53
for Somalia.162 Moreover, the Transitional Federal Government (the
“TFG”) of Somalia itself was based in Nairobi from its creation until June
2005.163
129. Equally, Kenya organised and participated in providing security and
peacekeeping in Somalia. For example, in 2006, under Kenya’s leadership,
IGAD prepared a Deployment Plan for a Peacekeeping Mission of IGAD
in Somalia.164 As a direct consequence of Kenya’s initiatives, the UN
Security Council authorised the establishment of a protection and training
mission in Somalia.165 The same year, Kenya further provided hands-on
support to Somalia by committing to train Somali policemen in Kenya.166
Kenya also agreed to help Somalia with natural disasters and with the
management and delivery of humanitarian aid.167 From 2011 onwards,
Kenya has provided troops to restore peace in Somalia. These troops later
162 See “Civil Aviation Caretaker Authority for Somalia (Project SOM/03/016), Project
Evaluation: Final Report”, UN Development Programme, ICAO, 24 July 2009, (Extracts),
Annex 37.
163 See United Nations Security Council, Report of the Secretary-General on the situation in
Somalia, S/2005/642, 11 October 2005, paragraph 4, KCM, Annex 91. See also KCM,
paragraph 96 and footnote 111.
164 See UN Security Council Resolution 1725 (2006), S/RES/1725 (2006), 6 December 2006,
page 2, Annex 34.
165 See UN Security Council Resolution 1725 (2006), S/RES/1725 (2006), 6 December 2006,
paragraph 3, Annex 34.
166 See Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of Kenya and the
Transitional Federal Government of the Republic of Somalia on Training of Somali
Policemen in Kenya, 3 May 2006, KCM, Annex 151. See also KCM, paragraph 96 and
footnote 110.
167 See Agreement on Natural Disasters Prevention, Management and Humanitarian Relief
Aid Delivery Cooperation between the Government of the Republic of Kenya and the
Transitional Federal Republic of Somalia, 8 March 2006, KCM, Annex 150. See also
KCM, paragraph 96, footnote 110.
54
became a large part of the African Union Mission to Somalia
(“AMISOM”).168
130. During Somalia’s decades-long civil war, Kenya also expended significant
resources to deter and prevent piracy and armed robbery at sea off the coast
of Somalia. Kenya facilitated the prosecution of suspected pirates by naval
forces of other maritime nations. In 2009, Kenya started to host piracy
trials. As the Austrian representative to the UN Security Council
acknowledged at a UN Security Council meeting of 18 November 2009,
“the prosecution of suspected pirates apprehended off the coast of Somalia
is a burden for regional States, especially Kenya and the Seychelles.”169 At
the same meeting, the United Kingdom representative to the UN Security
Council “[paid] tribute to Kenya for its leadership within the region in
taking forward the detention and prosecution of pirates.”170
131. Other leading international actors equally recognised the importance of
Kenya’s involvement in the fight against maritime piracy in Somalia. These
168 See “Kenya – KDF”, African Union Mission to Somalia, available at: https://amisomau.
org/kenya-kdf/ (last accessed: 21December 2020), Annex 41; UN Security Council
Resolution 2036 (2012), S/RES/2036, 22 February 2012, Annex 53.
169 Security Council, 64th year: 6221st meeting, New York, S/PV.6221, 18 November 2009,
page 19, Annex 54.
170 Security Council, 64th year: 6221st meeting, New York, S/PV.6221, 18 November 2009,
page 4, Annex 54.
55
include the United States,171 Vietnam,172 Japan,173 Croatia,174 Russia,175
France,176 Costa Rica,177 Austria178 and Sweden.179
171 See Security Council, 64th year: 6221st meeting, New York, S/PV.6221, 18 November
2009, page 6, Annex 54 (“Ms. DiCarlo (United States of America): And we should
especially like to commend States, in particular Kenya, that have taken the lead in
prosecution.”).
172 See Security Council, 64th year: 6221st meeting, New York, S/PV.6221, 18 November
2009, page 8, Annex 54 (“Mr. Le Luong Minh (Viet Nam): We commend the significant
efforts undertaken by the Government of Kenya to prosecute suspected pirates captured by
the international community in its national courts. We also urge all States, especially those
directly harmed by piracy, to provide the Kenyan Government with the logistical and
financial support to address the challenges of prosecuting suspected pirates.”).
173 See Security Council, 64th year: 6221st meeting, New York, S/PV.6221, 18 November
2009, page 9, Annex 54 (“Mr. Takasu (Japan): In particular, efforts by the States in the
region, such as Kenya, Yemen and Seychelles, to ensure prosecution for piracy deserve the
support and assistance of the international community.”).
174 See Security Council, 64th year: 6221st meeting, New York, S/PV.6221, 18 November
2009, page 14, Annex 54 (“Mr. Skračić (Croatia): We commend the Government of Kenya
for its significant efforts in that regard, and especially for its readiness to detain and
prosecute pirates apprehended by other participants in the common efforts against
piracy.”).
175 See Security Council, 64th year: 6221st meeting, New York, S/PV.6221, 18 November
2009, page 15, Annex 54 (“Mr. Churkin (Russian Federation): We note the significance of
efforts to resolve this problem at the level of the national judiciary, and particularly
cooperation on the part of authorities in Kenya and other countries in the region.”).
176 See Security Council, 64th year: 6221st meeting, New York, S/PV.6221, 18 November
2009, page 15, Annex 54 (“Mr. Araud (France): Here, France commends Kenya’s
endeavours in that regard and supports the trust fund that the Contact group decided on 10
September to establish, to which we shall be making a contribution.”).
177 See Security Council, 64th year: 6221st meeting, New York, S/PV.6221, 18 November
2009, page 16, Annex 54 (“Mr. Urbina (Costa Rica): Here, we commend Kenya for its
action to put suspects on trial, and we urge other countries, including Somalia, to
strengthen their legislation, procedures and capacities so that they can hold such trials.”).
178 See Security Council, 64th year: 6221st meeting, New York, S/PV.6221, 18 November
2009, page 19, Annex 54 (“The President (acting in his national capacity): As the
Secretary-General noted in his report (S/2009/590), the prosecution of suspected pirates
apprehended off the coast of Somalia is a burden for regional States, especially Kenya and
the Seychelles.”).
179 See Security Council, 64th year: 6221st meeting, New York, S/PV.6221, 18 November
2009, page 20, Annex 54 (“Mr. Lidén (Sweden): Kenya has made a very significant
contribution through the transfer agreement with the European Union regarding
56
132. Kenya has also provided extensive support to Somalia in its fight against
the terrorist entity, Al-Shabaab. As the Special Representative of the
Secretary-General for Somalia observed during a UN Security Council
meeting in 2012, Kenyan armed forces worked side by side with the TFG’s
forces in carrying out “a steady ground offensive, supported by Kenyan air
and sea assets” against Al-Shabaab.180 Kenya further assisted Somalia with
the training of its troops to address the Al-Shabaab threat.181
(ii) Kenya confirmed its claims to the Parallel of Latitude, yet again,
throughout the 2000s
133. In the 2000s, Kenya’s maritime activities in the now-disputed maritime area
continued, without protest from Somalia. For example, the Kenyan Navy
increased its presence in the northern part of Kenya’s territorial sea and EEZ
and as far north as the Parallel of Latitude.182 This, again, is also confirmed
by the witness statement of General Kibwana.183
134. On 11 May 2004, the Kenyan Navy circulated a memorandum entitled
“EEZ Limits and Boundaries”.184 The memorandum included an
prosecution. Kenya has so far agreed to detain and prosecute 75 suspected pirates whom
the European Union has apprehended.”).
180 Security Council, 67th year: 6729th meeting, New York, S/PV.6729, 5 March 2012, page
5, Annex 55. See also Security Council, 66th year: 6674th meeting, New York, S/PV.6674,
5 December 2011, page 5, Annex 56.
181 See Security Council, 65th year: 6386th meeting, New York, S/PV.6386, 16 September
2010, page 6, Annex 57.
182 See KCM, paragraphs 123-124; Kenyan Naval Patrols and Interceptions in the Territorial
Sea, KCM, Figure 1-13.
183 See Witness Statement of General (Ret’d) Joseph Raymond Kibwana, EGH, CBS,
11 January 2021, paragraphs 20-23, Annex WS1.
184 Memorandum on EEZ Limits and Boundaries from Major Y. S. Abdi, KN/16/OPS/TRG,
11 May 2004, Annex 3.
57
“illustration of Kenya’s EEZ and Boundaries Co-ordinates”.185 This
illustration is reproduced as Figure 1 below. It distinctly pictures Kenya’s
maritime boundary with Somalia along a parallel of latitude, with
coordinates also indicated in handwriting.186 The 11 May 2004
memorandum specified that these coordinates were intended to show “the
internationally recognized Kenya’s EEZ Limits and Boundaries.”187
Figure 1: Kenya’s EEZ and Boundaries Coordinates as per 11 May 2004
Memorandum
185 Memorandum on EEZ Limits and Boundaries from Major Y. S. Abdi, KN/16/OPS/TRG,
11 May 2004, page 1, Annex 3.
186 See Memorandum on EEZ Limits and Boundaries from Major Y. S. Abdi,
KN/16/OPS/TRG, 11 May 2004, page 2, Annex 3.
187 Memorandum on EEZ Limits and Boundaries from Major Y. S. Abdi, KN/16/OPS/TRG,
11 May 2004, page 1, Annex 3.
58
135. This memorandum confirms that a parallel of latitude was understood by
the Kenyan Navy to be the “internationally recognized […] EEZ Limit[]
and Boundar[y]” with Somalia.188
136. Somalia claims that Kenya relied only on “logs of a handful of Kenyan
vessels” to prove activity of the Kenyan Navy up to the parallel of
latitude.189 Figures 2 and 3 below, based on additional logs from the
Kenyan Navy, further confirm that there was considerable activity by naval
patrols in the now-disputed maritime area up to Kenya’s northern maritime
border, i.e., the Parallel of Latitude.190 This includes significant naval
patrols in the territorial sea.
Figure 2: KCM, Figure 1-13 (revised)
188 Memorandum on EEZ Limits and Boundaries from Major Y. S. Abdi, KN/16/OPS/TRG,
11 May 2004, page 1, Annex 3.
189 SR, paragraph 2.58, referring to KCM, paragraph 125; Kenyan Naval Patrols and
Interceptions in the Territorial Sea, KCM Figure 1-13.
190 See Letter from M. R. Atodonyang to Ms Juster Nkoroi, Kenya International Boundaries
Office, KN/56/OPS/TRG, 16 May 2017, Annex 21.
59
Figure 3: Kenyan Naval Patrols and Interceptions in the EEZ
137. In addition, Kenya extended its offshore oil and gas blocks as far north as
the Parallel of Latitude, including in its territorial sea and EEZ.191 Kenya
also started to put more efforts into the exploration and exploitation of
offshore resources. In 2000, Kenya signed its first Production Sharing
Agreement (“PSA”) with Star Petroleum International.192 This agreement
later led to activities by Woodside Energy Ltd. in 2006 and 2007.193
138. In 2005, Kenya issued a renewed official EEZ Proclamation yet again
confirming its claim that the Parties’ maritime boundary followed the
Parallel of Latitude (the “2005 EEZ Proclamation”). The 2005 EEZ
Proclamation replaced the 1979 EEZ Proclamation without “affect[ing] or
191 See KCM, paragraph 147; KR, paragraph 99.
192 See KCM, paragraphs 148-149; Production Sharing Contract between the Government of
the Republic of Kenya and Star Petroleum International (Kenya) Limited for Block L-5
Lamu Basin, 11 July 2000, KCM, Annex 39.
193 See KCM, paragraph 151.
60
[...] derogat[ing] [...] the vested rights of [Kenya] over the Continental Shelf
as defined in the Continental Shelf Act, 1973 [sic] [1975]”.194 The 2005
EEZ Proclamation included precise coordinates as well as maps that
provided a detailed description of the maritime boundary.
139. In April 2006, the UN Secretary-General circulated the 2005 EEZ
Proclamation to UN Member States and UNCLOS States Parties and
published it in the Law of the Sea Bulletin.195 The UN Secretary-General
also published the 2005 EEZ Proclamation on the website of the Division
for Ocean Affairs and the Law of the Sea (“DOALOS”).196
140. On 26 September 2007, Kenya sent a note verbale to Somalia. As
previously noted to this Court,197 the note verbale unambiguously stated
that “[t]he boundaries between our two countries [...] have been drawn
using the parallel of latitude, in accordance with Articles 74, 83 of the
UNCLOS.”198 This left no doubt that Kenya considered the boundary as
194 Republic of Kenya, Legal Notice No. 82, Proclamation by the President of the Republic
of Kenya (9 June 2005), published in Kenya Gazette Supplement No. 55 (Legislative
Supplement No. 34) (22 July 2005), MS, Annex 21. See also KCM, paragraphs 87-92 and
220-224; KR, paragraph 22.
195 See KCM, paragraphs 92-93; United Nations, Division for Ocean Affairs and the Law of
the Sea, Deposit by the Republic of Kenya of lists of geographical coordinates of points,
pursuant to article 16, paragraph 2, and article 75, paragraph 2, of the Convention, U.N.
Doc. M.Z.N. 58.2006.LOS (25 Apr. 2006), MS, Annex 56; Kenya’s 2005 EEZ
Proclamation with Coordinates, Law of the Sea Bulletin No. 61, Division for Ocean Affairs
and the Law of the Sea, Office of Legal Affairs, 2006, pp. 96-7, KCM, Annex 92.
196 See KCM, paragraphs 66 and 93; Letter from the Office of Legal Affairs of the United
Nations to the Permanent Mission of the Republic of Kenya to the United Nations, received
8 November 2017, KCM, Annex 65.
197 See KR, paragraphs 75-80.
198 Note Verbale from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Kenya to the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs of the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia, MFA.273/430/001 (26
September 2007), KR, Annex 9; Note Verbale from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of
Kenya to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Transitional Federal Government of
Somalia, MFA.273/430/001A (4 July 2008), KR, Annex 12.
61
settled.199 The note verbale informed Somalia that a Kenyan contractor
would be engaged in continental shelf explorations in the “months of
October 2007 to May 2008”, on the basis of the settled delimitation.200 The
note verbale sought further confirmation of the settled maritime boundary
and acknowledgement of the survey.201 Somalia acknowledged receipt of
Kenya’s 2007 note verbale and did not protest or in any way reject Kenya’s
position.202 This was plainly because it had no objection to the settled
maritime boundary at that time, as it had had no objection for decades.
141. On 4 July 2008, Kenya sent a second note verbale to Somalia.203 As also
previously noted to this Court, the 2008 note verbale reiterated that “the
boundaries within the maritime area of Kenya have been drawn using the
parallel of latitudes”.204 Again, Somalia did not protest or object to Kenya’s
assertions.
199 See Note Verbale from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Kenya to the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs of the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia, MFA.273/430/001 (26
September 2007), page 3, KR, Annex 9.
200 Note Verbale from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Kenya to the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs of the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia, MFA.273/430/001
(26 September 2007), page 3, KR, Annex 9.
201 See KR, paragraphs 75-80; Note Verbale from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Kenya
to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia,
MFA.273/430/001 (26 September 2007), page 4, KR, Annex 9.
202 See KR, paragraph 77; Note Verbale from the Embassy of the Somali Republic in Kenya
to the Embassy of Kenya to Somalia, ESR/4287/V/07 (30 October 2007), KR, Annex 11;
KR, paragraph 77. According to H. Lauterpacht, “any such duty to protest is especially
incumbent upon states directly interested-in the case of the proclamations relating to
submarine areas in particular upon neighbouring states”. H. Lauterpacht, “Sovereignty
over Submarine Areas”, The British International Yearbook of International Law, 1950, p.
397.
203 See KR, paragraph 78.
204 KR, paragraph 78; Note Verbale from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Kenya to the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia,
MFA.273/430/001A (4 July 2008), KR, Annex 12.
62
142. On 7 April 2009, Kenya and Somalia signed a Memorandum of
Understanding (the “2009 MOU”) prepared by Norway.205 This act is
wholly consistent with the good relations and support Kenya extended to
Somalia throughout the civil war.
143. Somalia’s positions with regard to the 2009 MOU have been inconsistent.
Somalia previously argued that the sole subject matter of the 2009 MOU
was the extended continental shelf and that the 2009 MOU did not address
the continental shelf within 200M.206 Now, however, Somalia argues
differently. Now it claims that the 2009 MOU concerns the entire
continental shelf.207 On that basis, it argues that, as of 2009, Somalia had
not acquiesced in the Parallel of Latitude.208
144. Kenya has already convincingly refuted this new position.209 In summary,
this Court has already found, in line with the positions Somalia itself took
to support this Court’s jurisdiction, that: (i) the 2009 MOU did not concern
the Parties’ maritime delimitation as it was intended merely to allow
Somalia and Kenya to make their CLCS submissions imminently, prior to
the coming deadline;210 and (ii) in preparing the 2009 MOU, Norway
205 See Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the Republic of Kenya
and the Transitional Federal Government of the Somali Republic to Grant to Each Other
No-Objection in Respect of Submissions on the Outer Limits of the Continental Shelf
beyond 200 Nautical Miles to the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf, 2599
U.N.T.S. 35 (7 Apr. 2009), entered into force 7 Apr. 2009, MS, Annex 6; Maritime
Delimitation in the Indian Ocean (Somalia v. Kenya), Preliminary Objections, Judgment
of 2 February 2017, I.C.J. Reports 2017, p. 3, paragraph 101.
206 See KR, paragraph 71.
207 See SR, paragraph 2.22.
208 See SR, paragraph 2.22.
209 See KR, paragraphs 71-74.
210 See Maritime Delimitation in the Indian Ocean (Somalia v. Kenya), Preliminary
Objections, Judgment of 2 February 2017, I.C.J. Reports 2017, p. 3, paragraphs 101-102.
63
“t[ook] no position on” the matter of Somalia’s maritime delimitations with
any of its neighbours.211
145. The fact that Norway, the 2009 MOU’s drafter, had no position on the
maritime delimitation confirms that the 2009 MOU is irrelevant to the
question of acquiescence between Somalia and Kenya. Indeed, the Court
confirmed in its Judgment on Preliminary Objections that the 2009 MOU’s
“references to maritime delimitation do nothing more than further the
objective of securing no-objection by either Party to the consideration of
the submission of the other Party by the CLCS”.212 It is also surprising that
Somalia relies on the 2009 MOU today as documenting its formal objection
to the maritime boundary. In February 2014, Somalia informed the UN
Secretary-General that it did not consider the 2009 MOU had any legal
force.213
146. The reality is that the 2009 MOU contemplated and incorporated Somalia’s
acquiescence. It said that any maritime delimitation dispute would be
resolved “on the basis of international law”, without limitation.214
Acquiescence is a well-established form of agreement under international
law. Of course, by the time of the 2009 MOU, Somalia had not protested
211 Maritime Delimitation in the Indian Ocean (Somalia v. Kenya), Preliminary Objections,
Judgment of 2 February 2017, I.C.J. Reports 2017, p. 3, paragraph 104.
212 Maritime Delimitation in the Indian Ocean (Somalia v. Kenya), Preliminary Objections,
Judgment of 2 February 2017, I.C.J. Reports 2017, p. 3, paragraph 77.
213 See Letter from Dr. Abdirahman Beileh, Minister of Foreign Affairs and International
Cooperation of the Somali Federal Republic, to H.E. Ban Ki-Moon, Secretary-General of
the United Nations, No. MOFA/SFR/MO/259/2014 (4 Feb. 2014), MS, Annex 41.
214 Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the Republic of Kenya and
the Transitional Federal Government of the Somali Republic to Grant to Each Other No-
Objection in Respect of Submissions on the Outer Limits of the Continental Shelf beyond
200 Nautical Miles to the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf, 2599
U.N.T.S. 35 (7 Apr. 2009), entered into force 7 Apr. 2009, page 38, MS, Annex 6.
64
the latitudinal delimitation (despite numerous opportunities and notices) for
at least thirty years. Even if the MOU could be considered an objection by
Somalia to the maritime boundary (somehow drafted by and through
Norway) as of that date, that would not change the acquiescence analysis.
147. On 8 April 2009, Somalia sent its submission to the CLCS. In its
submission, Somalia did not protest or dispute the latitudinal delimitation.
Somalia also did not put forward an alternative boundary line.215 Kenya
sent its own submission to the CLCS on 6 May 2009.216
148. Kenya’s activities in the now-disputed maritime area continued to increase
at the end of the 2000s. In 2008 and 2012, Kenya signed two further PSAs
for blocks along the Parallel of Latitude, with Sohi-Gas Dodori Ltd and Eni
Exploration and Production Holding B.V, respectively.217 By the
beginning of the 2010s, there was already an “extensive seismic activity in
the EEZ up to the parallel of latitude” on the Kenyan side of the maritime
215 Somalia’s submission only stated that “[a]ll information and maps contained in this
submission are without prejudice to issues of maritime delimitation” and that there
remained “unresolved questions [...] in relation to bilateral delimitation of the continental
shelf with neighbouring States”. By contrast, Kenya’s submission dated April 2009
explicitly mentioned that “the maritime space over which Kenya exercises sovereignty,
sovereign rights and jurisdiction’ is the area delimited by the 2005 Proclamation along the
Parallel of Latitude. It also explained that this area ‘has been determined on the basis of
the provisions of the Convention”. KCM, paragraph 106; Federal Republic of Somalia,
Preliminary Information Indicative of the outer limits of the continental shelf and
Description of the status of preparation of making a submission To the Commission on the
Limits of the Continental Shelf for Somalia (14 Apr. 2009), Section 6, MS, Annex 66;
Republic of Kenya, Submission on the Continental Shelf Submission beyond 200 nautical
miles to the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf: Executive Summary
(Apr. 2009), pages 3-4, MS, Annex 59.
216 See KCM, paragraphs 99-105; Republic of Kenya, Submission on the Continental Shelf
Submission beyond 200 nautical miles to the Commission on the Limits of the Continental
Shelf: Executive Summary (Apr. 2009), MS, Annex 59.
217 See KCM, paragraph 153; KR, paragraph 99; Production Sharing Contract between the
Government of the Republic of Kenya and Sohi-Gas Dodori Ltd Relating to Block L13 (3
September 2008) (extract showing map), KR, Annex 1.
65
boundary.218 Also in 2012, Kenya awarded oil concessions to Total in
respect of Block L-22, located partially in the now-disputed maritime
area.219 As a Deloitte report dated January 2013 confirms, by then, Kenya
had awarded oil concessions also to ENI, SwissOil, Statoil and FAR with
respect to blocks located in the now-disputed maritime area.220 Somalia did
not protest against any of these awards by Kenya.
149. During the same period, Kenya also issued fishing licences to foreign
vessels indicating the Parallel of Latitude as the maritime boundary with
Somalia.221 Similarly, Kenya undertook maritime research activities along
the coast of Lamu Island as far north as the Parallel of Latitude.222
150. The necessary conclusion is that the period from 2000 to 2013 saw Kenya
proclaim the Parallel of Latitude as the maritime boundary and act in
conformity with that proclamation, just as it did in the period from 1979 to
2000. As discussed below, in all that time, there still was not any protest or
objection from Somalia.
(iii) During the civil war, Somalia continued to engage in
significant international relations and acts, without ever
protesting against Kenya’s 1979 and 2005 EEZ Proclamations or
against Kenya’s increasing activities in the now-disputed
maritime area
218 KCM, paragraph 154.
219 See “Total renforce son exploration au Kenya avec la prise du permis d’exploration
offshore L22, situé dans le Bassin de Lamu”, Total, 27 June 2012, Annex 107.
220 See “The Deloitte Guide to Oil and Gas in East Africa – Where potential lies, 2013
Edition”, Deloitte, 2013, page 5, Annex 167.
221 See KCM, paragraph 137.
222 See “SOLSTICE Project Group, SOLSTICE implementation plan version 4”, SOLSTICEWIO,
26 March 2018, pages 15 and 16, Annex 114.
66
151. Over the course of the present proceeding, Somalia repeatedly has invoked
its alleged “practical inability to acquiesce in any maritime boundary during
the civil war that engulfed the country.”223 According to Somalia, it is
“particularly unjustified to expect” that, during that war, Somalia would be
able “to lodge formal diplomatic protests against a purported claim to a
parallel boundary line which is made through a unilateral declaration”.224
But the reality is that Somalia was perfectly capable of lodging such
diplomatic protests before, during and after its civil war. Indeed, during
and despite its civil war, Somalia continued to play an active role in
international relations.
152. For example, as Kenya noted in previous pleadings, Somalia actively
participated in drafting resolutions and sponsored over 280 diplomatic texts
relating to a wide array of issues including Palestine, human rights, the
protection of the environment, the situation of civilians in times of war and
cooperation between the UN and regional organisations.225 Further, in the
early 2000s, Somalia became a party to a number of international
conventions. These included:
(i) the Vienna Convention for the Protection of the Ozone Layer, which
Somalia ratified on 1 August 2001;226
(ii) the International Convention for the Suppression of the Financing
223 SR, paragraph 2.109.
224 SR, paragraph 2.113.
225 See KCM, footnote 108.
226 See Vienna Convention for the Protection of the Ozone Layer, 22 March 1985, 1513 UNTS
293, 22 September 1988, Status as at 26 October 2020.
67
of Terrorism, which Somalia signed on 19 December 2001;227 and
(iii) the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which Somalia signed on
9 May 2002.228
153. Somalia also negotiated and adopted international agreements with
Kenya,229 including:
(i) an Agreement on Technical and Economic Cooperation between
Kenya and the TFG, dated 6 September 2005;230
(ii) an Agreement on Natural Disasters Prevention, Management and
Humanitarian Relief Aid Delivery Cooperation between Kenya and
the TFG, dated 8 March 2006;231
(iii) a Memorandum of Understanding between Kenya and the TFG on
Training of Somali Policemen in Kenya, dated 3 May 2006;232 and
(iv) a Memorandum of Understanding on Technical Assistance and
227 See International Convention for the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism,
9 December 1999, 10 April 2002, 2178 UNTS 197, Status as at 26 October 2020.
228 See Convention on the Rights of the Child, 20 November 1989, 2 September 1990, 1577
UNTS 3, Status as at 26 October 2020. Somalia ratified this Convention on 1 October
2015.
229 See KCM, paragraphs 95-96; KR, paragraph 67.
230 See Agreement on Technical and Economic Co-Operation between the Government of the
Republic of Kenya and the Transitional Federal Government of the Republic of Somalia,
6 September 2005, KCM, Annex 149.
231 See Agreement on Natural Disasters Prevention, Management and Humanitarian Relief
Aid Delivery Cooperation between the Government of the Republic of Kenya and the
Transitional Federal Republic of Somalia, 8 March 2006, KCM, Annex 150.
232 See Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of Kenya and the
Transitional Federal Government of the Republic of Somalia on Training of Somali
Policemen in Kenya, 3 May 2006, KCM, Annex 151.
68
Capacity Building between Kenya and the TFG, dated 18 March
2009.233
154. Moreover, in the midst of the civil war, Somalia sent numerous letters and
other diplomatic correspondence to the UN with respect to a wide range of
issues. These included comprehensive updates on the situation in
Somalia.234 Among other diplomatic correspondence:
(i) on 6 November 2001, the Permanent Representative of Somalia to
the UN sent a letter to the President of the UN Security Council.
That letter explained that, “[a]t the invitation of H.E. President
Daniel T. arap Moi of the Republic of Kenya, the political leaders
of the Republic of Somalia attended the Reconciliation Meeting on
Somalia held in Nairobi from 1 to 4 November 2001.”235 The letter
incorporated an agenda intended to serve “as the basis for future
deliberations” among Somali leaders.236 Among other matters, the
233 See Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the Republic of Kenya
and the Transitional Federal Government of the Republic of Somalia on Technical
Assistance and Capacity Building, 18 March 2009, KCM, Annex 153.
234 See Letter from the Permanent Representative of Somalia to the UN addressed to the
President of the Security Council (transmitting communiqué following the Somalia
Reconciliation Meeting held in Nairobi from 1 to 4 November 2001), S/2001/1063, 6
November 2001, Annex 16; Letter from the Chargé d’affaires of the Permanent Mission
of Somalia to the UN addressed to the President of the Security Council (transmitting
agreement signed by the President of Somalia and the Speaker of the Transitional Federal
Parliament), S/2006/14, 9 January 2006, Annex 11; Letter from the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs of the Permanent Mission of Somalia addressed to the President of the Human
Rights Council, A/HRC/5/G/13, 13 June 2007, Annex 12.
235 Letter from the Permanent Representative of Somalia to the UN addressed to the President
of the Security Council (transmitting communiqué following the Somalia Reconciliation
Meeting held in Nairobi from 1 to 4 November 2001), S/2001/1063, 6 November 2001,
paragraph 1, Annex 16.
236 Letter from the Permanent Representative of Somalia to the UN addressed to the President
of the Security Council (transmitting communiqué following the Somalia Reconciliation
Meeting held in Nairobi from 1 to 4 November 2001), S/2001/1063, 6 November 2001,
paragraph 4, Annex 16.
69
agenda lists: “[c]ommitment to international principles of peaceful
coexistence, good neighbourly relations and respect for the
sovereignty and territorial integrity of the countries in the region”;
the “[d]ispute over land, public and private property”; and “other
business.”237 It does not, however, mention the maritime boundary
between Somalia and Kenya. Somali leaders pursuing the “unity,
sovereignty and territorial integrity of Somalia”238 simply did not
consider that Somalia’s maritime boundary with Kenya was a live
issue. Indeed, it had already been settled;
(ii) in 2001 and 2002, Somalia sent multiple letters to the UN
expressing Somalia’s concerns over the alleged interference of
Ethiopia in its internal affairs.239 Somalia alerted the UN Security
Council to Ethiopia’s military presence on Somali territory. It
claimed that this presence constituted “a clear and present danger to
[Somalia’s] unity, territorial integrity and political
237 Letter from the Permanent Representative of Somalia to the UN addressed to the President
of the Security Council (transmitting communiqué following the Somalia Reconciliation
Meeting held in Nairobi from 1 to 4 November 2001), S/2001/1063, 6 November 2001,
paragraph 4, Annex 16.
238 Letter from the Permanent Representative of Somalia to the UN addressed to the President
of the Security Council (transmitting communiqué following the Somalia Reconciliation
Meeting held in Nairobi from 1 to 4 November 2001), S/2001/1063, 6 November 2001,
paragraph 3, Annex 16.
239 See, e.g., Letter from the Prime Minister of Somalia to the President of the Security
Council, S/2001/263, 21 March 2001, Annex 8; Letter from the Permanent Representative
of Somalia to the UN addressed to the President of the Security Council (transmitting letter
from the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Somalia to the President of the Security Council),
S/2002/550, 16 May 2002, Annex 9; Letter from the Chairman of the Security Council
Committee established pursuant to resolution 751 (1992) concerning Somalia (transmitting
letter dated 16 May 2002 from Somalia) to the President of the Security Council,
S/2002/570, 21 May 2002, Annex 22; Letter from the Chairman of the Security Council
Committee established pursuant to resolution 751 (1992) concerning Somalia (transmitting
letter dated 17 June 2002 from Somalia to the Chairman of the Security Council Committee
concerning Somalia), S/2002/684, 19 June 2002, Annex 23.
70
independence.”240 Somalia never made any such declaration
regarding Kenya’s activities in the now-disputed maritime area.
Notably, it omitted any reference to Kenya’s naval presence in areas
that Somalia now claims are part of its territorial sea and other
maritime areas;241
(iii) in 2004, Somalia actively sought the UN’s assistance in combatting
terrorism,242 as well as international help and intervention with
respect to acts of piracy and armed robbery at sea.243 From at least
2001 onwards, Kenya’s Navy had been providing that assistance.
Somalia did not object to Kenya’s assistance up to the Parallel of
Latitude, as confirmed by General Kibwana;244
(iv) in 2009, when Iran “dispatch[ed] two naval vessels to the region off
the coast of Somalia and the Gulf of Aden affected by piracy, in
order to carry out protective escorts and anti-piracy related
240 Letter from the Prime Minister of Somalia to the President of the Security Council,
S/2001/263, 21 March 2001, paragraph 7, Annex 8.
241 See Letter from the Prime Minister of Somalia to the President of the Security Council,
S/2001/263, 21 March 2001, page 1, Annex 8.
242 See, e.g., Letter from the Permanent Representative of Somalia to the UN addressed to the
Chairman of the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 1267
(1999) concerning Al-Qaida and the Taliban and associated individuals and entities,
S/AC.37/2004/(1455)/28, 31 March 2004, Annex 10.
243 See, e.g., Letter from the Permanent Representative of Somalia to the UN addressed to the
President of the Security Council, S/2008/323, 12 May 2008, Annex 13; Letter from the
Permanent Representative of Somalia to the UN addressed to the President of the Security
Council, S/2011/107, 28 February 2011, Annex 15.
244 See Witness Statement of General (Ret’d) Joseph Raymond Kibwana, EGH, CBS,
11 January 2021, paragraph 23, Annex WS1.
71
operations”, Somalia was quick to write a separate letter to the UN
regarding the incident;245 and
(v) in early January 2012, Somalia addressed all UN Member States to
seek support for its “ban on the production of charcoal by
prohibiting the importation of charcoal from Somalia.”246
155. Tellingly, at the same time as it was receiving considerable support from
Kenya to de-escalate its civil war, Somalia’s oil concession practice
between 2000 and 2013 followed the Parallel of Latitude. A report by the
Petroleum Service Group of Deloitte showed that, in 2007, the
southernmost block (Jorre) granted by Somalia laid entirely north of the
Parallel of Latitude.247 In 2008, Somalia adopted its Petroleum Law.248
This Law preserved the pre-1991 status quo by only recognising the validity
of oil concession blocks licensed either prior to 30 December 1990 or after
7 August 2008.249 And, in 2010, an assessment report by Agulhas and the
Somali Current Large Marine Ecosystems Project confirms that Somalia’s
oil and gas activities extended no further south than the Parallel of
Latitude.250
245 See Letter from the Permanent Representative of Somalia to the UN addressed to the
President of the Security Council, S/2009/251, 14 May 2009, Annex 14.
246 Letter from the Permanent Representative of Somalia to the UN addressed to the President
of the Security Council (transmitting letter dated 4 January 2012 from the Permanent
Representative of Somalia to the UN addressed to the President of the Security Council),
S/2012/4, 4 January 2012, page 2, Annex 17.
247 See KCM, paragraph 155; African Oil Concession Map - April 2007, KCM, Figure 1-27.
248 See KCM, paragraph 156.
249 See KCM, paragraph 156.
250 See KCM, paragraph 157; Map of the Oil and Gas Activities in Somalia (adapted from
Deloitte, 2009), KCM, Figure 1-28.
72
156. The management of Somalia’s airspace is also telling. It is inconsistent
with Somalia’s new claim that the Parties’ EEZ and continental shelf
boundary should follow an equidistance line. The publicly available maps
of the Mogadishu FIR from this period indeed depict the airspace limit over
these areas as generally following a parallel of latitude.251 Yet, to this day,
Somalia has never protested or otherwise challenged this FIR
delimitation.252
157. In sum, while being active on the international stage during its civil war,
Somalia did not protest against Kenya’s maritime boundary claim. Somalia
sent no diplomatic notes, raised no issues at the UN and never proclaimed
or publicised any different maritime boundary. To the contrary, Somalia
acted consistently with an understanding that the maritime boundary had
been agreed at the Parallel of Latitude. Somalia therefore continued to
acquiesce in the latitudinal maritime boundary that had been consolidated
prior to the beginning of its civil war. Given the support that Somalia
received from Kenya throughout its civil war and the two States’ intense
international relations, that acquiescence must have been deliberate and
251 See “Air Navigation Plan, Africa – Indian Ocean Region”, Vol. I, 2nd edition, ICAO, 2010,
pages 302-311, Annex 29; “Report of the African Region (AFI) – Asia/Pacific Region
(APAC) – Middle East Region (MID) Air Traffic Management (ATM) Special
Coordination Meeting (AAMA/SCM)”, ICAO, 19-20 January 2017, Appendix C to the
Report, Appendix E to the Report, pages 30 and 32, Annex 30; “Aeronautical Information
Publication, Somalia, Part 2, En-route (ENR)”, ICAO, February 2018, en-route chart -
Mogadishu fir, Annex 31; “Aeronautical Information Publication, Somalia, Part 3,
Aerodromes (AD)”, ICAO, February 2018, AD 1.3-2 index to aerodromes and heliports –
AD index chart, Annex 32; “ICAO Meetings Papers, Air Traffic Management (ATM)
Contingency Plan Applicable to Mogadishu Flight Information Region (FIR)”, Civil
Aviation Caretaker Authority for Somalia, 18 January 2015, Annex 58.
252 The most recent publications by the Somalia Civil Aviation Authority depict an
unchallenged Mogadishu FIR following generally the Parallel of Latitude. See, e.g.,
“SCAA Aeronautical Information Publication”, Somalia Civil Aviation Authority, 2020,
available at: http://aip.scaa.gov.so/ (last accessed: 21 December 2020), Annex 6.
73
informed. Indeed, this acquiescence persisted even as internal groups in
Somalia started to lobby against Somalia’s agreement and good relationship
with Kenya.253
3. 2012 to 2013: Kenya’s discovery of offshore oil triggered
interest in Somalia by the private entity Soma Oil & Gas
158. As discussed below, Somalia only sought to revoke its acquiescence to the
maritime boundary in February 2014. The events of 2012 and 2013 reveal
why it did so.
159. The evidence discussed in Section II.A.3(i) confirms that, in 2012,
international companies became interested in Somali offshore oil and gas
after commercial discoveries in Kenya’s neighbouring maritime area
confirmed the potential viability of Somali offshore reserves.
160. The evidence discussed in Section II.A.3(ii) confirms that, in 2013,
Somalia signed an SOA that gave exclusive and lucrative rights to both its
onshore and offshore oil and gas to Soma Oil & Gas. The terms of this
questionable agreement wholly favour Soma Oil & Gas. The SOA, as well
as other new evidence concerning Somalia’s relationship with Soma Oil &
Gas, confirms that Somalia chose to assert claims to the now-disputed
maritime area in 2014 to give an even greater windfall to Soma Oil & Gas
and to the individuals who benefit from Somalia’s agreement with that
company.
253 See KCM, paragraph 107.
74
(i) In 2012, Kenya’s efforts led to the discovery of oil and gas in its
offshore areas, triggering Somalia’s interest in its own offshore
areas
161. In September 2012, Tullow Oil announced that its exploratory surveys had
revealed strong indications of commercially available oil and gas reserves
in offshore Kenya.254 This was well publicised in the media.255 Tullow Oil
acknowledged that Kenya’s “cooperation and support” had been
instrumental in this historic development.256 This confirms the efforts and
resources that Kenya put into the project.257
162. In late 2012, Kenya terminated the rights of Norwegian oil company Statoil
on commercial grounds after the Norwegian state oil company failed to
conduct a survey of its licensed offshore Block L-26 required by the
Ministry of Energy.258 It is perhaps no coincidence that, in April 2013, a
Somali parliamentary delegation visited Oslo to discuss co-operation,
development and the management of natural resources. According to the
Financial Times, “these talks included discussion of a triangle of water
disputed between Kenya and Somalia.”259 However, at this juncture,
Somalia had raised no formal dispute in relation to the latitudinal boundary.
254 See “Tullow Oil discovers gas pay at Mbawa 1 well offshore Kenya”, NS Energy,
10 September 2012, Annex 115.
255 See “Tullow Oil discovers gas pay at Mbawa 1 well offshore Kenya”, NS Energy,
10 September 2012, Annex 115.
256 “Tullow Oil discovers gas pay at Mbawa 1 well offshore Kenya”, NS Energy,
10 September 2012, Annex 115.
257 See Chapter II.D.
258 See “Kenya: An African oil upstart in transition”, The Oxford Institute for Energy Studies,
October 2014, page 18, Annex112.
259 See “Somalia: oil thrown on the fire”, Financial Times, 13 May 2013, Annex 116.
75
163. As the Financial Times also reported, in 2013, “Norway, whose state oil
company Statoil is exploring off east Africa, has made various
commitments to Somalia.”260 For instance, Norway installed solarpowered
lamps on the streets of Mogadishu and set up a special USD 30
million financing facility donor fund.261
164. At the very least, the Oslo meeting is indicative of the strong international
interest in Somali offshore oil and gas. As discussed below, despite that
strong international interest, only Soma Oil & Gas obtained exclusive rights
to virtually all Somali onshore and offshore oil and gas.
(ii) In 2013, Soma Oil & Gas was given exclusive rights to oil and gas
in all of Somalia, in exchange for virtually nothing
165. In April 2013, just six months after Tullow Oil’s offshore Kenya discovery,
Soma Oil & Gas Holdings Limited was incorporated in the UK, followed
by the incorporation of its wholly owned subsidiary Soma Oil & Gas in July
2013.262 Soma Oil & Gas’s Chief Executive Officer, Rob Sheppard, noted
260 “Somalia: oil thrown on the fire”, Financial Times, 13 May 2013, Annex 116.
261 See “Somalia: oil thrown on the fire”, Financial Times, 13 May 2013, Annex 116.
262 See “UK-based Soma Oil & Gas talks about its plans in Somalia”, How we made it in
Africa, 26 August 2013, Annex 106; Company overview of Soma Oil & Gas Holdings
Limited, UK Companies House, 26 November 2020, available at: https://find-andupdate.
company-information.service.gov.uk/company/08506858 (last accessed: 21
December 2020), Annex 169; Certificate of Incorporation of Soma Oil & Gas Holdings
Limited, UK Companies House, 26 April 2013, Annex 170; Certificate of Incorporation of
Soma Oil & Gas Exploration Limited, UK Companies House, 22 July 2013, Annex 171;
Consolidated Annual Report and Financial Statements for the period from Incorporation
(26 April 2013) to 31 December 2013 of Soma Oil & Gas Holdings Limited, UK
Companies House, 17 September 2014, page 6, Annex 173. Soma Oil & Gas Holdings
Limited was also initially called Soma Oil & Gas Limited; it was renamed in July 2013.
See also Special Resolution of Soma Oil & Gas Limited, UK Companies House, 19 July
2013, Annex 172.
76
that it was the discoveries by Kenya that triggered the company’s desire to
explore the “relatively under-explored” Somalia.263
166. Soon after Soma Oil & Gas’s formation, the company reportedly received
an equity investment of USD 50 million from British Virgin Islandsregistered
private investment company Winter Sky Investments Limited
(“Winter Sky”).264 Winter Sky is reportedly controlled by Alexander
Dzhaparidze, a billionaire Russian oligarch.265 On 31 December 2016,
Winter Sky was declared as Soma Oil & Gas’s ultimate controlling party.266
167. In August 2013, less than four months after its incorporation, Soma Oil &
Gas concluded the SOA with Somalia.267 There was no public tender
process.268 There is no indication that any of the other companies that had
expressed an interest in Somalia’s oil and gas were invited to bid for these
263 “UK-based Soma Oil & Gas talks about its plans in Somalia”, How we made it in Africa,
26 August 2013, Annex 106.
264 See Consolidated Annual Report and Financial Statements for the period from
Incorporation (26 April 2013) to 31 December 2013 of Soma Oil & Gas Holdings Limited,
UK Companies House, 17 September 2014, page 6, Annex 173; “Soma wins funding for
Somali seismic survey”, African Energy, 30 January 2014, Annex 117. Winter Sky
provided USD 30 million more in funding in 2014 and 2015. See Consolidated Annual
Report and Financial Statements for the period from Incorporation (26 April 2013) to 31
December 2013 of Soma Oil & Gas Holdings Limited, UK Companies House, 17
September 2014, page 4, Annex 173; Consolidated Annual Report and Financial
Statements of Soma Oil & Gas Holdings Limited for the year ended 31 December 2015,
UK Companies House, 30 September 2016, page 23, Annex 174.
265 See “Inquiry puts survival in doubt, says African oil explorer”, The Times, 14 October
2016, Annex 118.
266 See Consolidated Annual Report and Financial Statements of Soma Oil & Gas Holdings
Limited for the year ended 31 December 2016, UK Companies House, 27 September 2017,
page 42, Annex 176; Soma Oil & Gas Holdings Limited, Consolidated Annual Report and
Financial Statements of Soma Oil & Gas Holdings Limited for the year ended 31
December 2018, UK Companies House, 30 September 2019, page 33, Annex 175.
267 See KCM, paragraph 159.
268 See “EAEF moves to oppose Soma Oil and Gas deal”, Hiraan Online, 15 August 2013,
Annex 119.
77
rights.269 The newly incorporated company Soma Oil & Gas became the
first company to “sign an oil deal” with the Somali Government following
the civil war.270
168. The SOA was not previously available to this Court or Kenya. This is an
important and troubling document. Two parties operating at arms’ length
would not have signed an agreement that is this one-sided. Moreover,
particularly by omission, the Chairman of Soma Oil & Gas appears to have
misstated the SOA’s terms to the UN Security Council Committee
established pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009) concerning
Somalia and Eritrea (“UN Security Council Committee on Somalia and
Eritrea”).
169. The SOA is not limited to certain blocks or areas. It grants Soma Oil & Gas
exclusive rights to virtually all oil and gas on all Somali land or waters. The
SOA does so by defining the “Exploration Area” as:
onshore and offshore areas within Somalia which are [...]
not the subject of a prior grant of petroleum rights by the
Government or a predecessor of the Government, other
than prior grants which the grantee has acknowledged to
have terminated or which have been terminated by the
Government other than pursuant to Part VIII of the
Petroleum Law 2008.271
269 See “Somalia: oil thrown on the fire”, Financial Times, 13 May 2013, Annex 116.
270 “UK-based Soma Oil & Gas talks about its plans in Somalia”, How we made it in Africa,
26 August 2013, Annex 106.
271 Seismic Option Agreement between the Government of the Federal Republic of Somalia
and Soma Oil & Gas Exploration Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of Soma Oil & Gas
Holdings Limited, 6 August 2013, pages 4-5 (definition of “Exploration Area”), Annex
162.
78
170. Under the SOA, Somalia was barred from even discussing the possibility
of any other contracts in the extensive Exploration Area with any other
company, for at least eight months.272 Soma Oil & Gas was therefore
provided a significant first-mover advantage over more established oil and
gas entities. Yet, it does not appear to have paid any upfront amount, or
anything at all, for that advantage.
171. From there, the SOA requires Somalia and Soma Oil & Gas to agree on
where in the Exploration Area Soma Oil & Gas would conduct exploration.
This agreed-upon area was called the Evaluation Area.273 The record
confirms that the Evaluation Area was later agreed to be, at minimum, the
entire offshore area of Somalia south of the Horn of Africa except for the
blocks granted to certain companies before 1990.274 In other words,
Somalia did not limit the Evaluation Area in any meaningful sense.
172. Remarkably, the SOA gave Soma Oil & Gas an exclusive first right over
any oil and gas discoveries it made in the Evaluation Area (i.e., as noted
above, virtually the entire available offshore area). Specifically, Soma Oil
& Gas had the exclusive right, under Article 2 of the SOA, “to be awarded
272 See Seismic Option Agreement between the Government of the Federal Republic of
Somalia and Soma Oil & Gas Exploration Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of Soma
Oil & Gas Holdings Limited, 6 August 2013, Article 12.2, Annex 162.
273 See Seismic Option Agreement between the Government of the Federal Republic of
Somalia and Soma Oil & Gas Exploration Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of Soma
Oil & Gas Holdings Limited, 6 August 2013, page 4 (definition of “Evaluation Area”),
Annex 162. In handwriting, an exception was made for onshore areas subject to the control
of constituent states of Somalia.
274 See “The Story of Soma Oil & Gas, Company Presentation”, Soma Oil & Gas, October
2015, page 35, Annex 177; “Exploring and Developing Hydrocarbons offshore Somalia:
Corporate Update”, Soma Oil & Gas, December 2016, pages 10-11, Annex 178;
“Production Sharing Agreement (PSA)”, Soma Oil & Gas, via the Wayback Machine, 10
July 2017, available at: https://web.archive.org/web/20170710021850/http://www.soma
oilandgas.com/production-sharing-agreement-psa/ (last accessed: 21 December 2020),
Annex 179.
79
and granted by the Government” production and sharing agreements to any
areas it wanted, up to a maximum area of a staggering 60,000 km2.275
173. A production and sharing agreement gives a private company the exclusive
right to extract and sell oil and gas from a designated area. The SOA does
not require Soma Oil & Gas to apply for those agreements, much less to
compete for them with other potentially interested parties. It gives Soma
Oil & Gas the right to demand those agreements if it so chooses. Soma Oil
& Gas can do so wherever it deems will be the most attractive sites for oil
and gas. Soma Oil & Gas did not pay anything for these highly valuable
rights.
174. By agreeing to production and sharing agreement terms in the SOA’s
Schedules, Somalia renounced its ability to apply different economic terms
to different blocks in its offshore areas. It could not calibrate the economic
terms of the blocks based on their prospects for oil. Simply put, the most
valuable blocks were essentially sold to Soma Oil & Gas at the same cost
as less valuable ones.
175. Three questions emerge: for these resounding billions-of-dollar rights,
which would be of interest to virtually any major oil company, what did the
young company Soma Oil & Gas give, what activities did it promise to
perform itself and what risks did it take on? The answers are simple:
nothing, none and none.
176. In the SOA, Soma Oil & Gas did not agree to make any upfront payments
to Somalia for the SOA rights. Soma Oil & Gas also did not agree to
275 Seismic Option Agreement between the Government of the Federal Republic of Somalia
and Soma Oil & Gas Exploration Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of Soma Oil & Gas
Holdings Limited, 6 August 2013, Article 2.2.2, Annex 162.
80
perform any work or take the risk of any work. The facial purpose of the
SOA is for Soma Oil & Gas to conduct surveys for oil and gas in Somalia
and provide the resulting “Data” to the Government of Somalia in a data
room.276 But Soma Oil & Gas had no technical capacity to do this itself.
As a result, the SOA did not actually require Soma Oil & Gas to either
perform the work itself or take on the risk if the work was not performed
adequately. Instead, the SOA states that Soma Oil & Gas: (i) could simply
hire subcontractors to do its work for it;277 and (ii) had no liability
whatsoever for the content of that Data or how it was gathered.278
177. The last point deserves emphasis. The SOA’s purpose is said to be to have
Soma Oil & Gas gather Data for Somalia. Remarkably, however, the SOA
then noted that “the Government acknowledge[d] and accepts that the Data
provided [...] is supplied ‘as is.’”279 In other words, in the SOA, Soma Oil
& Gas does not give any warranty of quality or performance. In
handwriting, it was added that Soma Oil & Gas’s sole obligation was to
have its subcontractors agree that their warranties would accrue to the
benefit of the Government.280 The SOA did not require Soma Oil & Gas
276 Seismic Option Agreement between the Government of the Federal Republic of Somalia
and Soma Oil & Gas Exploration Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of Soma Oil & Gas
Holdings Limited, 6 August 2013, Article 2.1.3, Annex 162.
277 See Seismic Option Agreement between the Government of the Federal Republic of
Somalia and Soma Oil & Gas Exploration Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of Soma
Oil & Gas Holdings Limited, 6 August 2013, Article 7, Annex 162.
278 See Seismic Option Agreement between the Government of the Federal Republic of
Somalia and Soma Oil & Gas Exploration Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of Soma
Oil & Gas Holdings Limited, 6 August 2013, Article 10.3, Annex 162.
279 Seismic Option Agreement between the Government of the Federal Republic of Somalia
and Soma Oil & Gas Exploration Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of Soma Oil & Gas
Holdings Limited, 6 August 2013, Article 10.3, Annex 162.
280 See Seismic Option Agreement between the Government of the Federal Republic of
Somalia and Soma Oil & Gas Exploration Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of Soma
Oil & Gas Holdings Limited, 6 August 2013, Article 10.3, Annex 162.
81
actually to obtain any warranties from its subcontractors. And it equally
made clear that Soma Oil & Gas would not pay anything to the Government
for its subcontractors’ failures. The Government would have to pursue the
subcontractors directly. Put differently, Soma Oil & Gas refused even to
stand by its selection of subcontractors, much less the performance of the
work.
178. Schedule 6 of the SOA lists Soma Oil & Gas Holdings Limited’s
shareholders.281 The list includes multiple highly experienced executives
and politicians with international standing in the oil and gas world.282
Schedule 6 omitted one name (referring instead only to an investor of
British nationality). This was the journalist Aidan Harley, whose
involvement in the company was later publicly disclosed in 2016.283
281 As indicated above, Soma Oil & Gas Holdings Limited fully owns Soma Oil & Gas. See
paragraph 165.
282 See Seismic Option Agreement between the Government of the Federal Republic of
Somalia and Soma Oil & Gas Exploration Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of Soma
Oil & Gas Holdings Limited, 6 August 2013, Schedule 6, Annex 162.
283 See Seismic Option Agreement between the Government of the Federal Republic of
Somalia and Soma Oil & Gas Exploration Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of Soma
Oil & Gas Holdings Limited, 6 August 2013, Schedule 6, Annex 162; Jay Bahadur’s post
(@PuntlandPirates) at 9:22 am 20 January 2016, Twitter, 20 January 2016, , available at:
https://twitter.com/puntlandpirates/status/689739858579963905 (last accessed: 21
December 2020), Annex 197; “Shareholders”, Soma Oil & Gas via the Wayback Machine,
13 March 2016, available at: https://web.archive.org/web/20160313104450/
http://www.somaoilandgas.com/shareholders/ (last accessed: 21 December 2020),
Annex 165; “Shareholders”, Soma Oil & Gas via the Wayback Machine, 17 April 2016,
available at: https://web.archive.org/
web/20160417080104/http://www.somaoilandgas.com:80/shareholders (last accessed: 21
December 2020), Annex 166; Confirmation Statement of Soma Oil & Gas Holdings
Limited up to 19 December 2016, UK Companies House, 19 January 2017, page 3, Annex
181; “Exploring and Developing Hydrocarbons offshore Somalia: Company Update”,
Soma Oil & Gas, December 2016, page 13, Annex 180. It is wholly unclear what role or
experience a journalist like Mr Harley has in oil and gas development (and Mr Harley’s
initial anonymity in the SOA schedules also raises an eyebrow).
82
179. It is surprising that not one of the other individuals listed in Schedule 6
would rely on their own experience to let their company, Soma Oil & Gas,
take on any contractual responsibility for the performance of its so-called
obligations. When Soma Oil & Gas refused to provide its own warranties
for the “Data”, these experienced professionals and businessmen washed
their and Soma Oil & Gas’s hands of any potential liability or responsibility
for Soma Oil & Gas’s work. Conversely, Somalia agreed simply to forfeit
the benefits of these individuals’ collective experience for nothing in return.
180. Notably, the actual terms of the SOA reveal, at best, unfortunate material
omissions and misstatements in the representations made by the Chairman
of Soma Oil & Gas in his 17 August 2015 letter to the UN Security Council
Committee on Somalia and Eritrea. For example, the Chairman said that,
prior to Soma Oil & Gas’s involvement, “[international oil companies] were
resisting requests to return to the country to explore for hydrocarbons”.284
He then continued to say that:
[t]he agreement committed Soma to carry out a work
programme that included seismic surveying, collation and
analysis of data relating to uncontested areas under the
jurisdiction of the Federal Government in Somalia’s
offshore waters.285
181. This was misleading in at least three ways. First, as noted above,
international oil companies were reportedly quite interested in Somali
284 Letter from the Rt. Hon. Lord Howard of Lympne, CH QC, Chairman, Soma Oil & Gas to
His Excellency Mr. Rafael Dario Ramirez Carreno, Chairman of the UN Security Council
Committee pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009) concerning Somalia and
Eritrea, 17 August 2015, page 1, Annex 164.
285 Letter from the Rt. Hon. Lord Howard of Lympne, CH QC, Chairman, Soma Oil & Gas to
His Excellency Mr. Rafael Dario Ramirez Carreno, Chairman of the UN Security Council
Committee pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009) concerning Somalia and
Eritrea, 17 August 2015, page 1, Annex 164.
83
offshore exploration at the time.286 Second, the SOA extended to onshore
areas as well, a fact that would have been of obvious relevance to the
Committee. Third, “Soma” was not “committed” to do anything, much less
a seismic exploration program. Soma Oil & Gas’s sole commitment was to
find other subcontractors to do that work for it; work for which Soma Oil
& Gas then disclaimed any contractual responsibility.
182. In the SOA, Soma Oil & Gas is also facially required to pay for exploration
work, up to a minimum amount.287 As noted above, it appears to have
obtained the funds to do so from a private company owned by a Russian
national. But even this limited funding obligation was subject to a highly
suspect caveat. Article 2.2.4 of the SOA says that all of Soma Oil & Gas’s
expenditures can later be recovered by Soma Oil & Gas from the oil and
gas it will discover. That Article permits the company to:
recover all direct costs and expenses incurred under this
Agreement and paid to arm’s length third parties for the
conduct of the Exploration Services as recoverable costs
under any Production Sharing Agreements awarded to
Soma [...].288
183. Put differently, Soma Oil & Gas only took on the slight risk that the
exploration activities for which it would pay would find no commercially
available gas anywhere in Somali soil or waters. That was virtually no risk
at all. As noted above, Kenya’s activities had already confirmed the
286 See paragraph 164 above.
287 See Seismic Option Agreement between the Government of the Federal Republic of
Somalia and Soma Oil & Gas Exploration Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of Soma
Oil & Gas Holdings Limited, 6 August 2013, Article 10.5, Annex 162 (“Soma will conduct
the Exploration Programme and the Exploration Services at no cost to the Government.”).
288 Seismic Option Agreement between the Government of the Federal Republic of Somalia
and Soma Oil & Gas Exploration Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of Soma Oil & Gas
Holdings Limited, 6 August 2013, Article 2.2.4, Annex 162.
84
presence of oil and gas in neighbouring offshore areas by 2012. And Soma
Oil & Gas did not have limited acres for exploration; the SOA’s Evaluation
Area ended up being virtually the entire offshore area available to Somalia
south of the Horn of Africa. Greater acreage, of course, substantially
reduces the risk that exploration activities will be entirely fruitless.
184. The terms of the SOA also confirm that the Chairman’s letter to the UN
Security Council Committee on Somalia and Eritrea conveniently omitted
to mention that the sums expended on exploration would be recovered
under the terms of the SOA through later production.289 In addition, the
Chairman’s letter stated that Soma Oil & Gas might spend more on
exploration “should Production Sharing Agreements [...] be granted in the
future”. (Emphasis added).290 The strategic use of the word “should” is
legalistic double-speak. The Chairman’s language strategically concealed
that the SOA gave Soma Oil & Gas an absolute right to be granted exclusive
production agreements if Soma Oil & Gas decided to seek them, wherever
it saw fit.291 The Chairman’s letter thus deftly obscured that it was Soma
Oil & Gas, and not Somalia, that had the full right to decide whether or not
the production and sharing agreements should be granted.
289 See Letter from the Rt. Hon. Lord Howard of Lympne, CH QC, Chairman, Soma Oil &
Gas to His Excellency Mr. Rafael Dario Ramirez Carreno, Chairman of the UN Security
Council Committee pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009) concerning
Somalia and Eritrea, 17 August 2015, Annex 164.
290 Letter from the Rt. Hon. Lord Howard of Lympne, CH QC, Chairman, Soma Oil & Gas to
His Excellency Mr. Rafael Dario Ramirez Carreno, Chairman of the UN Security Council
Committee pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009) concerning Somalia and
Eritrea, 17 August 2015, page 2, Annex 164.
291 See paragraph 172 above.
85
185. Other terms in the SOA are also lopsidedly to Somalia’s detriment and
Soma Oil & Gas’s benefit, in highly unusual ways. For example:
(i) an Economic Stabilisation clause gives Soma Oil & Gas absolute
rights to demand full compensation if there is any change in law
impacting the contract;292
(ii) an Interest in Areas outside of the Evaluation Area clause (amended
by handwriting from the prior term Exploration Area) provides
mechanisms for Soma Oil & Gas to have the Government seek to
obtain rights to areas near the surveyed areas;293
(iii) the Termination clause grants Soma Oil & Gas full compensation
for the Government’s material breach of contract. However, it
contains no parallel clause permitting the Government to seek full
compensation for Soma Oil & Gas’s material breach;294
(iv) the Limitation of Liability clause essentially excludes any liability
for Soma Oil & Gas for its breaches295 but ensures full
292 See Seismic Option Agreement between the Government of the Federal Republic of
Somalia and Soma Oil & Gas Exploration Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of Soma
Oil & Gas Holdings Limited, 6 August 2013, Article 17, Annex 162.
293 See Seismic Option Agreement between the Government of the Federal Republic of
Somalia and Soma Oil & Gas Exploration Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of Soma
Oil & Gas Holdings Limited, 6 August 2013, Article 20, Annex 162.
294 See Seismic Option Agreement between the Government of the Federal Republic of
Somalia and Soma Oil & Gas Exploration Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of Soma
Oil & Gas Holdings Limited, 6 August 2013, Article 18, Annex 162.
295 This relevant clause might permit a claim for direct damages but the Government is
unlikely to have any such damages, given the structure and content of the contract.
86
indemnification of all damages caused to Soma Oil & Gas by the
Government’s breaches;296
(v) the Assignment clause is drafted broadly to permit Soma Oil & Gas
to capitalise on its valuable rights. For instance, it permits Soma
Oil & Gas to enter into an initial public offering of its shares
notwithstanding the traditional limitation on unapproved
assignments. Additionally, it provides expansive qualifications to
permit Soma Oil & Gas to farm out (i.e., sell) production and
sharing rights to more experienced companies;297 and
(vi) Somalia provides a broad waiver of sovereign immunity, extending
not only to waivers for the purpose of arbitration and litigation but
also (as is less common) to execution against all Somali State
property. There is no exclusion of diplomatic and military assets
from this broad waiver.298
186. The cumulative impact of these additional clauses is clear. Soma Oil & Gas
gained all the economic benefit of the contract, including the sale of its
rights in easy-to-comply-with terms. Conversely, at no point would Soma
Oil & Gas be liable for any damages based on its own performance (if it
can be called that) of the SOA. Somalia, however, was handcuffed to the
296 See Seismic Option Agreement between the Government of the Federal Republic of
Somalia and Soma Oil & Gas Exploration Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of Soma
Oil & Gas Holdings Limited, 6 August 2013, Article 23, Annex 162.
297 See Seismic Option Agreement between the Government of the Federal Republic of
Somalia and Soma Oil & Gas Exploration Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of Soma
Oil & Gas Holdings Limited, 6 August 2013, Article 14, Annex 162.
298 See Seismic Option Agreement between the Government of the Federal Republic of
Somalia and Soma Oil & Gas Exploration Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of Soma
Oil & Gas Holdings Limited, 6 August 2013, Article 29.6, Annex 162.
87
contract and its terms under threat of significant damages and the seizure of
any of its assets, of any type, anywhere in the world.
187. Soma Oil & Gas paid nearly half a million dollars to a prominent Canadian
lawyer, who was acting as an official legal adviser to the Somali
Government when it was negotiating its contract with Soma Oil & Gas.
This constitutes further evidence that the negotiations were not at arms’
length.299
188. The Financial Governance Committee (the “FGC”), a hybrid Somaliinternational
advisory body to the Somali Government, criticised the terms
of the SOA in April 2014.300 The FGC was established in early 2014 by
agreement between the Somali Government, donors and international
organisations, with the aim of improving financial governance in
Somalia.301
189. In its 31 October 2015 report, the FGC noted that there were “troublesome
clauses” in the SOA that had warranted advising the Somali Government to
renegotiate the SOA.302 The FGC observed that “the core issue with the
299 See Letter from the Coordinator of the Somalia and Eritrea Monitoring Group mandated
pursuant to paragraph 46 of Security Council resolution 2182 (2014) to the Chair of the
Security Council Committee pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009)
concerning Somalia and Eritrea, reporting the initial findings of the Monitoring Group’s
investigation into the operations of Soma Oil & Gas Holdings Limited (Soma),
S/AC.29/2015/SEMG/OC.31, 28 July 2015, page 3, KCM, Annex 101.
300 See “Public Sector Contracts and Concessions: the FGC and the Confidential Assessments,
Second Bi-Annual Report”, Financial Governance Committee, 31 October 2015, page 11,
Annex 59, referring to a “Confidential Assessment of April 23, 2014”.
301 See “About FGC”, Federal Government of Somalia, November 2020, available at:
https://mof.gov.so/fgc (last accessed: 21 December 2020), Annex 7.
302 “Public Sector Contracts and Concessions: the FGC and the Confidential Assessments,
Second Bi-Annual Report”, Financial Governance Committee, 31 October 2015, page 11,
Annex 59.
88
Soma contract” is that “the contract embodies exclusivity”.303 The FGC
described this as an “undesirable” precedent for the oil sector.304 The FGC
also recommended that the Somali Petroleum Corporation take “an
increased share in the PSAs” provided for under the SOA.305
190. Yet, as of 2015, “no attempt ha[d] been made by the Federal Government
to renegotiate the terms of this concession”306 and the FGC was “still
awaiting the Ministry’s reaction” to its recommendations.307 In 2016, the
FGC further noted that the MoPMR “made it clear that it did not intend to
renegotiate the Soma contract.”308 Notably, the FGC added that “the only
instance in which the Government preferred not to follow the FGC’s
suggestions was in the case of the Soma Oil and Gas Exploration Limited
concession.”309
303 “Public Sector Contracts and Concessions: the FGC and the Confidential Assessments,
Second Bi-Annual Report”, Financial Governance Committee, 31 October 2015,
paragraph 49, Annex 59.
304 “Public Sector Contracts and Concessions: the FGC and the Confidential Assessments,
Second Bi-Annual Report”, Financial Governance Committee, 31 October 2015,
paragraph 49, Annex 59.
305 “Public Sector Contracts and Concessions: the FGC and the Confidential Assessments,
Second Bi-Annual Report”, Financial Governance Committee, 31 October 2015,
paragraph 43, Annex 59.
306 “Public Sector Contracts and Concessions: the FGC and the Confidential Assessments,
Second Bi-Annual Report”, Financial Governance Committee, 31 October 2015,
paragraph 44, Annex 59.
307 “Public Sector Contracts and Concessions: the FGC and the Confidential Assessments,
Second Bi-Annual Report”, Financial Governance Committee, 31 October 2015, page 11,
Annex 59.
308 “Public Sector Contracts, Concessions and Procurement, Third Report”, Financial
Governance Committee, 30 August 2016, pages 22-23, Annex 60.
309 “Public Sector Contracts, Concessions and Procurement, Third Report”, Financial
Governance Committee, 30 August 2016, page 6, Annex 60. See also “Financial
Governance Report”, Financial Governance Committee, May 2018, page 34, Annex 61;
“Financial Governance Report”, Financial Governance Committee, July 2019, page 65,
Annex 62; “Financial Governance Report”, Financial Governance Committee, July 2020,
89
191. Further, the FGC indicated that it had reviewed a draft PSA that “adjusted
the original draft PSA attached to the agreement of August 6, 2013 and
awarded Soma 90% of the earnings from the PSA”.310 This draft PSA had
probably been “sent to the Ministry by Soma in December 2014.”311
192. The SOA remains fully effective and in force to this day. Indeed, when
Somalia’s latest February 2020 Petroleum Law nullified all prior oil and
gas contracts signed after 1991, it made sure not to nullify the SOA.312
Article 9(1) of that law states that:
[a]ll agreements pertaining to petroleum that were signed
with administrations existing in parts of Somalia or
previous provisional governments in the period between
December 1990 up to September 2012 are considered
null and void.313 (Emphasis added).
193. The SOA was signed in August 2013. This Court will recognise that,
through careful wording, Article 9(1) of the 2020 Petroleum Law protects
the SOA’s effectiveness.
page 43, Annex 63; Somalia, Financial Governance Committee, “List of contracts and
concessions reviewed by the FGC since 2014”, Financial Governance Committee, October
2018, page 2, Annex 64 (noting that the SOA “did not incorporate FGC
recommendations”).
310 “Public Sector Contracts and Concessions: the FGC and the Confidential Assessments,
Second Bi-Annual Report”, Financial Governance Committee, 31 October 2015, page 11,
Annex 59.
311 “Public Sector Contracts and Concessions: the FGC and the Confidential Assessments,
Second Bi-Annual Report”, Financial Governance Committee, 31 October 2015, page 11,
Annex 59.
312 See Federal Republic of Somalia, Ministry of Petroleum and Mineral Resources, Somali
Petroleum Law, February 2020, Annex 2.
313 Federal Republic of Somalia, Ministry of Petroleum and Mineral Resources, Somali
Petroleum Law, February 2020, Article 9(1), Annex 2.
90
194. The SOA’s execution was expressly said to be intricately tied to the
discovery of oil and gas by Kenya in 2012.314 Soma Oil & Gas admitted as
much. It said, in an October 2013 company presentation, that recent acreage
licensing in “adjacent Kenya offshore” was “[l]ikely to indicate strong
technical interest in southern parts of Somalia offshore.”315 The same
presentation itemised and recorded “industry activity in offshore
Kenya”.316
195. Notably, as shown in Figure 4 below, in that same presentation, Soma Oil
& Gas showed the Parallel of Latitude – not the equidistance line – as the
maritime boundary and the limits of its newly acquired rights.
314 See paragraphs 182 and 184 above.
315 “Soma Oil & Gas Unlocking Somalia’s Potential: Company Presentation”, Soma Oil &
Gas, 7 October 2013, page 3, Annex 163.
316 “Soma Oil & Gas Unlocking Somalia’s Potential: Company Presentation”, Soma Oil &
Gas, 7 October 2013, page 8, Annex 163.
91
Figure 4: South Somalia Offshore (Soma Oil & Gas, Unlocking Somalia’s Potential,
Company Presentation, 7 October 2013)
196. In its Reply, Somalia seeks to undermine the significance of two other maps
showing the maritime boundary along the Parallel of Latitude.317 These
maps were issued by Soma Oil & Gas and produced by Kenya in its
Counter-Memorial.318 Somalia’s argument is that these maps “were
presented at a conference in Kenya in [April] 2014 (well after the dispute
had arisen between the Parties).”319
197. The evidence confirms that Somalia’s submission is both irrelevant and
incomplete. Figure 4 demonstrates that Soma Oil & Gas was presenting
317 See SR, paragraph 2.105.
318 See SR, paragraph 2.105 citing KCM, paragraphs 160-162; Soma Oil and Gas Offshore
Evaluation Area, KCM, Figure 1.30; Hydrocarbons in South Somalia and Adjacent Areas,
KCM, Figure 1-31.
319 SR, paragraph 2.105.
92
maps showing the maritime boundary along the Parallel of Latitude in
October 2013, before the dispute had arisen between the Parties in February
2014. In fact, Figure 5 below shows that Soma Oil & Gas used essentially
the same map in its October 2013 and April 2014 presentations.
Figure 5: Comparison between: (i) South Somalia Offshore (Soma Oil & Gas,
Unlocking Somalia’s Potential, Company Presentation, 7 October 2013); and (ii)
Soma Oil & Gas Offshore Evaluation Area (Source: Soma Oil. Unlocking Somalia’s
Potential Eastern African Oil, Gas – LNG Energy Conference, Nairobi, Kenya, 29 –
30 April 2014, Kenya), KCM, Figure 1-30.
198. Moreover, Soma Oil & Gas’s October 2013 presentation includes two
additional maps that also depict the maritime boundary along the Parallel
of Latitude. These are reproduced as Figures 6 and 7 below. Both figures
demonstrate that Soma Oil & Gas, undoubtedly following Somalia’s lead,
considered that Somalia’s offshore area stopped at the Parallel of Latitude.
93
Figure 6: USGS Estimated Undiscovered Resources (2012) (Soma Oil & Gas,
Unlocking Somalia’s Potential, Company Presentation, 7 October 2013).
Figure 7: Industry Activity in Offshore Kenya (Soma Oil & Gas, Unlocking Somalia’s
Potential, Company Presentation, 7 October 2013).
94
199. These maps are particularly important given the SOA’s definition of the
Exploration Area: extending to all offshore areas of Somalia, as noted
above.320 The evidence is that: (i) in 2013, Somalia signed a contract
granting exclusive rights to all of its offshore area to Soma Oil & Gas; and
(ii) in 2013, Soma Oil & Gas, and therefore Somalia, understood and stated
that this offshore area extended only to the Parallel of Latitude and not
beyond it.
200. In effect, then, Soma Oil & Gas was given exclusive economic rights to at
least any available offshore Somali oil and gas (as well as significant
onshore rights), without any kind of bidding, auction or public appraisal.
Small wonder that the nature and transparency of Soma Oil & Gas’s deal
not only caused public questioning;321 it also attracted the attention of the
Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea (the “UN Monitoring Group”)
in its 2015 report (the “2015 UN Report”). Kenya has already outlined the
concerning findings of the 2015 UN Report in relation to the activity
between Somalia and Soma Oil & Gas.322 The 2015 UN Report
demonstrated that, shortly after its incorporation, Soma Oil & Gas gained
an irregular influence over the Somali Government, and in particular, the
Ministry of Petroleum and Mineral Resources (the “MoPMR”).323
320 See paragraph 169 above.
321 See “EAEF moves to oppose Soma Oil and Gas deal”, Hiraan Online, 15 August 2013,
Annex 119.
322 See KCM, paragraphs 186-191.
323 See KCM, paragraphs 188-189.
95
201. Some of the individuals identified by the UN experts as having received
questionable payments from Soma Oil & Gas continue to hold prominent
roles within the Somali Government and MoPMR.324
202. Furthermore, former Soma Oil & Gas’s director Hassan Khaire became
Somali Prime Minister in February 2017.325 Mr Khaire was previously the
Executive Director of the African department of Soma Oil & Gas.326 The
ultimate foreign shareholders of Soma Oil & Gas and the directors of its
holding company are also listed in Schedule 6 of the SOA.327 Not one of
them has, to Kenya’s knowledge, ever publicly explained how they
obtained such a favourable deal as the SOA. The entire agreement is
shrouded in mystery.
203. Yet, even as Soma Oil & Gas was given considerable rights in Somalia’s
offshore areas, neither Somalia nor Soma Oil & Gas sought or asserted
rights south of the Parallel of Latitude. As late as 2013, Somalia
324 See Letter from the Coordinator of the Somalia and Eritrea Monitoring Group mandated
pursuant to paragraph 46 of Security Council resolution 2182 (2014) to the Chair of the
Security Council Committee pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009)
concerning Somalia and Eritrea, reporting the initial findings of the Monitoring Group’s
investigation into the operations of Soma Oil & Gas Holdings Limited (Soma),
S/AC.29/2015/SEMG/OC.31, 28 July 2015, pages 8-9, KCM, Annex 101. Individuals
listed by the SEMG include Farah Abdi Hassan, Jabril Mohamoud Geddi, Mohamed Alinur
Hagi, Dr Abdulkadir Abiikar Hussein, Hussein Ali Ahmed, Yusuf Hassan Isack,
Abdinor Mohamed Ahmed, Abdullahi Mohamed Warfaa, Mohamed Yousuf Ali, Dr. Abdi
Mohamed Siad, Leila Ali Ahmed, Dr. Abdullahi Haider Mohamed, Abdirzak Hassan
Awed, and Farah Ahmed Isma’il.
325 See “Somalia removes prime minister in no-confidence vote”, The Guardian, 25 July 2020,
Annex 120.
326 See “Somalia removes prime minister in no-confidence vote”, The Guardian, 25 July 2020,
Annex 120; “Exploring and Developing Hydrocarbons offshore Somalia: Company
Update”, Soma Oil & Gas, December 2016, page 5, Annex 180.
327 See Seismic Option Agreement between the Government of the Federal Republic of
Somalia and Soma Oil & Gas Exploration Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of Soma
Oil & Gas Holdings Limited, 6 August 2013, Schedule 6, Annex 162.
96
acknowledged and understood that line as the maritime boundary. In fact,
as late as 3 February 2014, Soma Oil & Gas continued to recognise the
Parallel of Latitude as the maritime boundary. On that date, the company
signed a seismic exploration contract with Seabird Exploration, to produce
seismic data offshore of Somalia. The southern edge of that contract
stopped at the Parallel of Latitude.328
4. February 2014 to August 2014: Somalia protested against
Kenya’s claim, as it engaged in a six-month flurry of activity
to benefit private interests
204. Somalia only sought to revoke its acquiescence to the Parallel of Latitude
maritime boundary on 4 February 2014. On that date, the Minister of
Foreign Affairs of Somalia issued a note verbale to the UN Secretary-
General that “expressly rejected Kenya’s claim” to the Parallel of Latitude
maritime boundary.329 This was Somalia’s first protest against that
boundary.
205. It was Kenya, not Somalia, that sought amicable discussions concerning
this sudden change of position. On 26 and 27 March 2014, Kenya initiated
a meeting with Somalia in Nairobi to discuss the maritime boundary based
on the new dispute.330
328 See Unlocking Somalia’s Potential, Eastern African Oil, Gas – LNG Energy Conference,
Soma Oil & Gas Presentation, Nairobi, Kenya, 29-30 April 2014, pages 10-11, KCM,
Annex 112.
329 Letter from the Permanent Mission of the Somali Republic to the United Nations to H.E.
Ban Ki-Moon, Secretary-General of the United Nations, No. SOM/MSS/253/14, (2 Sept.
2014), MS, Annex 48.
330 See Federal Republic of Somalia, Report on the Meeting between the Federal Republic of
Somalia and the Republic of Kenya On Maritime Boundary Dispute, Nairobi, Kenya, 26-
27 March 2014 (1 Apr. 2014), MS, Annex 24.
97
206. On 8 May 2014, and notwithstanding the Parties’ discussions, Somalia
again granted Soma Oil & Gas further offshore rights in a non-public
manner, without any public auction. It now did so by extending Soma Oil
& Gas’s rights south of the Parallel of Latitude, through a so-called
“Evaluation Area Extension”.331 In other words, not nine weeks from its
first protest of the Parallel of Latitude, Somalia made sure that Soma Oil &
Gas – and only Soma Oil & Gas – benefited from its newfound claims.
207. The existence of this “Evaluation Area Extension” gives the lie to the idea
that Somalia had previously understood that its maritime area included
areas south of the Parallel of Latitude. As noted above, the SOA defined
the relevant area as extending to all available Somali offshore areas (if not
subject to a pre-1990 licence).332 If Somalia had previously understood the
now-disputed maritime area south of the parallel to appertain to it, the
broadly termed SOA would have included that area by default. The fact
that Somalia had to conclude a separate agreement extending Soma Oil &
Gas’s rights south of the Parallel of Latitude confirms that Somalia was
changing its legal position with respect to that area.
208. The UN Monitoring Group has linked this sudden extension of Soma Oil &
Gas’s rights to questionable “capacity building payments” made to Somali
officials at the same time, in May 2014. Those payments were the subject
of a so-called Capacity Building Agreement signed on 15 May 2014.
According to the UN Monitoring Group, these payments were a significant
331 See KCM, paragraph 186.
332 See Seismic Option Agreement between the Government of the Federal Republic of
Somalia and Soma Oil & Gas Exploration Limited, a wholly owned subsidiary of Soma
Oil & Gas Holdings Limited, 6 August 2013, pages 4-5 (definition of “Exploration Area”),
Annex 162.
98
indication of a “pattern of corruption within” the MoPMR.333 The UN
Monitoring Group linked the payments and the extension of Soma Oil &
Gas’s rights as a corrupt quid pro quo. It said:
[t]he timing of the signing of the Evaluation Area
Extension suggests that it may have represented a
quid pro quo between the Ministry and Soma. The
Minister signed the Evaluation Area Extension on 8
May 2014, fewer than two weeks after agreeing the
terms of the Soma Capacity Building Agreement. A
week later, on 15May 2014, Soma countersigned the
Capacity Building Agreement.334
209. Other international actors and organisations have recognised the high levels
of corruption in Somalia, especially in the public procurement sector.335
For example, in 2019, Transparency International ranked Somalia last in its
list of perceived levels of public sector corruption in 180 countries and
333 Letter from the Coordinator of the Somalia and Eritrea Monitoring Group mandated
pursuant to paragraph 46 of Security Council resolution 2182 (2014) to the Chair of the
Security Council Committee pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009)
concerning Somalia and Eritrea, reporting the initial findings of the Monitoring Group’s
investigation into the operations of Soma Oil & Gas Holdings Limited (Soma),
S/AC.29/2015/SEMG/OC.31, 28 July 2015, page 23, KCM, Annex 101.
334 Letter from the Coordinator of the Somalia and Eritrea Monitoring Group mandated
pursuant to paragraph 46 of Security Council resolution 2182 (2014) to the Chair of the
Security Council Committee pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009)
concerning Somalia and Eritrea, reporting the initial findings of the Monitoring Group’s
investigation into the operations of Soma Oil & Gas Holdings Limited (Soma),
S/AC.29/2015/SEMG/OC.31, 28 July 2015, page 21, KCM, Annex 101.
335 See “Corruption perceptions index 2019”, Transparency International, 2020, Annex 121;
“Somalia corruption report”, Risk & Compliance Portal Powered by GAN, July 2020,
Annex 122; “2020 Ibrahim index of African governance, index report”, Mo Ibrahim
Foundation, Index Report, Annex 123.
99
territories around the world.336 In 2020, GAN Integrity noted a common
practice of lack of transparency in public procurement in Somalia.337
210. A significant document related to these events is a memorandum drafted by
the law firm Akin Gump on 17 August 2015, as sent to Soma Oil & Gas.
This document was not previously on the record of this proceeding. The
memorandum is drafted in response to the UN Monitoring Group’s
investigation of Soma Oil & Gas’s questionable May 2014 payments. In
the memorandum, Akin Gump purports to describe the “usual and
customary practice regarding capacity building arrangements in the oil and
gas industry”.338
211. What is remarkable about this document is what it does not do. Soma Oil
& Gas did not have Akin Gump provide an opinion or conduct an
independent investigation as to whether Soma Oil & Gas’s own capacity
building payments were lawful or were unlawful, i.e., were legal or corrupt.
In other words, Soma Oil & Gas did not seek or obtain an independent law
firm investigation into its own practices. Yet this is a common and widely
used means of evaluating whether a company has engaged in unlawful
activities, including bribery. Soma Oil & Gas merely asked a law firm to
opine on other arrangements without commenting on its own.
336 See “Corruption perceptions index 2019”, Transparency International, 2020, page 3,
Annex 121.
337 See “Somalia corruption report”, Risk & Compliance Portal Powered by GAN, July 2020,
page 3, Annex 122.
338 Memorandum on Capacity Building in the Oil & Gas Industry from Akin Gump Strauss
Huer & Feld to Robert Sheppard and Philip Wolfe of Soma Oil and Gas, 17 August 2015,
paragraph 1.3, Annex 182.
100
212. Of course, Soma Oil & Gas would not be able to exercise its questionably
obtained rights south of the Parallel of Latitude unless Somalia concretised
its claims to that area through formal processes – in particular by claiming
an EEZ as a matter of international law.339 On 30 June 2014, just six weeks
after the questionable extension of Soma Oil & Gas’s rights, Somalia
proclaimed an EEZ that included the now-disputed maritime area.340 On
that day, Somalia also deposited a list of geographical coordinates with the
UN, setting forth the limits of its EEZ claim.341 These were necessary steps
for Soma Oil & Gas’s exercise of any potential newly acquired rights to the
now-disputed maritime area.
213. On 21 July 2014, just three weeks after its EEZ proclamation and the
deposit of the corresponding coordinates, Somalia submitted information
on its claims to an extended continental shelf to the CLCS.342
339 See U. Leanza and M. N. Caracciolo, The Exclusive Economic Zone, in THE IMLI
MANUAL ON INTERNATIONALMARITIME LAW: VOLUME I: THE LAW OF THE SEA, ed. D. J.
Attard et al. (Oxford Scholarly Authorities on International Law, 2014), page 185, Annex
184 (“coastal State jurisdiction in the EEZ may be exercised only after a specific
declaration by the State concerned”); D. Nelson, “Exclusive Economic Zone” in Max
Planck Encyclopedia of Public International Law, Oxford University Press, 2008,
paragraph 23, Annex 185 (“the rights of the coastal State over the superjacent waters of its
EEZ are not inherent but will have to be declared and this has been the practice of States
in this matter.”); J. Crawford et al., Brownlie’s Principles of Public International Law
(Oxford University Press, 9th edition, 2019), Part VI, 11, page 262 (“[t]here can be no
doubt that the EEZ forms part of customary law, as has been recognized by the
International Court […]. Both under UNCLOS and customary law, the zone is optional
and its existence depends on an actual claim.”).
340 See Federal Republic of Somalia, Office of the President, Proclamation by the President
of the Federal Republic of Somalia (30 June 2014), MS, Annex 14.
341 See Federal Republic of Somalia, Outer Limit of the Exclusive Economic Zone of Somalia
(30 June 2014), MS, Annex 15.
342 See Federal Republic of Somalia, Continental Shelf Submission of the Federal Republic of
Somalia: Executive Summary (21 July 2014), MS, Annex 70.
101
214. On 28 to 29 July 2014, i.e., the very next week, representatives of the
Governments of Somalia and Kenya met again to discuss the maritime
boundary. Those discussions did not lead to significant progress. The
Parties agreed to meet again on 25 to 26 August 2014 to continue
discussions.343
215. Somalia did not attend that planned third meeting. After asserting claims
to the now-disputed maritime area for a period of only six months (February
to August), it gave up on negotiations and discussions. Instead, it filed the
28 August 2014 Application Instituting Proceedings before this Court. This
proceeding, too, is a necessary step to maximise the possibility that Soma
Oil & Gas can freely exercise the valuable rights that Somalia granted it,
without auction or competition, in May 2014.344
216. Tellingly, it was only as of October 2014 that Soma Oil & Gas presented
again a map very similar to Figure 4 above; only, this time, the map had
been modified to depict the maritime boundary at the equidistance line.
This map is reproduced on the right side of Figure 8 below. The difference
between the two maps demonstrates, conclusively, that there was a
343 See MS, paragraph 3.52; KCM, paragraph 196; Government of Somalia and Government
of Kenya, Joint Report on the Kenya-Somalia Maritime Boundary Meeting, 28-29 July
2014 (July 2014), MS, Annex 32.
344 The Norwegian company Spectrum ASA (now TGS-NOPEC Geophysical Company
ASA) reportedly also has strong interests in this proceeding and in the Somali oil licensing
process. In September 2015, Spectrum ASA signed an agreement with the Somali
government to acquire 28,000 km of 2D seismic data. Spectrum ASA was awarded the
rights to sell Exploration Data on behalf of Somalia. Spectrum ASA assisted the Somali
Government in promoting Somalia Offshore Round at a conference held in London on 7
February 2019. See Soma Oil & Gas Exploration, Ltd., Unlocking Somalia’s Potential:
Company Presentation Q2 2016 (2016), Slide 43, SR, Annex 30; “Press Release:
Spectrum signs seismic data agreement to kick-start oil exploration offshore somalia”,
Spectrum, 7 September 2015, Annex 124; “Spectrum press statement on Somalia offshore
round”, Garowe Online, 19 February 2019, Annex 125; “Senate declares London summit
on Somalia Oil 'unconstitutional’”, Garowe Online, 6 February 2019, Annex 126.
102
significant shift in Somalia’s position on the maritime boundary between
October 2013 and October 2014. That shift started, as noted above, in
February 2014.
Figure 8: Comparison between: (i) South Somalia Offshore (Soma Oil & Gas,
Unlocking Somalia’s Potential, Company Presentation, 7 October 2013); and (ii)
South Somalia Offshore vs North Sea (Soma Oil & Gas, Unlocking Somalia’s
Potential, Somalia Oil & Gas Summit, 20 October 2014).
217. In the last few months of 2020, the Somali Government has engaged in
discussions with a successor entity to Soma Oil & Gas and a US company
called Liberty Petroleum Exploration to sign new PSAs over Somali oil
blocks on Somali offshore areas.345 The negotiations are reportedly taking
place in a hurry under suspicious circumstances, again without public
345 See “About to happen Somali petroleum corruption”, Somali Atlantic Council, 3 December
2020, Annex 127.
103
tender.346 The US company is reported to have links with Somali officials
that represent a significant conflict of interest.347 Yet again, the beneficiary
of Somalia’s conduct is a select group of foreign private individuals and
Somali Government officials and not Somalia itself or its population.
5. Conclusion
218. This chronology speaks for itself. From 1979 until February 2014, Somalia
was aware of Kenya’s maritime claim, knew of its legal significance, did
not protest against it and even acted in accordance with that claim. Until
Kenya’s discoveries in 2012, prospectivity for oil and gas in Kenya’s
claimed offshore areas was considered low and Somalia also had no
established finding that its offshore areas had oil and gas. Not
coincidentally, in that three-decade period, Somalia sought and relied on
good relations with Kenya and on Kenya’s aid and support.
219. Then, suddenly, on 4 February 2014, that all changed. In just six months,
Somalia protested the Parallel of Latitude maritime boundary; extended
Soma Oil & Gas’s rights south of that parallel; declared an EEZ accordingly
and filed its coordinates; and provided information for its CLCS
submissions. It eschewed negotiations with Kenya and then started this
proceeding. If this Court’s judgment turns in Somalia’s favour (which it
should not), Soma Oil & Gas and its shadowy beneficial owners would be
the beneficiaries of that conduct.
346 See “About to happen Somali petroleum corruption”, Somali Atlantic Council, 3 December
2020, Annex 127.
347 See “About to happen Somali petroleum corruption”, Somali Atlantic Council, 3 December
2020, Annex 127.
104
220. Where Somalia fails, however, is that the six months from February to
August 2014 cannot oust the preceding 35 years. If it were starting from a
clean slate, Somalia might perhaps be entitled to make maritime claims for
any reason it deemed appropriate – the public good or, as is the case here,
the benefit of a narrow band of Somali private officials and well-placed and
exceedingly fortunate foreign interests. But Somalia does not start from a
clean slate. Somalia acquiesced in a maritime boundary for 35 years in the
context of obtaining considerable goodwill and support from its southern
neighbour. Somalia cannot now try to revoke that acquiescence when
convenient for it or, more specifically, for a subset of private actors. As
discussed below, qui tacet consentit. And such consent, having been given,
cannot be unilaterally revoked.
Maritime boundaries can and do form through acquiescence
221. This new evidence remains pertinent even though Somalia wrongly asserts
that acquiescence cannot “be invoked as a principle of delimitation under
UNCLOS”.348 It also claims that Kenya has “invent[ed] an entirely novel
approach: delimitation by acquiescence in a unilateral claim.”349 Somalia’s
arguments are directly contradicted by the wording of UNCLOS, by general
principles of international law and by the jurisprudence of international
courts and tribunals.
222. Articles 15, 74 and 83 of UNCLOS prioritise States’ agreements as a
method for boundary delimitation.350 Article 15 provides that the rule
348 SR, paragraph 2.6.
349 SR, paragraph 2.4.
350 See UNCLOS, Articles 15, 74 and 83.
105
preventing the disputing States to extend their territorial sea beyond the
median line applies only “failing agreement between them”. For their part,
Articles 74(1) and 83(1) provide that:
[t]he delimitation of [the EEZ and the continental shelf]
between States with opposite or adjacent coasts shall be
effected by agreement on the basis of international law,
as referred to in Article 38 of the Statute of the
International Court of Justice, in order to achieve an
equitable solution.351
223. Acquiescence is a widely accepted form of “agreement” under multiple
sources of international law listed in Article 38 of the Statute of the Court.
These include “the general principles of law”, “judicial decisions” and “the
teachings of the most highly qualified publicists”.
224. Indeed, the general principles of international law do not limit agreements
between States to formal written agreements.352 As noted in the Report by
Special Rapporteur G. G. Fitzmaurice on the Law of Treaties in 1956, “a
State may not deny the reality of its consent apparently regularly given” by
“inference”.353
225. The same applies to “judicial decisions”. For example, in Pedra
Branca/Pulau Batu Puteh, this Court stated that:
[a]ny passing of sovereignty might be by way of
agreement between the two States in question. Such an
agreement might take the form of a treaty [...] The
agreement might instead be tacit and arise from the
351 UNCLOS, Article 74.
352 See KR, paragraph 39.
353 Law of Treaties [Agenda item 4]: Document A/CN.4/101, Third Report by G.G.
Fitzmaurice, Special Rapporteur, A/CN.4/101, 14 March 1956, page 108, Annex 65.
106
conduct of the Parties. International law does not, in this
matter, impose any particular form.354
226. The jurisprudence of international courts and tribunals has also recognised
the importance of acquiescence and tacit agreements specifically in the
context of maritime boundaries.355 For example, in Peru v. Chile, the Court
found that the two countries had reached a “shared understanding”
concerning their maritime boundary that took the form of a “tacit
agreement”.356 The Court concluded that this tacit agreement existed
several years before the parties entered into a subsequent treaty.357
354 Sovereignty over Pedra Branca/Pulau Batu Puteh, Middle Rocks and South Ledge
(Malaysia/Singapore), Judgment of 23 May 2008, I.C.J. Reports 2008, p. 12,
paragraph 120.
355 See, e.g., Arbitration between Newfoundland and Labrador and Nova Scotia concerning
portions of the limits of their offshore areas as defined in the Canada – Nova Scotia
Offshore Petroleum Resources Accord Implementation Act and the Canada –
Newfoundland Atlantic Accord Implementation Act, Award of the Tribunal in the Second
Phase, Ottawa, 26 March 2002, page 52 (“in order to establish that a boundary (not settled
or determined by agreement) has been established through conduct, it is necessary to show
an unequivocal pattern of conduct as between the two parties concerned, relating to the
area and supporting the boundary, or the aspect of the boundary, which is in dispute”);
Continental Shelf (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya/Malta), Judgment of 3 June 1985, I.C.J.
Reports 1985, p. 13, paragraph 25 (“[i]t is however unable to discern any pattern of conduct
on either side sufficiently unequivocal to constitute either acquiescence or any helpful
indication of any view of either Party as to what would be equitable differing in any way
from the view advanced by that Party before the Court”). See also Decision of the
Permanent Court of Arbitration in the Matter of the Maritime Boundary Dispute between
Norway and Sweden, (1910) 4 American Journal of International Law 226, pages 233-234,
Annex 195; Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary in the Gulf of Maine Area (Canada v.
United States of America), Judgment of 12 October 1984, I.C.J. Reports 1984, p. 246;
Obligation to Negotiate Access to the Pacific Ocean (Bolivia v. Chile), Judgment of 1
October 2018, I.C.J. Reports 2018, p. 506; Fisheries case (United Kingdom v. Norway),
Judgment of 18 December 1951, I.C.J. Reports 1951, p. 116; Maritime Dispute (Peru v.
Chile), Judgment of 27 January 2014, I.C.J. Reports 2014, p. 3; Case concerning the
Temple of Preah Vihear (Cambodia v. Thailand), Merits, Judgment of 15 June 1962, I.C.J.
Reports 1962, p. 6.
356 Maritime Dispute (Peru v. Chile), Judgment of 27 January 2014, I.C.J. Reports 2014, p. 3,
paragraph 43.
357 See, e.g., Maritime Dispute (Peru v. Chile), Judgment of 27 January 2014, I.C.J. Reports
2014, p. 3, paragraphs 43, 69 and 91.
107
Similarly, in Gulf of Maine, the Chamber recalled that the concept of
acquiescence “follow[s] from the fundamental principles of good faith and
equity”.358
227. Equally, “highly qualified publicists” have explained that an agreement on
a maritime boundary can be based on “consent tacitly conveyed by a State,
unilaterally, through silence or inaction, in circumstances such that a
response expressing disagreement or objection in relation to the conduct of
another State would be called for.”359 Those publicists also have confirmed
that international law protects the fair reliance of States on the apparent
358 Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary in the Gulf of Maine Area (Canada v. United States
of America), Judgment of 12 October 1984, I.C.J. Reports 1984, p. 246, paragraph 130.
See also Chagos Marine Protected Area Arbitration (Mauritius v. United Kingdom),
Award, 18 March 2015, PCA Case No. 2011-03, paragraph 435 (“the general requirement
that States act in their mutual relations in good faith and [...] the legitimate expectations of
a State that acts in reliance upon the representations of another”).
359 N. S. Marques Antunes, “Acquiescence” in Max Planck Encyclopedia of Public
International Law, Oxford University Press, 2006, paragraph 2. See also J. Crawford et
al., Brownlie’s Principles of Public International Law (Oxford University Press, 9th
edition, 2019), Part VI, 18, page 405; B. H. Oxman, “International Maritime Boundaries:
Political, Strategic and Historical Considerations”, The University of Miami Inter-
American Law Review, 1994/1995, p. 245, Annex 186 (on maritime delimitation, B. H.
Oxman states: “[t]he basic choices governments have for avoiding confrontation arising
from overlapping claims are explicit or tacit agreement on a permanent or interim
boundary, explicit or tacit joint management within a defined area, explicit or tacit
agreement on mutual restraint with respect to the exercise of jurisdiction over at least each
other’s nationals within a defined area, or unreciprocated unilateral restraint”); D. P.
Riesenberg, “Recent Jurisprudence Addressing Maritime Delimitation Beyond 200
Nautical Miles from the Coast”, The American Society of International Law, 2014, Annex
187 (“[w]hile the Barents Sea and Bering Sea treaties are both particularly explicit about
transferring maritime jurisdiction over the “Special Areas” from one state to the other, it is
also conceivable that states might create similar arrangements by tacit agreement.”); K. H.
Kaikobad, “Problems of Adjudication and Arbitration in Maritime Boundary Disputes”,
Kluwer Law International, 2002, p. 287 (“[i]t remains, finally, to underline, once again,
the role of agreement and consent in the matter of single, integrated maritime boundary
delimitation. Evidence of agreement, it is important to note, may appear in ways other than
the standard express authorisation in arbitral or special agreements, as was the case in Gulf
of Maine and St. Pierre and Miquelon. Where there exists no express clause to this effect,
as was the case in Jan Mayen, success in persuading a tribunal to effect a single integrated
line will depend upon submitting other kinds of evidence to prove agreement consistent
with that task”).
108
acquiescence of others.360 In fact, any other approach would risk rewarding
States’ opportunistic behaviours. As stated by Bin Cheng:
[t]he protection of good faith extends equally to the
confidence and reliance that can reasonably be placed not
only in agreements but also in communications or other
conclusive acts from another State.361
228. Leading authorities also have underlined that acquiescence is an “essential
requirement of stability” in the international order. To recall, Sir Hersch
Lauterpacht explained that:
the far-reaching effect of the failure to protest is not a
mere artificiality of the law. It is an essential requirement
of stability — a requirement even more important in the
international than in other spheres; it is a precept of fair
dealing inasmuch as it prevents States from playing fast
and loose with situations affecting others; and it is in
accordance with equity inasmuch as it protects a State
from the contingency of incurring responsibilities and
expense, in reliance on the apparent acquiescence of
others, and being subsequently confronted with a
challenge on the part of those very States [...] The duty to
360 See H. Lauterpacht, “Sovereignty over Submarine Areas”, British International Yearbook
of International Law, 1950, pages 395-396. See also R. Kolb, Good Faith in International
Law (Hart 2017), pp. 92-5, p. 91, KCM, Annex 125; B. Cheng, General Principles of Law
as Applied by International Courts and Tribunals (Cambridge University Press, 1987),
page 137; T. M. Franck and D. M. Sughrue, “The International Role of Equity-as-
Fairness”, Georgetown Law Journal, 1993, p. 568, Annex 188 (“[a]cquiescence, or
prescription, is another form of equitable estoppel recognized as a general principle of lawas-
fairness. Silence or absence of protest may preclude a state from later challenging
another state’s claim”); S. Reinhold, “Good Faith in International Law”, UCL Journal of
Law and Jurisprudence, 2013, p. 56, Annex 189(“[a]cquiescence and estoppel ascribe
substantial legal consequences to the inactivity of a State; as such, these institutions should
be restrictively interpreted and applied. They find their justification in the reasonable
reliance of one State (based on good faith) on the representation or conduct of another.”).
361 B. Cheng, General Principles of Law as Applied by International Courts and Tribunals
(Cambridge University Press, 1987), page 137.
109
protest, and the relevance of the failure to protest, are
especially conspicuous in the international sphere.362
229. In that same vein, Ian Mac Gibbon emphasised that:
it is scarcely to be doubted that failure by a State to
profess and practise some standard of consistency in its
international relations would be viewed unfavourably
both by other States and by any international tribunal
called upon to adjudicate in a dispute in which such
conduct was in issue.363
230. Certainly, consistency and stability of maritime boundaries are paramount
to the peaceful use of the oceans and the efficient utilisation and
conservation of marine resources.364 An erratic maritime boundary line can
also have dramatic consequences for the security of the relevant maritime
areas. Thanks to acquiescence, “the obstacles created by the negligence of
some States can be overcome”.365
The evidence confirms that the Parties’ conduct between 1979 and 2014
plainly satisfies the three requirements for acquiescence
231. The new evidence is also pertinent because the Parties agree that a finding
of acquiescence requires: (i) “an act, course of conduct or omission by [...]
one party indicative of its view of the content of the applicable legal
362 H. Lauterpacht, “Sovereignty over Submarine Areas”, British International Yearbook of
International Law, 1950, pages 395-396.
363 I. C. MacGibbon, “Estoppel in international law”, International and Comparative Law
Quarterly, 1958, p. 469, Annex 190.
364 See UNCLOS, preamble.
365 Seventh Report on Unilateral Acts of States By Victor Rodríguez Cedeño, Special
Rapporteur, A/CN.4/542, 22 April 2004, page 207, paragraph 189, Annex 66.
110
rule”;366 (ii) “the knowledge (actual or reasonably to be inferred) of the
other party of such conduct or omission”;367 and (iii) “a failure by the latter
party within a reasonable time to reject, or dissociate itself from, the
position taken by the first”.368
232. This Section confirms that the Parties’ conduct between 1979 and 2014
plainly satisfies these three requirements for acquiescence. The evidence
discussed in Section C.1 confirms that, since 1979, Kenya’s acts and course
of conduct have clearly indicated that Kenya claims a maritime boundary
along the Parallel of Latitude. The evidence discussed in Section C.2
confirms that Somalia had actual knowledge of, and a duty to protest
against, Kenya’s claim if it wished to prevent acquiescence. The evidence
discussed in Section C.3 confirms that Somalia failed to reject, or dissociate
itself from, Kenya’s claim within a reasonable time.
1. Since 1979, Kenya’s acts and course of conduct have clearly
indicated that Kenya claims a maritime boundary along the
Parallel of Latitude
233. The first requirement for a finding of acquiescence is fully satisfied.369
Since 1979, Kenya has engaged in “act[s] [and] course[s] of conduct [...]
366 SR, paragraph 2.6 citing Delimitation of the Border between Eritrea and Ethiopia
(Eritrea/Ethiopia), Award, 13 April 2002, RIAA, Vol. XXV, p. 83, page 85; KR,
paragraph 44.
367 SR, paragraph 2.6 citing Delimitation of the Border between Eritrea and Ethiopia
(Eritrea/Ethiopia), Award, 13 April 2002, RIAA, Vol. XXV, p. 83, page 85; KR,
paragraph 45.
368 SR, paragraph 2.6, citing Delimitation of the Border between Eritrea and Ethiopia
(Eritrea/Ethiopia), Award, 13 April 2002, RIAA, Vol. XXV, p. 83, page 85. See also KR,
paragraphs 46-67.
369 The first requirement for a finding of acquiescence is “an act, course of conduct or
omission by [...] one party indicative of its view of the content of the applicable legal rule”.
111
indicative of its view of the content of the applicable rule”.370 That is,
Kenya formally, repeatedly and publicly expressed its view that the Parties’
maritime boundary follows the Parallel of Latitude. Kenya did so through
official proclamations and consistent practice.
234. The most notable and obvious example of Kenya’s claim to the maritime
boundary was the 1979 EEZ Proclamation.371 That Proclamation was sent
to the UN and distributed to all UN Member States, including Somalia.372
It was also published both in a 1986 official UN publication and on the
website of DOALOS.373
235. Thereafter, Kenya routinely issued official maps picturing its northern
maritime boundary at the Parallel of Latitude, consistent with its 1979
claim. These maps include:
(i) the map of Kenya Naval Command Areas of Responsibility,
produced by the Kenyan Navy in 1980;374
See paragraph 231 above, citing Delimitation of the Border between Eritrea and Ethiopia
(Eritrea/Ethiopia), Award, 13 April 2002, RIAA, Vol. XXV, p. 83, page 85.
370 KR, paragraph 44; SR, paragraph 2.6, citing Delimitation of the Border between Eritrea
and Ethiopia (Eritrea/Ethiopia), Award, 13 April 2002, RIAA, Vol. XXV, p. 83, page 85.
371 See Chapter II.A, paragraph 93 above; Letter from the United Nations Secretary-General
(LE 113 (3-3)), 19 July 1979, forwarded by the Permanent Mission of Kenya to the United
Nations to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (KMUN/LAW/MSC/23/18), Proclamation of
Kenya’s Exclusive Economic Zone, 25 October 1979, KCM, Annex 20.
372 See Chapter II.A, paragraph 94 above; KCM, paragraph 66; Letter from the United Nations
Secretary-General (LE 113 (3-3)), 19 July 1979, forwarded by the Permanent Mission of
Kenya to the United Nations to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
(KMUN/LAW/MSC/23/18), Proclamation of Kenya’s Exclusive Economic Zone,
25 October 1979, KCM, Annex 20.
373 See Chapter II.A, paragraph 139 above; KCM, paragraphs 65-66.
374 See KCM, paragraph 120; Kenya Naval Command Areas of Responsibility (Map of
23 May 1980), KCM, Figure 1-12.
112
(ii) the map of Kenya Territorial Sea and Economic Zone produced by
the Survey of Kenya in 1983;375
(iii) the map showing Kenya’s EEZ and prospective licensing blocks for
oil exploration along the Parallel of Latitude, produced by the
Survey of Kenya in 1984;376
(iv) the map of Kenya’s transport network produced by the Survey of
Kenya in 1989;377
(v) the map of the Outer Limits of the Continental Shelf of Kenya,
accompanying Kenya’s 2009 submission to the CLCS;378 and
(vi) the map of the Outer Limit of the Extended Continental Shelf of
Kenya showing the Provisions of Article 76 and the Statement of
Understanding invoked, which accompanied Kenya’s 2009
submission to the CLCS.379
375 See KCM, paragraph 62; Kenya Territorial Sea and Economic Zone, Survey of Kenya,
SK-90 Edition 2, 1983, KCM, Figure 1-8. The same map was printed again in 1984 and
2004. See Kenya Territorial Sea Economic Zone Map, SK 90 Edition 3, Survey of Kenya,
1984, KCM, Annex M2; Kenya Territorial Sea Economic Zone Map, SK 90 Edition 4,
Survey of Kenya, 2004, KCM, Annex M4.
376 See KCM, paragraphs 143-144; KR, paragraph 98; Map showing Kenya’s EEZ and
prospective licensing blocks for oil exploration along the Parallel of Latitude, Survey of
Kenya, 1984, KCM, Figure 1-23.
377 See KCM, paragraph 117; Railway and Road Map, Kenya Territorial Sea/Economic Zone,
Eaux Territoriales/La Zone Economique du Kenya, Kenia Landwehrmann
See/Okonomisch erdgurtel, Edition 1 SK 118, Survey of Kenya, 1989, KCM, Annex M3.
378 See KCM, paragraph 104; The Outer Limit of the Extended Continental Shelf of Kenya,
KCM, Figure 1-10.
379 See KCM, paragraph 104; The Outer Limit of the Extended Continental Shelf of Kenya
showing the Provisions of Article 76 and the Statement of Understanding invoked, KCM,
Figure 1-11.
113
236. Kenya also publicly and prominently acted in accordance with a latitudinal
maritime boundary by, among other things:
(i) authorising fisheries up to the Parallel of Latitude;380
(ii) authorising marine research activities up to the Parallel of
Latitude;381 and
(iii) developing its oil concession practice in the now-disputed maritime
area, including by entering into highly publicised contracts with oil
operators in 2000, 2008 and 2012.382
237. In addition, the Kenyan Navy patrolled and intercepted vessels in both the
territorial sea and the EEZ as far north as the Parallel of Latitude, for
decades.383 Military activities in the territorial sea – a zone where the
coastal State enjoys full and exclusive sovereignty and jurisdiction384 –
constitute unequivocal displays of sovereignty.385 As such, they would be
precisely the form of activities that should have triggered a response from
Somalia, if it had any objection to Kenya’s claimed maritime boundary.386
380 See Chapter II.A, paragraph 149 above.
381 See Chapter II.A, paragraph 149 above.
382 See Chapter II.A, paragraphs 137 and 148 above.
383 See Chapter II.A, paragraphs 103 and 133 above. See also Witness Statement of General
(Ret’d) Joseph Raymond Kibwana, EGH, CBS, 11 January 2021, paragraphs 8-23, Annex
WS1.
384 See UNCLOS, Article 2.
385 See Territorial and Maritime Dispute (Nicaragua v. Colombia), Judgment of 19 November
2012, I.C.J. Reports 2012, p. 624, paragraph 80 (“[t]he Court recalls that acts and activities
considered to be performed à titre de souverain are in particular, but not limited to [...]
naval patrols as well as search and rescue operations.”).
386 See Territorial Sovereignty and Scope of the Dispute (Eritrea and Yemen), Award, 9
October 1998, RIAA, Vol. XXII, p. 209, paragraph 307 (“the failure of Yemen to protest
the considerable presence of Ethiopian naval forces around and sporadically on the Islands
114
238. Kenya also confirmed its maritime claims, including through:
(i) its 2005 EEZ Proclamation, which was circulated to UN Member
States as well as UNCLOS States Parties and published both in the
Law of the Sea Bulletin and on the website of DOALOS;387
(ii) depositing the 2005 EEZ Proclamation’s map and precise
geographical coordinates with the UN in 2006;388
(iii) its two notes verbales to Somalia in 2007389 and 2008390, which
unambiguously mentioned that “[t]he boundaries between our two
over a period of years is capable of other interpretations. […] If Yemen did know of this
Ethiopian presence, and if, as the record shows, did not protest it, that could be interpreted
as an indication that Yemen did not regard itself as having sovereignty over the Islands,
or, at any rate, as an acknowledgment by Yemen that it lacked effective control over
them.”).
387 See Chapter II.A, paragraph 138 above. See also KCM, paragraphs 92-93; United Nations,
Division for Ocean Affairs and the Law of the Sea, Deposit by the Republic of Kenya of
lists of geographical coordinates of points, pursuant to article 16, paragraph 2, and article
75, paragraph 2, of the Convention, U.N. Doc. M.Z.N. 58.2006.LOS (25 Apr. 2006), MS,
Annex 56; Kenya’s 2005 EEZ Proclamation with Coordinates, Law of the Sea Bulletin No.
61, Division for Ocean Affairs and the Law of the Sea, Office of Legal Affairs, 2006, pp.
96-97, KCM, Annex 92.
388 See Chapter II.A, paragraph 138 above. See also KCM, paragraph 92; United Nations,
Division for Ocean Affairs and the Law of the Sea, Deposit by the Republic of Kenya of
lists of geographical coordinates of points, pursuant to article 16, paragraph 2, and article
75, paragraph 2, of the Convention, U.N. Doc. M.Z.N. 58.2006.LOS (25 Apr. 2006), MS,
Annex 56.
389 See Chapter II.A, paragraph 140 above. See also KR, paragraph 76; Note Verbale from
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Kenya to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the
Transitional Federal Government of Somalia, MFA.273/430/001 (26 September 2007),
KR, Annex 9.
390 See Chapter II.A, paragraph 141 above. See also KR, paragraph 78; Note Verbale from
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Kenya to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the
Transitional Federal Government of Somalia, MFA.273/430/001A (4 July 2008), KR,
Annex 12.
115
countries [...] have been drawn using the parallel of latitudes”;391
and
(iv) its note verbale to the UN Secretary-General dated 9 January 2014,
which restated that “Kenya proclaimed her Exclusive Economic
Zone (EEZ) through a Presidential Proclamation of June 9,
2005.”392
239. In light of this evidence, Somalia’s suggestion that Kenya grounds its
acquiescence only on the 1979 (and later 2005) EEZ Proclamation must
fail.393 Somalia further argues that “Kenya’s Presidential Proclamations”
are “mere claims [that] cannot entail rights and obligations for other
States”.394 This not only conveniently ignores Kenya’s other evidence, as
set forth above, but also is incorrect. The jurisprudence of international
courts and tribunals leaves no doubt that the 1979 EEZ Proclamation, and
all the foregoing acts and courses of conduct, are sufficient to satisfy the
first requirement of acquiescence.
240. For example, in the Temple of Preah Vihear case, a French survey team had
issued a number of maps representing parts of the boundary line. One map
clearly depicted the Temple area on the French (and later Cambodian) side
391 Note Verbale from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Kenya to the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs of the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia, MFA.273/430/001A (4 July
2008), KR, Annex 12. See also Note Verbale from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of
Kenya to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Transitional Federal Government of
Somalia, MFA.273/430/001 (26 September 2007), KR, Annex 9; Chapter II.A, paragraph
140 above.
392 KCM, paragraph 167; Note Verbale from the Permanent Mission of the Republic of Kenya
to the United Nations to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, No. 7/14 (9 Jan.
2014), page 1, MS, Annex 40.
393 See SR, paragraph 2.51.
394 SR, paragraph 2.8.
116
of the boundary line.395 These maps had been officially published and
communicated to the Siamese Government. Importantly, the Court
underlined that a “mere interchange between the French and Siamese
Governments [...] could have sufficed in law” to trigger acquiescence.396
However, the Court found that the Siamese Government was especially
bound to react because “the maps were given wide publicity in all
technically interested quarters”, including “by being also communicated to
the leading geographical societies in important countries, and to other
circles regionally interested.”397 The same principles apply a fortiori to the
1979 and 2005 EEZ Proclamations and related maps, which were published
and distributed to all UN Member States.
241. Similarly, in the Honduras Borders case, the tribunal noted that Guatemala
had included the disputed area as part of its territory in several pieces of its
legislation as well as on a map that had been officially published.398 The
tribunal concluded that Honduras was required to react because “th[e]
assertions of authority by Guatemala [...] were public, formal acts and show
clearly the understanding of Guatemala that [the disputed area] was her
territory”.399 The tribunal further held that “[t]hese assertions invited
opposition on the part of Honduras if they were believed to be
395 See Case concerning the Temple of Preah Vihear (Cambodia v. Thailand), Merits,
Judgment of 15 June 1962, I.C.J. Reports 1962, p. 6, pages 20-21.
396 Case concerning the Temple of Preah Vihear (Cambodia v. Thailand), Merits, Judgment
of 15 June 1962, I.C.J. Reports 1962, p. 6, page 23.
397 Case concerning the Temple of Preah Vihear (Cambodia v. Thailand), Merits, Judgment
of 15 June 1962, I.C.J. Reports 1962, p. 6, page 23.
398 See Honduras Borders (Guatemala, Honduras), Award, 23 January 1933, RIAA, Vol. II,
p. 1307, pages 1326-1327.
399 Honduras Borders (Guatemala, Honduras), Award, 23 January 1933, RIAA, Vol. II, p.
1307, page 1327.
117
unwarranted.”400 Yet again, the same reasoning applies a fortiori to the
1979 EEZ Proclamation and other Kenyan acts.
242. Further, where a State has made a formal claim, consistent practice in
pursuance of that claim undoubtedly strengthens it. This is clear, for
instance, from the award in the Newfoundland, Labrador and Nova Scotia
case. The tribunal in that case observed that a boundary line on a map can
“follow[] the line of actual exploration and exploitation based on oil
concessions granted by one party and not protested by the other over a
significant period of time.”401 The tribunal then confirmed the relevance of
“a line established by paper acts” that is “consolidat[ed] [...] in practice by
conduct referable to it”.402 Similarly, in the Fisheries case, this Court
accepted that Norway’s practice was significant because “the Norwegian
authorities [had] applied [it] consistently and uninterruptedly from 1869
until the time when the dispute arose.”403
243. Here, Kenya has proven that it publicly and prominently acted in
accordance with the latitudinal maritime boundary proclaimed in its 1979
and 2005 EEZ Proclamations, including by authorising fisheries, marine
400 Honduras Borders (Guatemala, Honduras), Award, 23 January 1933, RIAA, Vol. II, p.
1307, page 1327.
401 Arbitration between Newfoundland and Labrador and Nova Scotia concerning portions of
the limits of their offshore areas as defined in the Canada – Nova Scotia Offshore
Petroleum Resources Accord Implementation Act and the Canada – Newfoundland
Atlantic Accord Implementation Act, Award of the Tribunal in the Second Phase, Ottawa,
26 March 2002, paragraph 3.5.
402 Arbitration between Newfoundland and Labrador and Nova Scotia concerning portions of
the limits of their offshore areas as defined in the Canada – Nova Scotia Offshore
Petroleum Resources Accord Implementation Act and the Canada – Newfoundland
Atlantic Accord Implementation Act, Award of the Tribunal in the Second Phase, Ottawa,
26 March 2002, paragraph 3.5.
403 Fisheries case (United Kingdom v. Norway), Judgment of 18 December 1951, I.C.J.
Reports 1951, p. 116, page 138.
118
research activities, granting oil and gas concessions and patrolling and
intercepting vessels in both the territorial sea and the EEZ as far north as
the Parallel of Latitude.404 This certainly constitutes “a line established by
paper acts” that is “consolidat[ed] [...] in practice by conduct referable to
it”.405
244. Somalia argues that Kenya’s activities in the now-disputed maritime area
“cannot be invoked to support the existence of a maritime boundary along
a parallel of latitude”406 because “effectivités cannot constitute an element
to be taken into account for purposes of maritime delimitation.”407 Somalia
might be referring to the use of effectivités in the context of the three-step
methodology.408 This is not Kenya’s argument. Kenya’s argument is that
its consistent practice on the ground should be taken into account as part of
its “course of conduct [...] indicative of its view of the content of the
applicable legal rule”.409
245. Somalia also seeks to undermine the legal significance of Kenya’s oil
concession practice by referring to the Guyana v. Suriname award.410
Somalia cites to a paragraph of the award referring to oil concessions used
404 See, e.g., Chapter II.A, paragraphs 133-149 above.
405 Arbitration between Newfoundland and Labrador and Nova Scotia concerning portions of
the limits of their offshore areas as defined in the Canada – Nova Scotia Offshore
Petroleum Resources Accord Implementation Act and the Canada – Newfoundland
Atlantic Accord Implementation Act, Award of the Tribunal in the Second Phase, Ottawa,
26 March 2002, paragraph 3.5.
406 SR, paragraph 2.55.
407 SR, paragraph 2.52.
408 See SR, paragraph 2.52.
409 Delimitation of the Border between Eritrea and Ethiopia (Eritrea/Ethiopia), Award, 13
April 2002, RIAA, Vol. XXV, p. 83, page 85.
410 See SR, paragraph 2.53.
119
as relevant circumstances under the three-step methodology. This is also
entirely irrelevant to acquiescence. In fact, in this same award, the tribunal
cited to several cases supporting the argument that oil concessions practices
may serve as indicia “available of the line or lines which the parties
themselves may have considered equitable or acted upon as such”.411 Here,
Kenya’s activities in the now-disputed maritime area, including its oil
concessions practice, consolidated and confirmed its view on the maritime
boundary.
246. There can be no real doubt that Kenya’s acts and course of conduct satisfied
the legal requirements set forth above. The 1979 EEZ Proclamation, by
itself, was an official proclamation of international importance. After its
issuance, Kenya conducted itself entirely consistently with its maritime
claims, on many occasions (including, in 2005 onwards, through a further
Proclamation and notes verbales to Somalia). The facts establish, beyond
any doubt, that Kenya’s acts and course of conduct were consistent,
uninterrupted and set forth its legal position.
247. Finally, despite Somalia’s protestations, this is not a case where internal
legislation alone was relied on without “official proclamation or any other
publication”, such as in the Gulf of Maine case.412 Far less is this a case
resembling Tunisia v. Libya, where both parties relied on internal legislation
411 Arbitration regarding the delimitation of the maritime boundary between Guyana and
Suriname, Award, 17 September 2007, RIAA, Vol. XXX, p. 1, paragraphs 381-384, citing
Continental Shelf (Tunisia/Libyan Arab Jamahiriya), Judgment of 24 February 1982,
I.C.J. Reports 1982, p. 18, paragraph 118; Continental Shelf (Libyan Arab
Jamahiriya/Malta), Judgment of 3 June 1985, I.C.J. Reports 1985, p. 13, paragraph 25.
412 Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary in the Gulf of Maine (Canada v. United States of
America), Judgment of 12 October 1984, I.C.J. Reports 1984, p. 246, paragraph 134.
120
alone.413 To the contrary, Kenya’s acts were – by design – intended to be
international declarations of its rights, including through two EEZ
Proclamations sent to the UN and distributed to all UN Member States.
Somalia cannot pretend that EEZ Proclamations sent using the established
mechanisms for international distribution are mere internal claims.414
Indeed, when Somalia declared its own EEZ in 2014, it did so using the
precise same mechanisms as Kenya.415
248. Nor can Somalia suggest, as it attempts to, that Kenya conducted itself in
any manner that was inconsistent with its declared EEZ rights, including by
conceding the absence of a maritime boundary.416 This position is simply
illogical: having declared the EEZ in 1979, there was no reason for Kenya
to deviate from its established maritime boundary. Nor did Kenya do so.
249. As an initial matter, Somalia notes that other international actors (though
these never include Somalia itself) did not acknowledge the maritime
boundary as the Parallel of Latitude.417 Somalia engages in questionable
“hindsight” analysis to suggest that certain statements show that the
413 See Continental Shelf (Tunisia/Libyan Arab Jamahiriya), Judgment of 24 February 1982,
I.C.J. Reports 1982, p. 18, paragraph 92.
414 See SR, paragraph 2.8 (“Kenya’s Presidential Proclamations are mere claims. They cannot
entail “rights and obligations for other States”, as Kenya would have them do.”).
415 See Federal Republic of Somalia, Office of the President, Proclamation by the President
of the Federal Republic of Somalia (30 June 2014), MS, Annex 14; Federal Republic of
Somalia, Outer Limit of the Exclusive Economic Zone of Somalia (30 June 2014), MS,
Annex 15; United Nations, Division for Ocean Affairs and the Law of the Sea, Deposit by
the Federal Republic of Somalia of a list of geographical coordinates of points, pursuant
to article 16, paragraph 2 and article 75, paragraph 2 of the Convention, U.N. Doc.
M.Z.N. 106.2014.LOS (3 July 2014), MS, Annex 68.
416 See SR, paragraph 2.33.
417 See SR, paragraphs 2.46-2.49.
121
maritime boundary was not settled.418 From a 30-odd-year history, it can
find and cite only the following three instances:
(i) a very general statement from the 2011 UN Security Council
Resolution 1976 that “emphasizes the importance of the earliest
possible delimitation of Somalia’s maritime spaces”,419 without any
indication that the delimitation in question concerned Kenya and at
a time when Somalia had neither claimed an EEZ nor delimited its
maritime boundaries with Djibouti and Yemen;420
(ii) a 2011 note verbale from Norway to the UN in which Norway
mentions “the future delimitation of maritime boundaries” between
Somalia and Kenya;421 and
(iii) the 2013 UN Monitoring Group Report that mentions a “conflict
between Somalia and Kenya over the maritime boundary”.422
418 SR, Chapter II.E.
419 SR, paragraph 2.46, citing UN Security Council Resolution 1976 (2011), S/RES/1976, 11
April 2011, p. 3, KCM, Annex 95. (Emphasis omitted).
420 Somalia claimed its EEZ for the first time on 30 June 2014. Somalia’s EEZ Proclamation
triggered protest by Yemen and Djibouti. Both countries sent formal protests to the UN,
claiming that Somalia’s claimed EEZ extends over waters that are under their sovereignty
and jurisdiction. Federal Republic of Somalia, Office of the President, Proclamation by
the President of the Federal Republic of Somalia (30 June 2014), MS, Annex 14; Letter
from the Permanent Mission of the Republic of Yemen to the UN addressed to Legal
Affairs Division for Ocean Affairs and the Law of the Sea, ROY/047/SANAA/7.14, 25
July 2014, Annex 24; Letter from the Permanent Mission of the Republic of Yemen to the
UN addressed to Legal Affairs Division for Ocean Affairs and the Law of the Sea,
ROY/097/SANAA/12.14, 10 December 2014, Annex 25; Note verbale from the
Permanent Mission of the Republic of Djibouti to the UN, DJSU/4-1, 31 January 2017,
Annex 26.
421 SR, paragraph 2.47; Note verbale from the Permanent Mission of Norway to the United
Nations to the Secretariat of the United Nations, 17 August 2011, KPO, Annex 4.
422 SR, paragraph 2.48; United Nations Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea, Report of
the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to Security Council Resolution
122
250. But these examples only confirm Somalia’s failure to object. The fact that
third parties might have suggested, in passing, that the maritime boundary
was not formalised through a treaty merely demonstrates that Somalia could
and should have rejected Kenya’s claim if it wished to prevent
acquiescence. For at least 35 years, it never did.
251. Somalia also relies on occasions when Kenya sought to formalise the
maritime boundary though a treaty as alleged proof of the lack of
acquiescence.423 However, as this Court has confirmed, a State’s
willingness to negotiate a formal, written agreement cannot invalidate the
legal effects of another State’s acquiescence.424
252. In Peru v. Chile, the Court found that the parties had reached a tacit
agreement as to their maritime boundary before 1954.425 In 1986, Peru sent
a memorandum to Chile, asking to discuss “the formal and definitive
delimitation of the [parties’] marine spaces”.426 Peru contended that this
memorandum evidenced that the maritime boundary between the parties
had not been settled as of 1986. The Court rejected Peru’s argument and
concluded that the language of the memorandum could not affect the
parties’ pre-existing agreement.427
2060 (2012): Somalia, U.N. Doc. S/2013/413 (12 July 2013), paragraph 27, MS,
Annex 64.
423 See SR, paragraphs 2.35-2.43.
424 See KR, paragraph 85.
425 See Maritime Dispute (Peru v. Chile), Judgment of 27 January 2014, I.C.J. Reports 2014,
p. 3, paragraph 91.
426 Maritime Dispute (Peru v. Chile), Judgment of 27 January 2014, I.C.J. Reports 2014, p. 3,
paragraph 141.
427 See Maritime Dispute (Peru v. Chile), Judgment of 27 January 2014, I.C.J. Reports 2014,
p. 3, paragraph 141.
123
253. Similarly, in Pedra Branca/Pulau Batu Puteh, the parties conducted two
rounds of consultations before submitting their dispute to the Court.428
These consultations did not prevent the Court from concluding that
Malaysia had already acquiesced in Singapore’s sovereignty claim.429
Somalia itself acknowledges the difference between the existence of an
agreement and its formalisation.430
254. Somalia’s arguments merely confirm this Court’s prior findings. For
example, Somalia relies on one isolated statement made in 1980 by the
Kenyan Representative to the UNCLOS negotiations.431 However, in that
speech, the Kenyan Representative explained that “with regard to [the
Kenyan] boundary with Somalia [...] we had to take into account the
equitable principle of putting a parallel line”.432 Properly considered, this
speech is yet another act indicating Kenya’s legal position on the maritime
boundary, to which Somalia simply never objected.
428 See Sovereignty over Pedra Branca/Pulau Batu Puteh, Middle Rocks and South Ledge
(Malaysia/Singapore), Memorial of Singapore, 25 March 2004, paragraphs 4.8-4.9.
429 See Sovereignty over Pedra Branca/Pulau Batu Puteh, Middle Rocks and South Ledge
(Malaysia/Singapore), Judgment of 23 May 2008, I.C.J. Reports 2008, p. 12, paragraph
276.
430 See SR, paragraph. 2.38.
431 See SR, paragraph 2.35, citing Republic of Kenya, The National Assembly Official Report:
Fourth Parliament Inaugurated, Vol. LII, 4th December 1979 First Session, Tuesday, 4th
December 1979, Second Session, Tuesday, 4th December 1979 to Wednesday, 18th June
1980, Records of 27 May 1980, col. 1281, KCM, Annex 5 (“[a]lthough this subject of
delimitation is s[t]ill [sic] being discussed, as far as we are concerned here in Kenya, this
point is for the purpose of the proposed convention [...].”).
432 Republic of Kenya, The National Assembly Official Report: Fourth Parliament
Inaugurated, Vol. LII, 4th December 1979, First Session, Tuesday, 4th December 1979,
Second Session, Tuesday, 4th December 1979 to Wednesday, 18th June 1980, Records of
22 May 1980, col. 1225, KCM, Annex 5.
124
255. In all events, even Somalia’s mistaken interpretation of this event is easily
refuted: Kenya does not claim that by 1980 all requirements for
acquiescence had been meet. Nor does acquiescence fail simply because,
fifteen months after the 1979 EEZ Proclamation, one representative
declared before the Kenyan Parliament that “this subject of delimitation is
still being discussed” and that “this point is for the purpose of the proposed
convention”.433 Somalia initiated this proceeding in 2014, 35 years after
the 1979 EEZ Proclamation. The position in 1980 is hardly indicative of
Somalia’s acquiescence after the course of three-and-a-half decades. At
best, the statement would evidence Kenya’s good faith openness to further
negotiations with Somalia at the time it made its 1979 EEZ Proclamation
and for a reasonable time thereafter.434
256. Next, Somalia argues that Kenya’s 1989 Maritime Zones Act contradicts
Kenya’s claim.435 Somalia argues that Article 4(4) of this Act “sets out that
delimitation with Somalia can be done only by agreement.”436 Somalia
misrepresents the content and significance of Article 4(4). That Article
states that:
[t]he northern boundary of the exclusive economic zone
with Somalia shall be delimited by notice in the Gazette
by the Minister pursuant to an agreement between Kenya
and Somalia on the basis of international law.437
433 SR, paragraphs 2.34-2.35; Republic of Kenya, The National Assembly Official Report:
Fourth Parliament Inaugurated, Vol. LII, 4th December 1979, First Session, Tuesday, 4th
December 1979, Second Session, Tuesday, 4th December 1979 to Wednesday, 18th June
1980, Records of 22 May 1980, col. 1225, KCM, Annex 5.
434 See paragraph 254 above.
435 See SR, paragraphs 2.36-2.38.
436 SR, paragraph 2.38.
437 Republic of Kenya, Chapter 371, Maritime Zones Act (25 Aug. 1989), Article 4(4), MS,
Annex 20.
125
257. This Article only confirms Kenya’s anticipation that its boundary with
Somalia may be further formalised. Article 4(4) of the Act only means that,
as a matter of Kenyan law, the agreement between Kenya and Somalia
should be formally published “in the Gazette by the Minister”. And, as
demonstrated in Section II.B, acquiescence is a well-established form of
“agreement” reached “on the basis of international law”.
258. Kenya’s 2007 and 2008 notes verbales are other examples that Kenya was
willing to enter into a written agreement setting forth the established
boundary, at the Parallel of Latitude. The 2007 note verbale
unambiguously stated that “[t]he boundaries between our two countries
however have been drawn using the parallel of latitudes”.438 It also
“request[ed] the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia [...] to
confirm [...] that [it] agrees with the way the maritime boundaries between
the two countries are drawn”.439
259. The 2008 note verbale equally referred to the maritime boundary at the
Parallel of Latitude and requested “the Transitional Federal Government of
Somalia [...] to state [...] that [...] Somalia agrees with the maritime
boundaries between the two countries as drawn and deposited with the
United Nations”.440 These statements clearly confirm that Kenya
considered that the maritime boundary had already been “drawn” pursuant
438 Note Verbale from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Kenya to the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs of the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia, MFA.273/430/001 (26
September 2007), KR, Annex 9.
439 Note Verbale from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Kenya to the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs of the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia, MFA.273/430/001 (26
September 2007), KR, Annex 9.
440 Note Verbale from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Kenya to the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs of the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia, MFA.273/430/001A (4 July
2008), KR, Annex 12.
126
to Kenya’s previous proclamations. Kenya’s notes verbales are therefore
fully compatible with its acquiescence claim, particularly given that
Somalia failed to reject the statements made by Kenya in those notes
verbales.
260. Somalia next claims that the provisions of the 2009 MOU “contradict
Kenya’s suggestion that the Parties had delimited their maritime boundary”
because the 2009 MOU refers to a “future delimitation”.441 This argument
also must fail. As demonstrated in Section II.A.2, the 2009 MOU was
prepared by Norway for the sole purpose of allowing the Parties to make
their submissions to the CLCS.442 Both Norway and this Court confirmed
that the 2009 MOU did not concern the issue of maritime delimitation.443
261. Indeed, Somalia itself claimed that the 2009 MOU was “intended solely to
facilitate the Commission’s delineation of the continental shelf beyond 200
M—a process that has no connection with or implications for the territorial
sea, EEZ or continental shelf up to 200M”.444 By arguing now that the 2009
MOU did have “implications” for the maritime delimitation, Somalia is
changing positions in relation to a matter that was material for this Court’s
earlier adjudication. Moreover, as explained above, Kenya could very well
negotiate the 2009 MOU without questioning the validity of its 1979 EEZ
441 SR, paragraph 2.22.
442 See Chapter II.A, paragraphs 142 and 144 above. See also Maritime Delimitation in the
Indian Ocean (Somalia v. Kenya), Preliminary Objections, Judgment of 2 February 2017,
I.C.J. Reports 2017, p. 3, paragraph 101.
443 See Chapter II.A, paragraphs 142, 144 and 145 above. See also Maritime Delimitation in
the Indian Ocean (Somalia v. Kenya), Preliminary Objections, Judgment of 2 February
2017, I.C.J. Reports 2017, p. 3, paragraphs 101, 105.
444 SPO, paragraph 1.7.
127
Proclamation.445 What is more, the 2009 MOU does not include any
express protest by Somalia against the latitudinal boundary, let alone a
claim to an alternative maritime boundary. Indeed, the language of the 2009
MOU stands in stark contrast with Somalia’s actual objection to Kenya’s
claims in 2014.446 Further emphasising the contrast between the rationale
underlying Somalia’s actions in 2009 and 2014, Somalia’s actual objection
in 2014 expressly rejected the validity of the 2009 MOU.447
262. Somalia also claims that, in 2012, “Kenya’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs
stated that the absence of an agreement on the boundary was a problem for
Kenya’s maritime ambitions”.448 This informal statement, expressed in a
hearsay media report, does not evidence that the Ministry did not believe
that there was an agreement by acquiescence. The 2007 and 2008 notes
verbales plainly set forth Kenya’s position in that regard. As reported in
the media, the Minister was only referring to the lack of a formalised written
statement of the already agreed maritime boundary. Somalia’s numerous
changes of position in the last few years indeed confirm that a written
agreement would have been safer for all parties involved. The media report
445 See paragraphs 142 and 146 above.
446 See Letter from the Permanent Mission of the Somali Republic to the United Nations to
H.E. Ban Ki-Moon, Secretary-General of the United Nations, No. SOM/MSS/253/14 (2
Sept. 2014), MS, Annex 48 (“Somalia has expressly rejected Kenya’s claim […] [t]he
alleged memorandum of understanding, ratification of which was rejected by the
Transitional Federal Parliament of Somalia […] lacks legal force and does not impose
obligations on either party”).
447 See Letter from the Permanent Mission of the Somali Republic to the United Nations to
H.E. Ban Ki-Moon, Secretary-General of the United Nations, No. SOM/MSS/253/14 (2
Sept. 2014), MS, Annex 48 (“Somalia has expressly rejected Kenya’s claim […] [t]he
alleged memorandum of understanding, ratification of which was rejected by the
Transitional Federal Parliament of Somalia […] lacks legal force and does not impose
obligations on either party”).
448 SR, paragraph 2.39.
128
was right: the absence of a written agreement on the boundary and, more
specifically, Somalia’s opportunistic volte-face have proven to be a problem
for Kenya.
263. Somalia’s assertion that the 2014 negotiations between the Parties prove
“the absence, rather than the existence, of a maritime boundary” must also
fail.449 Somalia’s reliance on Kenya’s conduct during the 2014 negotiations
betrays its misunderstanding of the concept of acquiescence and of the
international law obligations applicable to parties in negotiations. What
matters is whether acquiescence existed before the crystallisation of the
Parties’ dispute, which occurred on 4 February 2014.450
264. Further, in the 2014 negotiations, Kenya adopted a conciliatory and open
attitude to discussion. This cannot work to Kenya’s detriment. As this
Court has noted, the legal obligation in negotiations is to “conduct [oneself
so] that negotiations are meaningful, which will not be the case when either
[State] insisted upon its own position without contemplating any
modification”.451
265. Somalia claims that the 2014 negotiations are “telling” because they “do
not show […] any reference by Kenya to an agreed or acquiesced
boundary.”452 This is simply untrue. The Joint Report of the 2014
449 SR, paragraph 2.33.
450 See KR, paragraphs 48-51. For the same reason, Somalia cannot pretend to rely on an
October 2014 presentation from Director of Kenya’s International Boundaries Office and
Chairperson of the Taskforce on Delineation of Kenya’s Outer Continental Shelf, Mrs
Juster Nkoroi E.B.S. See SR, paragraphs 2.41-2.43.
451 Continental Shelf cases, ICJ Reports 1969, 3, paragraph 85. See also KR, paragraph 85.
452 SR, paragraph 2.33.
129
discussions makes clear that Kenya entered these negotiations with the view
that:
the Government of Kenya established her maritime zones
in accordance with UNCLOS and taking the initiative by
the two countries to initiate discussion on the same
and finalizing on an agreed maritime boundary.453
(Emphasis added).
266. “Finalizing” means consolidating an existing agreed boundary that was
already established by international law. Indeed, Kenya’s position on the
maritime boundary was already very clear in March 2014, when the Parties
initiated these negotiations.454
267. Kenya’s position was clearly set out in its 2007 and 2008 notes verbales.455
On 9 January 2014, Kenya sent another note verbale to the UN Secretary-
General, for general distribution to all UN Member States including
Somalia, to “convey general information on Kenya’s terrestrial and
maritime boundaries.”456 In that note verbale, Kenya stated that it “ha[d]
proclaimed her Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) through a Presidential
Proclamation of June 9, 2005”. Kenya added that it “ha[d] exercised and
w[ould] continue to exercise sovereignty and jurisdiction over the said
453 Government of Somalia and Government of Kenya, Joint Report on the Kenya-Somali
Maritime Boundary Meeting, 26-27 Mar. 2014 (1 Apr. 2014), page 5, MS, Annex 31.
454 See KR, paragraph 83.
455 See KR, paragraphs 76-78 and 83; Note Verbale from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of
Kenya to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Transitional Federal Government of
Somalia, MFA.273/430/001 (26 September 2007), KR, Annex 9; Note Verbale from the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Kenya to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Transitional
Federal Government of Somalia, MFA.273/430/001A (4 July 2008), KR, Annex 12.
456 KR, paragraph 83; Note Verbale from the Permanent Mission of the Republic of Kenya to
the United Nations to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, No. 7/14 (9 Jan. 2014),
page 1, MS, Annex 40.
130
area”.457 In addition, the Joint Report of the March 2014 negotiations
confirms that, from the outset of the negotiations, the Kenyan delegation
insisted that the 1979 EEZ Proclamation had adopted the Parallel of
Latitude as boundary line, “in the spirit of the discussions and negotiations
which were underway on UNCLOS III and State practice”.458 Therefore,
both right before and during the 2014 negotiations, there was no ambiguity
as to the fact that Kenya considered the Parallel of Latitude as the settled
maritime boundary between the Parties.
268. The reality is that Somalia’s alleged inconsistencies in Kenya’s position are
just a handful of statements that do not contradict Kenya’s clear and
repeated claims to a maritime boundary along the Parallel of Latitude. As
the jurisprudence of the Court confirms, those alleged inconsistencies lack
any legal relevance.
269. Indeed, in the Fisheries case, the Court noted that “too much importance
need not be attached to the few uncertainties or contradictions, real or
apparent, which the United Kingdom Government claims to have
discovered in Norwegian practice”.459 The Court added that “it is
impossible to rely upon a few words [...] to draw the conclusion that the
Norwegian Government had abandoned a position which its earlier official
documents had clearly indicated.”460 That reasoning applies with greater
457 KR, paragraph 83; Note Verbale from the Permanent Mission of the Republic of Kenya to
the United Nations to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, No. 7/14 (9 Jan. 2014),
pages 1-2, MS, Annex 40.
458 KCM, paragraphs 174 – 176; KR, paragraph 83; Government of Somalia and Government
of Kenya, Joint Report on the Kenya-Somali Maritime Boundary Meeting, 26-27 Mar.
2014 (1 Apr. 2014), page 3, MS, Annex 31.
459 Fisheries case (United Kingdom v. Norway), Judgment of 18 December 1951, I.C.J.
Reports 1951, p. 116, page 138.
460 Fisheries case (United Kingdom v. Norway), Judgment of 18 December 1951, I.C.J.
Reports 1951, p. 116, page 138.
131
force in this case. None of the isolated statements that Somalia has cherrypicked
from a period of over 35 years leads to the conclusion that Kenya
had abandoned a position which it indicated clearly in the 1979 and 2005
EEZ Proclamations and other official documents.
270. The above demonstrates that, since 1979, Kenya’s acts and course of
conduct have clearly indicated that Kenya claims a maritime boundary
along the Parallel of Latitude. There was thus no ambiguity that Kenya’s
official view on the maritime boundary called for a response from Somalia
to prevent acquiescence.
2. Somalia had both full knowledge of Kenya’s claim and a
duty to protest against it if it wished to prevent acquiescence
271. The second requirement for a finding of acquiescence is also fully
satisfied.461 It is beyond doubt that Somalia had full “knowledge” of
Kenya’s claim to a maritime boundary along the Parallel of Latitude.
Therefore, Somalia had a duty to protest against that claim if it wished to
prevent acquiescence.
(i) Somalia had full “knowledge” of Kenya’s claim to a maritime
boundary along the Parallel of Latitude
272. A finding of acquiescence requires that Somalia’s knowledge of Kenya’s
claim be “actual” or “reasonably [...] inferred”.462 In this case, nothing even
461 The second requirement for a finding of acquiescence is “the knowledge (actual or
reasonably to be inferred) of the other party of such conduct or omission”. See paragraph
231 above, citing Delimitation of the Border between Eritrea and Ethiopia
(Eritrea/Ethiopia), Award, 13 April 2002, RIAA, Vol. XXV, p. 83, page 85.
462 Paragraph 231 above. See also Delimitation of the Border between Eritrea and Ethiopia
(Eritrea/Ethiopia), Award, 13 April 2002, RIAA, Vol. XXV, p. 83, page 85, paragraph
132
needs to be inferred. A State cannot plead ignorance when it has received
direct notification of a claim or fact.463 And Kenya has already
demonstrated that Somalia received formal and direct notifications of
Kenya’s boundary claim. Somalia received such notifications on, at least,
the following six occasions:
(i) in July 1979, when the UN Secretary-General transmitted the 1979
EEZ Proclamation to all Permanent Missions of UN Member
States;464
(ii) in April 2006, when the UN Secretary-General transmitted the 2005
EEZ Proclamation to all UN Member States and States Parties to
UNCLOS;465
(iii) on 26 September 2007, when Kenya sent a first note verbale to
Somalia;466
3.9. See also Case concerning the Temple of Preah Vihear (Cambodia v. Thailand),
Merits, Judgement of 15 June 1962, I.C.J. Reports 1962, p. 6, page 23.
463 Kenya has already underlined that the effect of a direct notification is “celui de porter
légalement les faits qui en sont l’objet à la connaissance de l’Etat à qui elle est adressée,
de sorte que cet Etat ne pourra plus en alléguer l’ignorance”. KCM, paragraph 218 citing
D. Anzilotti, Cours de droit international (Sirey, 1929), page 347, KCM, Annex 116.
464 See Chapter II.A, paragraph 139 above. See also KCM, paragraph 64; Letter from the
United Nations Secretary-General (LE 113 (3-3)), 19 July 1979, forwarded by the
Permanent Mission of Kenya to the United Nations to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
(KMUN/LAW/MSC/23/18), Proclamation of Kenya’s Exclusive Economic Zone,
25 October 1979, KCM, Annex 20.
465 See Chapter II.A, paragraph 139 above. See also KCM, paragraph 92; Letter from the
Office of Legal Affairs of the United Nations to the Permanent Mission of the Republic of
Kenya to the United Nations, received 8 November 2017, KCM, Annex 65.
466 See Chapter II.A, paragraph 140 above. See also KR, paragraphs 76-77; Note Verbale
from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Kenya to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the
Transitional Federal Government of Somalia, MFA.273/430/001 (26 September 2007),
KR, Annex 9.
133
(iv) on 4 July 2008, when Kenya sent a second note verbale to
Somalia;467
(v) in 2009, when the UN Secretary-General circulated the Executive
Summary of Kenya’s CLCS submission to all UNCLOS Member
States;468 and
(vi) in January 2014, when Kenya sent a note verbale to the UN
Secretary-General and asked that it be circulated to all UN Member
States.469
273. Somalia thus cannot deny its “actual” knowledge of Kenya’s maritime
boundary claim. This, by itself, is all that is required to confirm that the
second requirement for acquiescence has been met in this case.
274. However, Kenya did do more. Indeed, Somalia’s knowledge of Kenya’s
acts and course of conduct can also be inferred from both Parties’ conduct.
Among other things:
467 See Chapter II.A, paragraph 141 above. See also KR, paragraph 78; Note Verbale from
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Kenya to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the
Transitional Federal Government of Somalia, MFA.273/430/001A (4 July 2008), KR,
Annex 12.
468 See Chapter II.A, paragraph 147 above. See also KCM, paragraph 105; Republic of Kenya,
Submission on the Continental Shelf Submission beyond 200 nautical miles to the
Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf: Executive Summary (Apr. 2009), MS,
Annex 59.
469 See KCM, paragraphs 167-168; Note Verbale from the PermanentMission of the Republic
of Kenya to the United Nations to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, No. 7/14
(9 Jan. 2014), page 1, MS, Annex 40.
134
(i) Somalia consented to and had access to the results of the survey of
Kenyan fisheries performed by the Dr Fridtjof Nansen Program in
the early 1980s;470
(ii) Somalia was, or should have been aware (because it was public)
that, in July 2000, Kenya signed a PSA with Star Petroleum
International (Kenya) Limited for Block L-5, which lies along the
Parallel of Latitude;471
(iii) Somalia was, or should have been aware (because it was public) of
Woodside’s first drilling in the now-disputed maritime area in 2006-
2007.472 Somalia itself indicated in its Memorial that “the well
turned up dry”;473
(iv) Somalia was, or should have been aware (because it was public) that
in 2008 Kenya awarded Block L-13, which lies on both sides of the
470 See Chapter II.A, paragraph 108 above. The results of this survey were published by the
UN FAO and the UN Development Programme and thus widely available. See also KCM,
paragraph 133; KR, paragraph 93.
471 See MS, paragraph 8.21. See also Chapter II.A, paragraph 137 above; KCM, paragraph
148; Production Sharing Contract between the Government of the Republic of Kenya and
Star Petroleum International (Kenya) Limited for Block L-5 Lamu Basin, 11 July 2000,
KCM, Annex 39.
472 See MS, paragraph 8.21. See also Chapter II.A, paragraph 137 above; KCM, paragraphs
151-152; Kenya Offshore Exploration Drilling Blocks L-5 and L-7, Environmental Audit
Report, Woodside, March 2007, KCM, Annex 111.
473 MS, paragraph 8.21, referring to Republic of Kenya, National Assembly, Official Report
(24 Apr. 2007), page 858, MS, Annex 26; Republic of Kenya, National Assembly, Official
Report (8 Aug. 2007), page 3057, MS, Annex 27.
135
equidistance line now proposed by Somalia, to Sohi-Gas Dodori
Limited;474
(v) Somalia was, or should have been aware (because it was public) that
Kenya offered a contract for surface exploration and drilling of
Block L-5 to Anadarko Kenya Corporation in 2009;475 and
(vi) Somalia was, or should have been aware (because it was public) that
in 2012 Kenya awarded to Eni S.p.A Blocks L-21, L-23 and L-24,
which lie predominantly on the Somali side of the equidistance
line.476
275. In fact, Somalia’s knowledge of Kenya’s claim to the latitudinal boundary
is confirmed by its own behaviour. For many years, Somalia limited its
own activities to that boundary. The following are some pertinent
examples:
(i) in 1979, Somalia adjusted its oil exploration blocks by abandoning
an oil concession block that followed the equidistance line;477
474 See MS, paragraph 8.20. See also Chapter II.A, paragraph 148 above; KR, paragraph 99;
Production Sharing Contract between the Government of the Republic of Kenya and Sohi-
Gas Dodori Ltd Relating to Block L13 (3 September 2008), KR, Annex 1.
475 See MS, paragraph 8.22 citing IHS Inc., EDIN Database, Kenya: Contracts Block L-
05/Block L05 (2015), MS, Annex 133. See also Nina Rach, “Kenya forges ahead”,
oedigital.com (1 July 2013), MS, Annex 113; Deloitte, “Kenya”, in THE DELOITTE GUIDE
TO OIL AND GAS IN EAST AFRICA: UNIQUELY STRUCTURED (2014), page 10, MS, Annex
116; Anadarko Petroleum Corporation, Second-Quarter 2013 Operations Report (29 July
2013), page 13, MS, Annex 115.
476 See MS, paragraph 8.24. See also Chapter II.A, paragraph 148 above; KCM, paragraph
153; Production Sharing Contract between the Government of the Republic of Kenya and
Eni Exploration and Production Holding B.V. relating to Block L21, 29 June 2012,
Extracts, KCM, Annex 42.
477 See Chapter II.A, paragraph 105 above. See also KCM, paragraphs 141 and 266; KR,
paragraph 95; P. Giorgio Scorcelletti and B. M. Abbott, Petroleum Developments in
136
(ii) in the 1980s, Somalia’s Fisheries Development Region 1 was cut
off at the Parallel of Latitude;478
(iii) in 1987, Somalia authorised and participated in the Georgy Ushakov
survey, which studied fisheries positions along the Parallel of
Latitude;479
(iv) the area covered by the SOA that Somalia concluded with Soma Oil
& Gas in August 2013 stopped at the Parallel of Latitude;480 and
(v) in February 2014, Soma Oil & Gas entered into a seismic
exploration contract with Seabird Exploration that stopped seismic
testing at the Parallel of Latitude.481
276. In sum, Somalia simply cannot deny that it had full knowledge of Kenya’s
claim that the maritime boundary followed the Parallel of Latitude. As
Central and Southern Africa in 1978, The American Association of Petroleum Geologists
Bulletin V. 63, No. 10, pp. 1689-1742, October 1979, at p. 1694, KCM, Annex 104; Somali
Concession Blocks for the year 1986, KCM, Figure 1-21; Somali Republic Concessions
and Key 1987 Wells, KCM, Figure 1-34; Somali Republic Concessions and Key 1988
Wells, KCM, Figure 1-35.
478 See Chapter II.A, paragraph 107 above. See also KCM, paragraph 129; KR, paragraphs
89; Fishery Development Regions of Somalia, KCM, Figure 1-14.
479 See Chapter II.A, paragraph 107 above. See also KCM, paragraphs 131-132; KR,
paragraphs 91-92; Yearly Fisheris [sic] and Marine Transport Report 1987/1988, Somali
Democratic Republic, Ministry of Fisheries and Marine Transport, KCM, Annex 50; 1987
Ushakov Fishery Survey Locations, KCM, Figure 1-16.
480 See Chapter II.A, paragraphs 199 and 203 above. See also KCM, paragraph 160;
Unlocking Somalia’s Potential, Eastern African Oil, Gas – LNG Energy Conference, Soma
Oil & Gas Presentation, Nairobi, Kenya, 29-30 April 2014, KCM, Annex 112.
481 See Chapter II.A, paragraph 203 above. See also KCM, paragraph 160; KR, paragraph 96;
Unlocking Somalia’s Potential, Eastern African Oil, Gas – LNG Energy Conference, Soma
Oil & Gas Presentation, Nairobi, Kenya, 29-30 April 2014, KCM, Annex 112.
137
explained below, Somalia therefore had a duty to protest against that claim
if it wished to prevent acquiescence.
(ii) Somalia had a duty to protest against Kenya’s claim if it wished to
prevent acquiescence
277. Somalia claims that its position in favour of the equidistance line dates back
to the 1970s.482 By Somalia’s own admission, Kenya’s claim to a maritime
boundary along the Parallel of Latitude therefore had the potential to affect
some of Somalia’s crucial interests. Indeed, Somalia has referred in this
proceeding to the presence of “substantial living and non-living resources”
in the now-disputed maritime area.483 In fact, Somalia has expressly
described them as “important marine and mineral resources which Somalia
views as keys to its economic development, stability and security”.484
Further, Somalia has taken a clear interest in law of the sea developments,
both during UNCLOS III and thereafter. Notably, at the time Kenya
notified its formal claim in 1979, Somalia was deeply involved in the
drafting of UNCLOS.485
278. In these circumstances, it is undeniable that Somalia had a duty to protest
against Kenya’s claim if it wished to prevent acquiescence. Indeed,
international jurisprudence makes clear that the more a claim directly
affects the interests of a State, the more that State is required to protest in
order to prevent acquiescence.
482 See SR, paragraph 2.97.
483 MS, paragraph 1.8.
484 MS, paragraph 1.14.
485 See KCM, paragraphs 71-76.
138
279. For instance, in the Fisheries case, the United Kingdom claimed to be
unaware of the Norwegian system of delimitation.486 The Court rejected
this argument. It found that, as a coastal State “greatly interested in the
fisheries in this area” and “traditionally concerned with the law of the sea”,
the United Kingdom “could not have been ignorant” of Norway’s position
on the delimitation of its maritime space.487 Applying the same reasoning
to this case, as a coastal State that both was involved in law of the sea
developments and had strong interests in the resources present in the
relevant maritime area, Somalia simply “could not have been ignorant” of
Kenya’s 1979 EEZ Proclamation and all other relevant actions described
above.
280. In addition, in the Honduras Border case, the Court stated that:
[i]f it had been considered that Honduras was being
deprived of territory to which she was entitled, and
especially that Guatemala was asserting authority over
territory which was, or prior to independence had been,
under the administrative control of Honduras, it can
hardly be doubted that these assertions by Guatemala
would have aroused immediate antagonism and would
have been followed by protest and opposition on the part
of Honduras.488
281. Similarly, in the Temple of Preah Vihear case, the Court concluded that
Thailand should have reacted “in the face of an obvious rival claim” to
486 See Fisheries case (United Kingdom v. Norway), Judgment of 18 December 1951, I.C.J.
Reports 1951, p. 116, page 138.
487 Fisheries case (United Kingdom v. Norway), Judgment of 18 December 1951, I.C.J.
Reports 1951, p. 116, page 139.
488 Honduras Borders (Guatemala, Honduras), Award, 23 January 1933, RIAA, Vol. II, p.
1307, page 1328.
139
sovereignty over the Temple area.489 As the Court explained, the failure to
react to such a claim meant that “either Siam did not in fact believe she had
any title [...] or else she decided not to assert it, which again means that she
accepted the French claim, or accepted the frontier at Preah Vihear as it was
drawn on the map.”490
282. As noted above, Somalia argues in this proceeding that its claim to a
maritime boundary along the equidistance line dates back to the 1970s.491
Therefore, the Court’s reasoning in the above cases applies with equal force
to Somalia’s failure to react to the multiple “obvious rival” claims that
Kenya has formally and publicly made since 1979 to a maritime boundary
along the Parallel of Latitude.
3. Somalia failed to protest against Kenya’s claim within a
reasonable time
283. The third and last requirement for a finding of acquiescence is also fully
satisfied. Somalia completely failed “within a reasonable time to reject, or
dissociate itself from” Kenya’s claim.492 Yet, it had the capacity and
numerous opportunities to do so.
489 Case concerning the Temple of Preah Vihear (Cambodia v. Thailand), Merits, Judgment
of 15 June 1962, I.C.J. Reports 1962, p. 6, page 31.
490 Case concerning the Temple of Preah Vihear (Cambodia v. Thailand), Merits, Judgment
of 15 June 1962, I.C.J. Reports 1962, p. 6, page 31.
491 See paragraph 277 above. See also SR, paragraph 2.97.
492 KCM, paragraphs 242-247; KR, paragraph 32.
140
(i) Public international law requires objections to State claims to be
timely, formal, precise, effective and persistent
284. Kenya has proved that the Parties’ conduct meets the first two requirements
for a finding of acquiescence. It also has proven that Somalia failed to
protest against Kenya’s claims. Somalia disagrees. Somalia must therefore
prove that it did issue a valid protest.
285. Somalia seeks to meet that burden by claiming that Kenya has not
“established Somalia’s real intention to manifest its acceptance”.493 That
argument is both inconsistent with the principle of acquiescence and
insufficient to rebut Kenya’s arguments.
286. By definition, acquiescence does not require proving that a State has
“manifest[ed] its acceptance”. Equally, establishing acquiescence does not
require proving a State’s “real intention”. Put differently, it does not require
“going into psychological inquiries into the underlying intention of the
parties”.494 That would set a burden impossible to meet. As leading
commentators have underlined:
one takes into account solely the exteriorized will—either
that which is formally expressed, or that which stems
from the behaviour of the concerned party or parties.495
287. This Court and international tribunals have also explained the requirements
necessary before this “exteriorized will” is deemed a valid objection to
493 SR, paragraph 2.10.
494 M. G. Cohen and S. Heathcote, Commentary to Article 45 of the 1969 Vienna Convention,
in THE VIENNA CONVENTIONS ON THE LAW OF TREATIES, ed. Olivier Corten and Pierre
Klein, 2011, page 1080.
495 M. G. Cohen and S. Heathcote, Commentary to Article 45 of the 1969 Vienna Convention,
in THE VIENNA CONVENTIONS ON THE LAW OF TREATIES, ed. Olivier Corten and Pierre
Klein, 2011, page 1080.
141
another State’s claim. Specifically, a State’s objection to another State’s
sovereign claim must be reasonably timely, as well as made formally,
precisely, effectively and persistently.
288. First, the protest “must be made by, or on behalf of, a State”.496 Selfevidently,
statements by third parties cannot possibly amount to the
“exteriorized will” of the State.
289. Second, objections to a State’s claim must be reasonably timely. Even
though there is no specific period for acquiescence to have effect,497 the
Court explained in the Temple of Preah Vihear case that a State should
protest “within a reasonable period” in order to prevent acquiescence.498
290. In certain circumstances, acquiescence can be a speedy process. As Sir G.
Fitzmaurice explained, a new obligation “can in fact emerge very quickly,
and even almost suddenly, if new circumstances have arisen that
496 I. C. MacGibbon, “Some Observations on the Part of Protest in International Law”, British
Yearboook of International Law, 1953, p. 294, Annex 191 (“a protest, to merit treatment
as a factor in the legal relations of States, must be made by, or on behalf of, a State. In so
far as protests purport to reserve the rights of the protesting State, it is reasonable that they
should […] be acts which a State has either authorized at the time of their performance or
adopted subsequently.”).
497 See Fisheries case (United Kingdom v. Norway), Judgment of 18 December 1951, I.C.J.
Reports 1951, p. 116, Individual Opinion of Judge Alvarez, page 152 (“[f]or prescription
to have effect, it is necessary that the rights claimed to be based thereon should be well
established, that they should have been uninterruptedly enjoyed and that they should
comply with the conditions set out in 2 above. International law does not lay down any
specific duration of time necessary for prescription to have effect. A comparatively recent
usage relating to the territorial sea may be of greater effect than an ancient usage
insufficiently proved.”).
498 Case concerning the Temple of Preah Vihear (Cambodia v. Thailand), Merits, Judgment
of 15 June 1962, I.C. J. Reports 1962, p. 6, pages 23 and 34.
142
imperatively call for legal regulation”.499 Similarly, Sir Hersch Lauterpacht
recognised that a consistent and uniform usage “can be packed within a
short space of years” and does not “need [to] be spread over decades”.500
In this proceeding, acquiescence occurred over more than three decades.
291. In the Arbitral Award case, the tribunal found that Nicaragua could not
impugn the validity of an arbitral award after only six years of silence
corroborated by several acts signalling acceptance.501 In the Temple of
Preah Vihear case, when a map showed the Temple on the French (later
Cambodian) side, Thailand failed to protest “officially” for four decades.
In the words of this Court, Thailand merely had “tak[en] certain local
action, [but] was not prepared to deny the French and Cambodian claim at
the diplomatic level” over 40 years.502 That is roughly the same as the over-
35-year period in this case. In this case, Somalia did not even take “certain
local action”.
292. Third, objections to a State’s claim must be formal and precise. For
example, in the Minquiers and Ecrehos case, France claimed it had objected
to the inclusion of the Ecrehous Rocks within the limits of the Jersey Port
in a UK legislative act on the basis that the inclusion violated the Fishery
Convention of 1839. Such a roundabout statement, without further
499 G. Fitzmaurice, “The Law and Procedure of the International Court of Justice, 1951-54:
General Principles and Sources of Law”, British Yearbook of International Law, 1953,
page 31.
500 H. Lauterpacht, “Sovereignty over submarine areas”, British Yearbook of International
Law, 1950, page 393, referring to the Asylum case (Columbia v. Peru), Judgment of 20
November 1950, I.C.J. Reports 1950, p. 266.
501 See Case concerning the Arbitral Award made by the King of Spain on 23 December 1906
(Honduras v. Nicaragua), Judgment of 18 November 1960, I.C.J. Reports 1960, p. 192,
page 213.
502 Case concerning the Temple of Preah Vihear (Cambodia v. Thailand), Merits, Judgment
of 15 June 1962, I.C.J. Reports 1962, p. 6, page 32.
143
precision, was held to be insufficient to constitute a proper objection to a
State’s claim.503
293. Fourth, objections to a State’s claim must be effective and persistent. In the
case concerning the Interpretation of the Air Transport Services Agreement,
the tribunal concluded that France had failed to protest effectively.
According to the tribunal, France’s conduct revealed many examples
where:
the interested party has not in fact raised an objection
that it may have had the possibility of raising, or it
has abandoned, or not renewed at a time when the
opportunity occurred, the objection that it raised at
the outset; or while objecting in principle, it has in
fact consented to the continuance of the action in
respect of which it has expressed the objection; or
again, it has given implied consent, resulting from the
consent expressed in connection with a situation
related to the subject matter of the dispute.504
294. In the Legal Status of Eastern Greenland case, the Court noted that
Denmark had been exercising governmental functions over the territory in
dispute, including by regulating navigation, hunting and fishing in the
area.505 The Court noted that Norway had showed some reluctance in
recognising Denmark’s sovereignty over all of Greenland. For example,
Norway had: (i) refused to issue a written statement “that the Norwegian
503 See The Minquiers and Ecrehos case (France/United Kingdom), Judgment of 17 November
1953, I.C.J. Reports 1953, p. 47, page 66.
504 Interpretation of the air transport services agreement between the United States of
America and France), Award, 22 December 1963, RIAA, Vol. XVI, p. 5, pages 63-64.
505 See Legal Status of Eastern Greenland (Denmark v. Norway), Judgment of 5 April 1933,
PCIJ, Report Series A/B-No. 53, page 62.
144
Government recognized Danish sovereignty over all Greenland”;506 and (ii)
sent a note that stated that “the Norwegian Government had not recognized,
and could not recognize, an extension of Danish sovereignty”.507 Again,
such roundabout, imprecise objections were held to be insufficient. The
Court found that the legal significance of the Danish acts establishing
Denmark’s sovereignty over maritime areas in Eastern Greenland “is not
altered by the protests or reserves which, from time to time, were made by
the Norwegian Government.”508
(ii) Somalia has not pointed to any pre-2014 objection to Kenya’s
claim, much less one that satisfies the standards set forth by public
international law
295. Before 2014, Somalia had never protested against Kenya’s maritime claim,
much less in the manner required by public international law. Of particular
note, Somalia never protested against the 1979 and 2005 EEZ
Proclamations. Indeed, in 2017, the UN Office of Legal Affairs confirmed
that both Proclamations had been widely publicised and communicated to
all UN Member States, including Somalia.509 Yet, “[a]fter an extensive
research in the archives of the Office of Legal Affairs no communications
from other States concerning the two Proclamations were found.”510
506 Legal Status of Eastern Greenland (Denmark v. Norway), Judgment of 5 April 1933, PCIJ,
Report Series A/B-No. 53, pages 60-61.
507 Legal Status of Eastern Greenland (Denmark v. Norway), Judgment of 5 April 1933, PCIJ,
Report Series A/B-No. 53, page 60.
508 Legal Status of Eastern Greenland (Denmark v. Norway), Judgment of 5 April 1933, PCIJ,
Report Series A/B-No. 53, page 62.
509 See KCM, paragraph 242; KR, paragraphs 7 and 20; Letter from the Office of Legal Affairs
of the United Nations to the Permanent Mission of the Republic of Kenya to the United
Nations, received 8 November 2017, KCM, Annex 65.
510 Letter from the Office of Legal Affairs of the United Nations to the Permanent Mission of
the Republic of Kenya to the United Nations, received 8 November 2017, KCM, Annex
65.
145
296. Nonetheless, in clear contradiction with its position that Kenya did not
unambiguously claim the Parallel of Latitude as the Parties’ maritime
boundary, Somalia suggests that it did in fact “repeatedly and
unequivocally” protest against Kenya’s claim. Specifically, Somalia argues
that:
Somalia has always had a different claim, based on
equidistance. Somalia has consistently asserted that
claim and acted in accordance with it. Moreover,
even if the absence of protest to a unilateral claim by
a State were capable of giving rise to a maritime
boundary delimitation—which it is not—this would
be irrelevant in the context of this case, as Somalia
has repeatedly and unequivocally protested against
Kenya’s assertion of a parallel maritime boundary.511
297. Somalia’s arguments do not stand up to scrutiny. They are devoid of
supporting evidence. Indeed, despite Somalia having plainly undertaken a
very extensive search of its records, it is unable to put forward any examples
of what can even arguably be called a “consistent” assertion of its claim to
the equidistance line at any point since Kenya’s EEZ 1979 Proclamation to
2009.
298. One of the few examples offered by Somalia is the stance taken in 1974 by
Somalia during the UNCLOS negotiations.512 But as Somalia is well
aware, this predates Kenya’s 1979 EEZ Proclamation by five years and
therefore falls outside of the relevant period in this proceeding. The
assertion made by Somalia in 1974 took place whilst it still held onto its
irredentist “Greater Somalia” policy. As such, it has little relevance to the
issues before the Court, other than suggesting that this proceeding is an
511 SR, paragraph 2.90.
512 See SR, paragraph 2.97.
146
indication that Somalia is lapsing back into that irredentism. Somalia’s
position in the 1974 UNCLOS negotiations amounts to little more than an
example of how Somalia sought constant expansion pursuant to its “Greater
Somalia” policy until the changes brought about by the 1977-1978 Ogaden
war against Ethiopia.
299. Indeed, as General Kibwana explains, even before 1979, Somalia did not
object to Kenyan naval patrols up to the Parallel of Latitude.513
300. The only other examples offered by Somalia of the alleged fact that it has
“consistently asserted” its equidistance line claim during the 1979 to 2009
period are: (i) a reference to its 1988 Maritime Law; and (ii) a private
presentation delivered by the then-oil company TotalFinaElf to Somalia in
2001 in which several maps were produced “which all showed the Jorre
concession block extending to the equidistance line.”514
301. The 1988 Maritime Law is dealt with extensively in Kenya’s pleadings.515
The reference in the 1988 Maritime Law to a “straight line” refers to the
Parallel of Latitude, and not an equidistance line, for several reasons, not
least because Somalia’s proposed line of equidistance in this proceeding is
not straight and because the 1998 Maritime Law uses a different Somali
expression for equidistance line than straight line. As that should be
accepted, this point must fall away for Somalia.
302. The 2001 private presentation by TotalFinaElf cannot seriously be
described as consistent assertion of Somalia’s claim. It was not even made
513 See Witness Statement of General (Ret’d) Joseph Raymond Kibwana, EGH, CBS,
11 January 2021, paragraph 15, Annex WS1.
514 SR, paragraph 2.103.
515 See Chapter II.A.1(iii) below.
147
by Somalia but by overseas investors seeking to target Somalia’s resources.
In those circumstances, it is hardly surprising that TotalFinaElf elected to
expand the potential area of interest as far as possible, as Soma Oil & Gas
seeks to do now.
303. Indeed, what is most telling about this 2001 episode is that despite being
prompted by TotalFinaElf, Somalia still did not seek to make a claim to the
now-disputed maritime area. It is inconceivable that Somalia would not
have acted if it had not been acquiescing in the maritime boundary along
the Parallel of Latitude.
304. Somalia’s argument that it “has repeatedly and unequivocally protested
against Kenya’s assertion of a parallel maritime boundary” is equally
unfounded.516 For example, the section in Somalia’s Reply entitled
“Kenya’s erroneous claim that Somalia made no protest until 2014”517 is
remarkable for the fact it concentrates solely on the period from 2009 to
2014. The prior key 30-year period (from 1979 to 2009) is entirely
overlooked. This is an implicit acceptance that Somalia did nothing that
was even arguably a protest in that period.
305. In all events, none of the documents that Somalia relies on in the period of
2009 to February 2014 actually constitutes a formal protest of the maritime
boundary that satisfies the standards of public international law. None of
them is timely, formal, precise, effective and persistent, as required by
international law. To the contrary:
516 SR, paragraph 2.90.
517 SR, paragraphs 2.88-2.95.
148
(i) Somalia discusses a letter sent to the UN Secretary-General on 19
August 2009.518 But that letter was only sent in the context of
Somalia’s assertion that “any action of the [CLCS] shall, in
accordance with UNCLOS, Annex II, Article 9, not prejudice
matters relating to the delimitation of the continental shelf”.519 In
addition to being completely untimely, this is neither precise nor
effective, nor persistent. This purported objection to a sovereign
claim resembles, in fact, France’s imprecise “objection” to British
claims to the Ecrehous Rocks in the Minquiers and Ecrehos case,
which was similarly roundabout and unavailing;520
(ii) Somalia relies on an article by Reuters dated April 2012 that
mentions that “[t]he two coastal nations disagree over the location
of their boundary line”.521 This document was not issued by
Somalia. Nor does it report that Somalia had made its position
known to Kenya. A press report cannot be considered formal notice
of an objection to a sovereign claim. It is far less formal that the
purported objections set forth in the relevant authorities above,
which were all rejected by the relevant tribunals. As properly noted
by the tribunal in Kardassopoulos v. The Republic of Georgia
518 See SR, paragraph 2.89; Letter from H.E. Omar Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke, Prime Minister
of the Transitional Federal Government of the Somali Republic, to H.E. Ban Ki-Moon,
Secretary-General of the United Nations, No. XRW/00506/08/09 (19 Aug. 2009), MS,
Annex 37.
519 Letter from H.E. Omar Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke, Prime Minister of the Transitional
Federal Government of the Somali Republic, to H.E. Ban Ki-Moon, Secretary-General of
the United Nations, No. XRW/00506/08/09 (19 Aug. 2009), page 3, MS, Annex 37.
520 The Minquiers and Ecrehos case (France/United Kingdom), Judgment of 17 November
1953, I.C.J. Reports 1953, p. 47, page 66.
521 SR, paragraph 2.91; Kelly Gilblom, “Kenya, Somalia border row threatens oil
exploration”, Reuters (20 Apr. 2012), MS, Annex 104.
149
(comprised of Mr Yves Fortier, Professor Orrego Vicuña and
Professor Vaughan Lowe), “[b]ack-door press reports are the
opposite of” appropriate notice;522
(iii) Somalia cites another article by Reuters dated July 2012.523 Again,
this press report was not issued by Somalia and provides no
evidence of any formal protest by Somalia;
(iv) Somalia discusses a report by Stimson, a policy research centre in
the United States, produced in July 2012.524 The report contains a
map of “Jurisdictional Claims in the Indian Ocean Region” and
mentions that Somalia has an “unresolved maritime boundary with
Kenya”.525 Yet again, Somalia does not rely on formal objections.
It merely looks over the heads of the full crowd of historical facts to
find the one or two documents that, taken out of context, might be
its friend. An independent policy research centre’s inaccurate and
incomplete position is hardly indicative of the position under public
international law;
522 Ioannis Kardassopoulos and Ron Fuchs v. The Republic of Georgia, ICSID Case Nos.
ARB/05/18 and ARB/07/15, Award, 3 March 2010 (Fortier, Orrego Vicuña, Lowe),
paragraph 402 (“[t]he Tribunal agrees with the Claimants that “[b]ack-door press reports
are the opposite of due process.”).
523 See SR, paragraph 2.92; Kelly Gilblom, “Somalia challenges Kenya over oil blocks”,
Reuters (6 July 2012), MS, Annex 107.
524 See SR, paragraph 2.93; Caitlyn Antrim, “International Law and Order: The Indian Ocean
and South China Sea” in INDIAN OCEAN RISING: MARITIME SECURITY AND POLICY
CHALLENGES (D. Michel & R. Sticklor eds., 2012), p. 68, SR, Annex 34.
525 SR, paragraph 2.93; Caitlyn Antrim, “International Law and Order: The Indian Ocean and
South China Sea” in INDIAN OCEAN RISING: MARITIME SECURITY AND POLICY
CHALLENGES (D. Michel & R. Sticklor eds., 2012), p. 68, SR, Annex 34.
150
(v) Somalia cites to the 2013 Report of the UN Monitoring Group.526
This report does not contain any indication that Somalia made any
direct objection to Kenya. It is possible that Somalia was
reconsidering its position in July 2013, in anticipation of the
February 2014 notice raising a dispute for the first time, and that the
UN Monitoring Group was so informed. But that does not
constitute a formal objection or notice of the claim to Kenya. Far
from it. Somalia chose the moment it would make that formal
objection – February 2014 – and that is the relevant date. In all
events, Somalia’s acquiescence is not affected if the critical date of
the dispute is moved from February 2014 to July 2013 only; and
(vi) Somalia last argues that “Somalia’s protests against the claim to a
parallel maritime boundary resulted in Kenya’s suspension of one
oil operator in 2012”.527 But the suspension of Statoil from Block
L-26 was linked to the unwillingness of Statoil to meet certain of its
financial obligations, not to a formal protest by Somalia.528 This
event is no evidence of Somalia’s objection or maritime claims.
306. None of the matters Somalia raises – two third-party press reports, one UN
report, a third-party research report and only one of its own letters – even
comes close to the purported objections to sovereign claims raised before
prior international tribunals. Prior international tribunals have been
526 See SR, paragraph 2.94; United Nations Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea, Report
of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to Security Council Resolution
2060 (2012): Somalia, U.N. Doc. S/2013/413 (12 July 2013), MS, Annex 64.
527 SR, paragraph 2.95; United Nations Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea, Report of
the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to Security Council resolution
2060 (2012): Somalia, U.N. Doc. S/2013/413 (12 July 2013), MS, Annex 64.
528 See United Nations Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea, Report of the Monitoring
Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to Security Council resolution 2060 (2012):
Somalia, U.N. Doc. S/2013/413 (12 July 2013), MS, Annex 64.
151
confronted with actual statements by States asserting that another State’s
sovereign claim was a violation of a treaty (Minquiers and Ecrehos case)
or that the State did not recognise another State’s extension of its
sovereignty (Legal Status of Eastern Greenland case). Yet, even those
statements were held to be insufficient. A fortiori, Somalia’s purported
objections, which were far less rigorous and, in four out of five instances,
are third-party reports and not statements by Somalia itself, do not come
close to satisfying the standards established by international law for
objecting to a sovereign claim.
307. Somalia’s position merely emphasises the dangers of a Party, ex post, using
hindsight to select those sparse historical examples that are in its favour.
The great weight of evidence, taken in its totality, wholly contradicts
Somalia’s arguments.
308. Somalia’s other gambit is to claim that it could not object to the maritime
boundary in the period of the 1991-2012 Somali civil war. Of course, the
civil war cannot explain Somalia’s lack of protest between 1979 and 1991,
or in 2012 and 2013.529
309. In addition, the fact remains that the civil war did not actually frustrate
Somalia’s ability to object to Kenya’s claim. The evidence discussed in
Section A.2 of this Chapter confirms how, in fact, Somalia participated in
529 See KCM, paragraph 231; KR, paragraph 63. Somalia had many obvious opportunities to
reject Kenya’s view on the maritime boundary during this period, including: (i) when it
received direct notification of the 1979 EEZ Proclamation, (ii) when it signed UNCLOS
in 1982; and (iii) when it incorporated UNCLOS into its domestic legislation through the
1988 Somali Maritime Law. Undoubtedly, both the signing of UNCLOS and the
enactment of the 1988 Somali Maritime Law required Somalia to engage in deeper legal
analysis and to devote sufficient additional resources to send an official communication to
Kenya setting out its alleged position on the Parties’ boundary.
152
international relations in numerous ways even in the midst of the civil war.
It confirms that, in fact, Somalia and Kenya engaged in extensive bilateral
relations during those 21 years. The relevant evidence includes, but is not
limited to:
(i) several bilateral agreements and conventions adopted by Somalia
during its civil war;530
(ii) letters sent by Somalia to the UN expressing Somalia’s concerns
over a wide range of issues, including concerns over Ethiopia’s
alleged interference in Somali affairs;531
(iii) requests for assistance and notifications sent by Somalia to the UN
and UN Member States;532
530 See Chapter II.A.2, paragraphs 151 and 153 above.
531 See Chapter II.A.2, paragraph 154 above. Letter from the Prime Minister of Somalia to
the President of the Security Council, S/2001/263, 21 March 2001, Annex 8; Letter from
the Permanent Representative of Somalia to the UN addressed to the President of the
Security Council (transmitting letter from the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Somalia to
the President of the Security Council), S/2002/550, 16 May 2002, Annex 9; Letter from
the Chairman of the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 751
(1992) concerning Somalia to the President of the Security Council (transmitting letter
dated 16 May 2002 from Somalia), S/2002/570, 21 May 2002, Annex 22; Letter from the
Chairman of the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 751 (1992)
concerning Somalia (transmitting letter dated 17 June 2002 from Somalia to the Chairman
of the Security Council Committee concerning Somalia), S/2002/684, 19 June 2002,
Annex 23.
532 See Chapter II.A.2, paragraph 154 above. Letter from the Permanent Representative of
Somalia to the UN addressed to the Chairman of the Security Council Committee
established pursuant to resolution 1267 (1999) concerning Al-Qaida and the Taliban and
associated individuals and entities, S/AC.37/2004/(1455)/28, 31 March 2004, Annex 10.
See also Letter from the Permanent Representative of Somalia to the UN addressed to the
President of the Security Council, S/2008/323, 12 May 2008, Annex 13; Letter from the
Permanent Representative of Somalia to the UN addressed to the President of the Security
Council, S/2011/107, 28 February 2011, Annex 15.
153
(iv) Somalia’s acknowledgment of receipt of Kenya’s 2007 note
verbale;533
(v) Somalia’s involvement in the conclusion of the 2009 MOU and
subsequent submission of its Preliminary Information to the
CLCS;534 and
(vi) Somalia’s public expressions of gratitude with respect to Kenya’s
support during the Somali civil war.535
310. The fact that Somalia could and did engage in international relations during
its civil war is consistent with the practice of numerous other States facing
similar situations. For example, while fully immersed in a civil war of its
own, Yemen submitted several formal protests to the UN against Somalia’s
EEZ declaration and its submission to the CLCS.536 Sudan and Ethiopia
equally persistently protested against actions of other States in situations of
civil war.537 While in the midst of a civil war, the Democratic Republic of
Congo (the “DRC”) instituted proceedings before this Court against
533 See Chapter II.A.2, paragraph 140 above. Note Verbale from the Embassy of the Somali
Republic in Kenya to the Embassy of Kenya to Somalia, ESR/4287/V/07 (30 October
2007), KR, Annex 11.
534 See Chapter II.A.2, paragraphs 142-147 above.
535 See Chapter II.A.2, paragraphs 121 and 127 above.
536 See Chapter A.2, paragraph 249 above. Letter from the Permanent Mission of the Republic
of Yemen to the UN addressed to the UN Legal Affairs Division for Ocean Affairs and the
Law of the Sea, ROY/047/SANAA/7.14, 25 July 2014, Annex 24; Letter from the
Permanent Mission of the Republic of Yemen to the UN addressed to the Secretary-
General of the UN, ROY/096/SANAA/12.14, 10 December 2014, Annex 27; Letter from
the Permanent Mission of the Republic of Yemen to the UN addressed to the Secretary-
General of the UN, ROY/175/SANAA/8.19, 7 August 2019, Annex 28.
537 See KR, paragraph 66, footnote 122.
154
Burundi, Uganda and Rwanda.538 In the same year, during an ongoing
armed conflict, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia instituted proceedings
before this Court against Belgium, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, the
Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, the United Kingdom and the United States of
America.539
311. This evidence confirms the cogency of the decision in Eritrea/Yemen,
precluding reference to a State’s own political instability as a basis for
failing to take required steps in international law.540 The arbitral tribunal
considered relevant that Ethiopia had failed to issue a protest with regard to
a published Petroleum Agreement between Yemen and Shell.541 The
argument that Ethiopia was a poor country riven by civil war542 did not alter
its finding.543 As Robert Kolb confirms, this decision stands for the
proposition that “an improper organisation of the state is [...] not an
538 See Armed Activities on the Territory of the Congo (Democratic Republic of the Congo v.
Uganda).
539 See Legality of Use of Force (Yugoslavia v. Spain); Legality of Use of Force (Serbia and
Montenegro v. Belgium); Legality of Use of Force (Serbia and Montenegro v. Canada);
Legality of Use of Force (Serbia and Montenegro v. France); Legality of Use of Force
(Serbia and Montenegro v. Germany); Legality of Use of Force (Serbia and Montenegro
v. Italy); Legality of Use of Force (Serbia and Montenegro v. Netherlands); Legality of Use
of Force (Serbia and Montenegro v. Portugal); Legality of Use of Force (Serbia and
Montenegro v. United Kingdom); Legality of Use of Force (Yugoslavia v. United States of
America).
540 See KCM, paragraphs 229-230.
541 See Territorial Sovereignty and Scope of the Dispute (Eritrea and Yemen), Award,
9 October 1998, RIAA, Vol. XXII, p. 209, paragraphs 400, 520 and 524.
542 See Territorial Sovereignty and Scope of the Dispute (Eritrea and Yemen), Award,
9 October 1998, RIAA, Vol. XXII, p. 209, paragraph 400.
543 Somalia seeks to misconstrue the tribunal’s findings on this issue in footnote 150 of its
Reply. It fails to state that while the tribunal considered Eritrea’s arguments concerning
its civil war, it nevertheless held ultimately that the disputed territories are subject to
territorial sovereignty of Yemen.
155
argument for dispensing that state from the internationally applicable legal
duties”.544
312. The Court’s findings in Democratic Republic of the Congo v. Rwanda lead
to the same conclusion. In that case, the Democratic Republic of the Congo
(the “DRC”) sought to initiate proceedings before this Court based on
Article 29(1) of the Convention on Discrimination against Women.545 This
article requires negotiations or arbitration as prerequisites for this Court’s
jurisdiction.546 The DRC argued that the armed conflict between the parties
had made it impossible to commence negotiations with Rwanda on specific
aspects of this Convention.547 In response, Rwanda observed that the DRC
had not raised the question of this Convention in any of the two parties’
bilateral meetings.548 Rwanda also noted that the DRC’s Minister of
Telecommunication had been able to raise a technical issue with the
Secretary-General of the International Telecommunication Union in the
middle of the armed conflict.549 Eventually, this Court concluded that the
544 R. Kolb, Good Faith in International Law (Hart 2017), pp. 92-5, p. 95, KCM, Annex 125.
See also KR, footnote 121.
545 See Armed Activities on the Territory of the Congo (New Application: 2002) (The
Democratic Republic of the Congo v. Rwanda), Jurisdiction and Admissibility, Judgment
of 3 February 2006, I.C.J. Reports 2006, p. 6, paragraph 80.
546 See Armed Activities on the Territory of the Congo (New Application: 2002) (The
Democratic Republic of the Congo v. Rwanda), Jurisdiction and Admissibility, Judgment
of 3 February 2006, I.C.J. Reports 2006, p. 6, paragraph 80.
547 See Armed Activities on the Territory of the Congo (New Application: 2002) (The
Democratic Republic of the Congo v. Rwanda), Jurisdiction and Admissibility, Judgment
of 3 February 2006, I.C.J. Reports 2006, p. 6, paragraph 83.
548 See Armed Activities on the Territory of the Congo (New Application: 2002) (The
Democratic Republic of the Congo v. Rwanda), Jurisdiction and Admissibility, Judgment
of 3 February 2006, I.C.J. Reports 2006, p. 6, paragraph 83.
549 See Armed Activities on the Territory of the Congo (New Application: 2002) (The
Democratic Republic of the Congo v. Rwanda), Jurisdiction and Admissibility, Judgment
of 3 February 2006, I.C.J. Reports 2006, p. 6, paragraph 83.
156
Convention on Discrimination against Women could not serve to found the
jurisdiction of the Court as the DRC had not sought to negotiate with
Rwanda on particular aspects of it.550
313. For all the foregoing reasons, the three requirements of acquiescence are
plainly satisfied in this proceeding. In the words of the Dubai-Sharjah
tribunal, “a State must react [...] when it considers that one of its rights is
threatened by the action of another State”.551 Failure to do so means that
“either the State does not believe that it really possesses the disputed right,
or for its own private reasons, it decides not to maintain it”.552 Here,
Somalia deliberately chose not to protest against Kenya’s claim. Either it
did not really believe that it had any rights to the maritime area claimed by
Kenya or it decided not to maintain those rights in order to implement its
policy of “accommodation” towards Kenya and enjoy the benefits that came
with it. Either way, Somalia cannot now deny that it has acquiesced in
Kenya’s claim.
550 See Armed Activities on the Territory of the Congo (New Application: 2002) (The
Democratic Republic of the Congo v. Rwanda), Jurisdiction and Admissibility, Judgment
of 3 February 2006, I.C.J. Reports 2006, p. 6, paragraphs 91-93.
551 Dubai-Sharjah Border Arbitration, Award, 13 October 1981, (1993) 91 International Law
Reports 543, page 623, Annex 196.
552 Dubai-Sharjah Border Arbitration, Award, 13 October 1981, (1993) 91 International Law
Reports 543, page 623, Annex 196.
157
Somalia benefited from and Kenya relied on Somalia’s acquiescence
315. The above sections explain how the new evidence confirms that Somalia
acquiesced in Kenya’s claim to a maritime boundary along the Parallel of
Latitude. On that basis alone, the Court can and should reject the entirety
of Somalia’s claims.
316. Of course, acquiescence does not require benefit, reliance or other estoppellike
considerations. Nonetheless, acquiescence derives from the concept of
good faith and this Court has referred, indirectly, to the roles of benefit,
reliance and estoppel in explaining why acquiescence is but one aspect of
good faith.553 For example, in the Temple of Preah Vihear case, a map
showed the boundary line leaving the Temple to Cambodia. The Court
noted that, “for fifty years, [Thailand] enjoyed such benefits as the Treaty
of 1904 conferred on her, if only the benefit of a stable frontier.”554 It also
noted that “France, and through her Cambodia, relied on Thailand’s
acceptance of the map.”555 As Judge Alfaro explained in a separate opinion,
“a State must not be permitted to benefit by its own inconsistency to the
prejudice of another State”.556
553 See Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary in the Gulf of Maine Area (Canada v. United
States of America), Judgment of 12 October 1984, I.C.J. Reports 1984, p. 246, paragraph
130 (“in any case the concepts of acquiescence and estoppel, irrespective of the status
accorded to them by international law, both follow from the fundamental principles of
good faith and equity”).
554 Case concerning the Temple of Preah Vihear (Cambodia v. Thailand), Merits, Judgment
of 15 June 1962, I.C.J. Reports 1962, p. 6, page 32.
555 Case concerning the Temple of Preah Vihear (Cambodia v. Thailand), Merits, Judgment
of 15 June 1962, I.C.J. Reports 1962, p. 6, page 32.
556 Case concerning the Temple of Preah Vihear (Cambodia v. Thailand), Merits, Judgment
of 15 June 1962, I.C.J. Reports 1962, p. 6, Separate Opinion of Vice-President Alfaro,
page 40.
158
317. In a similar line of reasoning, in the Chagos Marine Protected Area
Arbitration, the tribunal found that the United Kingdom was “estopped
from denying the binding effect” of a number of undertakings it had made
to Mauritius.557 In reaching that decision, the Tribunal found that these
undertakings had given a number of benefits to the United Kingdom. These
included Mauritius’s restraint in the “assertion of its sovereignty”, a
“productive and friendly relationship” between both States and Mauritius’s
“cooperation on other matters that the Tribunal believe[d] would otherwise
have been withheld” by Mauritius.558
318. Similar considerations apply a fortiori to the present dispute. Somalia’s
acquiescence created “the benefit of a stable frontier”559 from which
Somalia benefited and on which Kenya relied. This stable frontier is
documented, inter alia, by: (i) Somalia’s consistent licensing of oil and gas
blocks only up to the Parallel of Latitude until 2014;560 (ii) a stable fisheries
border, permitting Kenya and Somalia to license fishing activities to the
557 Such undertakings included to “return the Chagos Archipelago to Mauritius when no
longer needed for defense purposes” and to “preserve the benefit of any minerals or oil
discovered [...] for the Mauritius Government”. See Chagos Marine Protected Area
Arbitration (Mauritius v. United Kingdom), Award, 18 March 2015, PCA Case No. 2011-
03, paragraph 448.
558 Chagos Marine Protected Area Arbitration (Mauritius v. United Kingdom), Award, 18
March 2015, PCA Case No. 2011-03, paragraphs 442-443. See also Shufeldt claim
(Guatemala v. USA), Award, 24 July 1930, RIAA, Vol. II, p. 1079, page 1094. In that
case, the United States contended that Guatemala, having for six years recognised the
validity of the claimant’s contract, and received all the benefits to which she was entitled
thereunder, and having allowed Shufeldt to continue to spend money on the concession,
was precluded from denying its validity, even if the contract had not received the necessary
approval of the Guatemalan legislature. The Arbitrator held the contention to be “sound
and in keeping with the principles of international law”.
559 Case concerning the Temple of Preah Vihear (Cambodia v. Thailand), Merits, Judgment
of 15 June 1962, I.C.J. Reports 1962, p. 6, page 32.
560 See paragraphs 105 and 468.
159
benefit of their economies;561 and (iii) the Kenyan Navy’s consistent patrols
up to the Parallel of Latitude, for decades, to establish regional security and
defence against pirates, bandits and terrorists.562
319. As demonstrated in Section A above, so too did Somalia enjoy, from 1979
onwards, a highly “productive and friendly relationship” 563 with Kenya.
This was in no small part because of Somalia’s decision to withdraw its
sovereign claims to Kenyan territory and, indeed, not to object to the
Parallel of Latitude as the maritime boundary. Somalia’s significant
benefits included: (i) the friendly relations between the two countries in the
1980s;564 (ii) Kenya’s active role in the Somali national reconciliation
process from the earliest stages of the civil war;565 (iii) the resettlement of
Somalia’s own government in Nairobi;566 (iv) the establishment of multiple
international organisations’ headquarters in Nairobi;567 (v) Kenya’s
extensive support with humanitarian aid and responsible hosting of
refugees, beyond its international law obligations;568 and (v) again, Kenya’s
great involvement in addressing security threats off the coast of Somalia.569
561 See paragraphs 108, 236 and 274-275 above.
562 Witness Statement of General (Ret’d) Joseph Raymond Kibwana, EGH, CBS,
11 January 2021, paragraphs 12-23, Annex WS1.
563 Chagos Marine Protected Area Arbitration (Mauritius v. United Kingdom), Award, 18
March 2015, PCA Case No. 2011-03, paragraphs 442-443.
564 See Chapter II.A.1 above.
565 See Chapter II.A, paragraphs 119-127 above.
566 See Chapter II.A, paragraphs 116 and 128 above.
567 See Chapter II.A, paragraphs 128-129 above.
568 See Chapter II.A, paragraphs 116-117 and 129 above.
569 See Chapter II.A, paragraph 130 above.
160
320. Somalia’s acquiescence to the maritime boundary also created reasonable
reliance by Kenya. Kenya acted based on legitimate expectations in
numerous ways, often to its own detriment and cost. As Section A of this
Chapter addressed in depth, this included: (i) licensing the then-undisputed
maritime area to private operators for expensive exploration activities;570
(ii) permitting and supporting marine fisheries;571 and (iii) expending
significant sums and effort to deploy its naval resources as far north as the
Parallel of Latitude, in both the territorial sea and the EEZ, to fight against
piracy, smuggling, terrorism and other threats to international security.572
321. In summary, if the jurisprudence of international courts and tribunals and
the applicable general principles of international law are given any weight,
the case for Somalia’s acquiescence is strong. That case relies on at least
three-and-a-half decades of clear, formal, precise, repeated and publicly
expressed claims by Kenya. It relies on Somalia’s failure within a
reasonable time to object to those claims, which were specifically notified
to Somalia. It relies on a consistent course of conduct, performance and
understanding by the Parties from 1979 onwards – until 2014 in Kenya’s
case and at least 2009, if not 2014, in Somalia’s. It relies, above all, on
Somalia’s clear acceptance of the Parallel of Latitude maritime boundary
when beneficial for it, notwithstanding its sudden revocation of that
acceptance when beneficial for the owners of Soma Oil & Gas and other
individuals. As Judge Alfaro succinctly explained, “a State party to an
international litigation is bound by its previous acts or attitude when they
570 See Chapter II.A, paragraphs 137 and 148 above.
571 See Chapter II.A, paragraph 149 above.
572 See Chapter II.A, paragraphs 130-133 above. See also Letter from Lt-Col Atodonyang to
Ms Juster Nkoroi, Kenya Navy, Evidence Gathering in Respect of Maritime Border
Dispute between Kenya and Somalia, 1 September 2017, KCM, Annex 47.
161
are in contradiction with its claims in the litigation.”573 The Parallel of
Latitude is for that reason, and many others, the maritime boundary by
acquiescence of Somalia.
573 Case concerning the Temple of Preah Vihear (Cambodia v. Thailand), Merits, Judgment
of 15 June 1962, I.C.J. Reports 1962, p. 6, Separate Opinion of Vice-President Alfaro,
page 39.
162
CHAPTER III: INDEPENDENTLY OF SOMALIA’S ACQUIESCENCE,
THE EVIDENCE CONFIRMS THAT AN EQUITABLE SOLUTION
REQUIRES THE APPLICATION OF THE LATITUDINAL
DELIMITATION METHOD
322. Even if the Court were to find that Somalia did not acquiesce in the
maritime boundary proclaimed by Kenya since 1979, the new evidence
confirms that the latitudinal delimitation method is the most appropriate
way to reach an equitable solution in this case.
323. The three-step methodology advocated by Somalia in this case is not
mandatory.574 That methodology was first articulated in the Black Sea case
judgment of 2009. Since then, the Court has described it as a methodology
“normally” or “usually” employed in maritime delimitations.575 However,
the Court has never referred to it as either a treaty or customary international
law rule. Indeed, it lacks the pre-requisites of those rules. It is widely
accepted that UNCLOS does not establish a compulsory delimitation
methodology.576 Nor has the three-step methodology been developed by
State practice and opinio juris. In fact, the majority of maritime boundaries
agreed or adjudicated around the world are not based on that method.577
574 See KR, paragraphs 113-127; KCM, paragraphs 308-313.
575 See Territorial and Maritime Dispute (Nicaragua v. Colombia), Judgment of 19 November
2012, I.C.J. Reports 2012, p. 624, paragraph 190; Maritime Dispute (Peru v. Chile),
Judgment of 27 January 2014, I.C.J. Reports 2014, p. 3, paragraphs 180 and 184.
576 See The Bay of Bengal Maritime Boundary Arbitration (Bangladesh v. India), Award,
7 July 2014, PCA Case No. 2010-16, paragraph 339; Continental Shelf (Libyan Arab
Jamahiriya/Malta), Judgment of 3 June 1985, I.C.J. Reports 1985, p. 13, paragraph 28;
Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary between Bangladesh and Myanmar in the Bay of
Bengal (Bangladesh/Myanmar), Judgment of 14 March 2012, ITLOS Reports 2012, p. 4,
paragraph 235; Arbitration between Barbados and the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago,
Award, 11 April 2006, RIAA, Vol. XXVII, p. 147, paragraph 244.
577 See KCM, paragraphs 304-306 and 313.
163
Simply put, unless accepted by both parties to a dispute, that methodology
is not binding.578 Therefore, the only requirement that the Court is bound
to follow is the obligation set out in UNCLOS that its delimitation method
achieve an “equitable solution”.
324. In its Counter-Memorial and Rejoinder, Kenya demonstrated that the
latitudinal delimitation method produces an equitable outcome for at least
four reasons. First, that method is consistent with the international law
principles on maritime delimitation that prevailed in the late 1970s and
1980s, when Kenya first proclaimed that the Parties’ maritime boundary
followed the Parallel of Latitude.579 Second, it is consistent with the
regional geographical context.580 Third, it is consistent with the Parties’
contemporaneous practice and understanding of what they considered to be
an equitable maritime boundary delimitation.581 And fourth, it produces a
proportionate division of the now-disputed maritime area once the relevant
area is properly identified.582
578 See KR, paragraphs 113-127; KCM, paragraphs 314-320. See also Maritime Dispute
(Peru v. Chile), Judgment of 27 January 2014, I.C.J. Reports 2014, p. 3, paragraphs 180-
182 (showing that the Court used the three-step method because Peru requested its
application and that was not objected to by Chile); Dispute Concerning Delimitation of the
Maritime Boundary between Ghana and Côte d'Ivoire in the Atlantic Ocean (Ghana/Côte
d'Ivoire), Judgment of 23 September 2017, ITLOS Reports 2017, p. 4, paragraph 360
(where the Special Chamber of ITLOS found that “the two parties agree[d], in principle,
on the three-stage approach”).
579 See KR, paragraphs 129-134.
580 See KCM, paragraphs 326-332; KR, paragraphs 135-148.
581 See KCM, paragraphs 333-338; KR, paragraphs 149-161.
582 See KR, paragraphs 162-186.
164
325. Kenya maintains its position in full. As explained below, the evidence
contained in this Appendix further confirms that only a maritime boundary
along the Parallel of Latitude yields a result that is equitable to both Parties.
326. First, at the critical time when Kenya first proclaimed the Parties’ maritime
boundary, neither Somalia nor Kenya accepted the three-step
methodology.583 Rather, Kenya and Somalia agreed that the delimitation
of the EEZ and continental shelf should be effected through the
employment of equitable principles and not through the equidistance
criterion.584 Somalia’s eleventh-hour support for the three-step
methodology therefore imposes the construction of an equidistance line that
both Parties rejected when negotiating the wording of UNCLOS Articles
74 and 83. This further confirms that the three-step methodology is
unwarranted and inconsistent with the “equitable solution” that UNCLOS
requires.
327. Second, the application of the three-step methodology is inappropriate in
this case because the security situation in Somalia makes it very challenging
to identify reliable basepoints. The Court has recognised that variations or
errors in situating the basepoints could “become disproportionately
magnified in the resulting equidistance line.”585 Somalia itself agrees that
“the provisional equidistance line should generally be constructed using
583 See SR, paragraph 3.21 (where Somalia itself acknowledges that the three-step
methodology “had not crystallized into law 36 years ago”).
584 See KCM, paragraph 299 (“[t]he clear position adopted by Kenya and Somalia (and indeed
by many other African States) during UNCLOS III was that maritime delimitation must be
based not on equidistance, but on the principle of ‘equitable result’.”). See also KCM,
paragraphs 69-76 and 300-301; KR, paragraphs 131-134.
585 Territorial and Maritime Dispute between Nicaragua and Honduras in the Caribbean Sea
(Nicaragua v. Honduras), Judgment of 8 October 2007, I.C.J. Reports 2007, p. 659,
paragraph 277.
165
‘the most appropriate basepoints on the coasts of the Parties’.”586 However,
Somalia concedes that the “security situation” has made it impossible to
conduct a field visit to confirm the land boundary terminus (the “LBT”)
that determined its basepoints.587 Somalia’s basepoints have instead been
determined on the basis of coordinates “derived through astronomical
readings” that “cannot be directly converted to WGS-84.”588 There is
therefore no guarantee that the basepoints selected by Somalia are “the most
appropriate”.
328. Indeed, maritime delimitation disputes call for courts and tribunals to rely
on “the best evidence available and not to restrict themselves to charted data
alone.”589 For example, in Guyana v. Suriname, the tribunal appointed its
own hydrographer for the selection of basepoints and the construction of a
reliable equidistance line.590 Notably, that hydrographer conducted a site
visit to select precise basepoints to construct the final equidistance line.591
586 MS, paragraph 6.39 citing Maritime Delimitation in the Black Sea (Romania v. Ukraine),
Judgment of 3 February 2009, I.C.J. Reports 2009, p. 61, paragraphs 116-117 and
Territorial and Maritime Dispute (Nicaragua v. Colombia), Judgment of 19 November
2012, I.C.J. Reports 2012, p. 624, paragraph 191.
587 See MS, paragraph 4.19, footnote 168.
588 MS, paragraph 4.18. Somalia’s basepoints in this case derive from a LBT derived, in turn,
from the coordinates included in a 1927 agreement between colonial powers. See also
Agreement between Italy and the United Kingdom in which are recorded the decisions of
the Commission appointed under Article 12 of the Treaty between His Britannic Majesty
and His Majesty the King of Italy, signed at London on July 15, 1924, regulating certain
questions concerning the boundaries of their respective territories in East Africa (17 Dec.
1927), MS, Annex 3; Government of the United Kingdom and Government of Italy,
Minutes of the Twenty-First Meeting (17 Dec. 1927), MS, Annex 33.
589 S. Fietta and R. Cleverly, A Practitioner’s Guide to Maritime Boundary Delimitation
(Oxford University Press, 2016), page 39.
590 See Arbitration regarding the delimitation of the maritime boundary between Guyana and
Suriname, Award, 17 September 2007, RIAA, Vol. XXX, p. 1, paragraph 309.
591 See Arbitration regarding the delimitation of the maritime boundary between Guyana and
Suriname, Award, 17 September 2007, RIAA, Vol. XXX, p. 1, paragraph 309.
166
Similarly, the UNCLOS Annex VII tribunal in the Bangladesh v. India case
conducted a five-day visit to the delimitation area, together with its expert,
to confirm all the basepoints proposed by the parties. The evidence
collected during that site visit was admitted into the record and influenced
the tribunal’s final determination.592
329. Without a physical ground survey, it is challenging to draw reliably the
provisional equidistance line required as a first step pursuant to the threestep
methodology. This requires relying on unknown low-tide features that
have not been confirmed through a field visit. By contrast, a maritime
boundary along the Parallel of Latitude is both a reliable method and
eminently feasible in this case.
330. Third, a maritime boundary along the Parallel of Latitude would ensure that
both Parties are allotted access to areas approaching the maximum distance
from the coast permitted by international law for each zone. Conversely,
Somalia’s claimed equidistance line results exactly in what the Court has
directed parties to avoid in maritime delimitation: encroachment.593
Somalia’s encroachment increases with distance. Eventually, it entirely
cuts off Kenya from any entitlement at the outer limits of the continental
shelf.594
592 See The Bay of Bengal Maritime Boundary Arbitration (Bangladesh v. India), Award, 7
July 2014, PCA Case No. 2010-16, paragraph 24.
593 See Territorial and Maritime Dispute (Nicaragua v Colombia), Judgment of 19 November
2012, I.C.J. Reports 2012, p. 624, paragraph 215; Maritime Delimitation in the Black Sea
(Romania v. Ukraine), Judgment of 3 February 2009, I.C.J. Reports 2009, p. 61, paragraph
201; Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary between Bangladesh and Myanmar in the Bay
of Bengal (Bangladesh v. Myanmar), Judgment of 14 March 2012, ITLOS Reports 2012,
p. 4, paragraph 292.
594 See KCM, paragraphs 344-346; Cut-off Effect due to Equidistance, KCM, Figure 3-1;
Division of Maritime Areas based on a Parallel of Latitude, KCM, Figure 3-2; KR,
paragraph 141.
167
331. The Guinea/Guinea-Bissau tribunal rejected equidistance as an appropriate
delimitation method under similar circumstances. The tribunal explained
that:
[w]hen in fact – as is the case here, if Sierra Leone is taken
into consideration – there are three adjacent States along
a concave coastline, the equidistance method has the other
drawback of resulting in the middle country being
enclaved by the other two and thus prevented from
extending its maritime territory as far seaward as
international law permits. In the present case, this is what
would happen to Guinea, which is situated between
Guinea-Bissau and Sierra Leone. Both equidistance lines
envisioned arrive too soon at the parallel of latitude drawn
from the land boundary between Guinea and Sierra Leone
which Guinea has unilaterally taken as its maritime
boundary.595
332. In the present case, there are also “three adjacent States along a concave
coastline”. As in Guinea/Guinea-Bissau, Somalia’s claimed equidistance
line “arrive[s] too soon at the parallel of latitude drawn from the land
boundary between [Tanzania] and [Kenya]”.596 This prevents Kenya “from
extending its maritime boundary as far seaward as international law
595 Delimitation of the maritime boundary between Guinea and Guinea-Bissau, Award, 14
February 1985, RIAA, Vol. XIX, p. q149, paragraph 104 (unofficial translation) (original
French: “[q]uand en fait il y a —comme c’est ici le cas si l’on songe à la Sierra Leone —
trois États limitrophes le long d’un littoral concave, l’équidistance a cet autre inconvénient
d’avoir pour résultat que le pays situé au centre est enclavé par les deux autres et se trouve
empêché de projeter son territoire maritime aussi loin vers le large que le lui permettrait le
droit international. C’est ce qui se passerait dans la présente affaire pour la Guinée, située
entre la Guinée-Bissau et la Sierra Leone. Chacune des deux lignes d’équidistance
envisagées rejoindrait trop vite le parallèle de latitude mené à partir de la frontière terrestre
entre la Guinée et la Sierra Leone, dont la Guinée a fait unilatéralement sa frontière
maritime.”).
596 Delimitation of the maritime boundary between Guinea and Guinea-Bissau, Award, 14
February 1985, RIAA, Vol. XIX, p. 149, paragraph 104 (unofficial translation).
168
permits.”597 Indeed, Somalia’s claimed equidistance line would cut Kenya
off from 58% of its coastal projection at 200M.598 It would further cut off
98% of Kenya’s potential entitlement to the continental shelf beyond 200M
and deprive Kenya entirely from any entitlement to the outer limits of the
continental shelf at 350M from the Kenyan coast.599 The severe cut-off
effect produced by Somalia’s claimed equidistance line prevents the
achievement of an equitable solution.600
333. In stark contrast, the Parallel of Latitude boundary does not encroach or cut
off Somalia. It allows Somalia to continue to enjoy uncontested sovereign
rights over 94% of its potential EEZ and 91% of its potential continental
shelf.601 The latitudinal delimitation method also ensures Somalia’s
continued and unrestricted access to the outer limits of the continental shelf.
It yields an equitable result because it gives effect to the principle of
“maximum reach” and, at the same time, avoids any encroachment or cutoff
effects.
334. Fourth, as addressed in more detail in Section IV.C of the next Chapter, the
principle of proportionality confirms that the latitudinal method yields an
equitable outcome. Proportionality as a test of equity can be applied to any
line no matter the methodology by which it was developed. It is an
597 Delimitation of the maritime boundary between Guinea and Guinea-Buissau, Award, 14
February 1985, RIAA, Vol. XIX, p. 149, paragraph 104. See also The Bay of Bengal
Maritime Boundary Arbitration (Bangladesh v. India), Award, 7 July 2014, PCA Case No.
2010-16, paragraph 417.
598 See KCM, paragraph 343; KR, paragraph 141.
599 See KCM, paragraphs 344-346; KR, paragraph 141.
600 See The Bay of Bengal Maritime Boundary Arbitration (Bangladesh v. India), Award, 7
July 2014, PCA Case No. 2010-16, paragraph 417.
601 See KCM, paragraph 349.
169
objective way to confirm whether that methodology results in an equitable
solution. An equitable result avoids marked disproportions between the
coastal lengths and the area of the relevant maritime zones.602 The resulting
ratio of the relevant coastal lengths in this case is approximately 1:1.4 in
Somalia’s favour.603 Somalia’s claimed equidistance line produces
significant disproportions, regardless of the approach used to identify the
maritime area (i.e., coastal projections or overlapping entitlements).
335. If the relevant area is defined by the seaward projection from all of the
relevant coastal lengths,604 there is no reason in principle for Kenya’s and
Somalia’s maritime areas to differ significantly from the ratio of their
relevant coastal lengths (i.e., 1:1.43 in Somalia’s favour). Yet, Somalia’s
equidistance line results in a ratio of 1:2.99 in Somalia’s favour.605 This
affords more than twice the relevant area to Somalia as the ratio of the
relevant coastal lengths would suggest is appropriate – a significant
disproportion.606 By contrast, the proportion of the relevant area as
apportioned between the Parties by the Parallel of Latitude boundary yields
a result of 1:1.04 in Somalia’s favour – not a significant disproportion from
the coastal lengths ratio of 1:1.43 in Somalia’s favour.607
602 See Maritime Dispute (Peru v. Chile), Judgment of 27 January 2014, I.C.J. Reports 2014,
p. 3, paragraph 180. See also Dispute Concerning Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary
between Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire in the Atlantic Ocean (Ghana/Côte d’Ivoire), Judgment
of 23 September 2017, ITLOS Reports 2017, p. 4, paragraphs 533-535.
603 See KR, paragraph 165.
604 See KR, paragraphs 169-171.
605 See Chapter IV.C.3, paragraph 537 below.
606 See Chapter IV.C.
607 See Division of the relevant area, including the area beyond 200M, using the parallel of
latitude, KR, Figure KR 2-11.
170
336. The disproportionality test favours the Parallel of Latitude boundary even
under Somalia’s overlapping entitlements approach. Somalia has
misidentified the relevant maritime area to disguise the marked
disproportionality produced by its equidistance claim line.608 It calculated
the relevant area within 200M based on overlapping entitlements and the
relevant area beyond the 200M line based on Kenya’s actual claims.609 That
unprecedented, inconsistent and self-serving approach has the effect of
distorting the relevant area. It creates the false impression that Somalia’s
claimed equidistance line does not produce marked disproportions. But the
reality is that Somalia’s equidistance line creates a maritime area ratio of
1:2.28 in Somalia’s favour, if its relevant area were constructed in
accordance with its own stated legal standards.610 That ratio affords to
Somalia almost twice the maritime area as its relevant coast would suggest
– a marked disproportion. The latitudinal delimitation method – as applied
to the relevant area that Somalia should have calculated based on its own
standards – yields a maritime area ratio of 1:1.47 in Kenya’s favour. When
compared to the coastal length ratio of 1:1.40 in Somalia’s favour, the
Parallel of Latitude does not produce a marked disproportion.611
337. Fifth, the latitudinal delimitation method is consistent with principles of
transparency and predictability. Somalia effectively recognises that its
equidistance claim line encroaches upon Kenya’s maritime entitlements
and produces a severe cut-off for Kenya. It asks this Court to disregard
those effects because Kenya “effectively renounced a part of its
608 See Chapter IV.C.
609 See Chapter IV.C.
610 See Chapter IV.C.
611 See Chapter IV.C.
171
entitlement” when it delimited its southern maritime boundary with
Tanzania at a parallel of latitude.612
338. However, Kenya and Tanzania’s maritime boundary was adopted in
accordance with international law as it then stood.613 Moreover, that
maritime boundary, as compared with the equidistance line that Somalia
appears to consider that Kenya and Tanzania should have adopted, avoids
disadvantaging Kenya in some significant respects.614
339. As explained in paragraph 88 above, the evidence also confirms that the
Kenya-Tanzania boundary is consistent with the very same principles that
Somalia defended at UNCLOS III.615 Notably, that conference took place
a few years after Kenya and Tanzania agreed on their maritime boundary
and only one year after the 1979 EEZ Proclamation. Kenya and Somalia
were cognisant of Kenya’s boundary with Tanzania as they developed their
own boundary.616 And it was precisely the concern to ensure that Kenya
was not deprived of its maritime entitlements that motivated the adoption
of the Parallel of Latitude as an equitable solution.617
612 MS paragraph 7.53. See also SR, paragraphs 3.78, 3.80 and 3.87; KR, paragraph 140.
613 See KR, paragraphs 129-161.
614 See Chapter IV.B.1, especially paragraphs 389 and 391, and Chapter IV.B.2, especially
paragraph 408.
615 See KCM, paragraphs 69-76; KR, paragraphs 129-143; 138th Plenary meeting, 26 August
1980, A/CONF.62/SR.138, Official Records of the Third United Nations Conference on
the Law of the Sea, Volume XIV, Resumed Ninth Session, pp. 55-6, paragraph 73, KCM,
Annex 72; 192nd Plenary Meeting, 9 December 1982, A/CONF.62/SR.192, Official
Records of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, Volume XVII,
Resumed Eleventh Session and Final Part Eleventh Session and Conclusion, p. 127,
paragraph 159, KCM, Annex 73.
616 See KR, paragraph 137.
617 See KCM, paragraphs 51-63 and 69-76; KR, paragraph 137. See alsoMFA Internal Memo
from A.S Legal to Dr Adede on the Consultative Interministerial Meeting of the Law of
172
340. The problem here is not the equitable maritime boundary agreed between
Kenya and Tanzania.618 The problem is Somalia’s recent introduction of
equidistance, after more than 35 years of agreement with the Parties’
maritime boundary along the Parallel of Latitude. The record shows that,
until Somalia’s volte-face in 2014, the Parallel of Latitude served as an
equitable maritime boundary between Kenya and Somalia.619 Disregarding
delimitations established lawfully and reasonably in the past as if they
simply never existed would be inconsistent with the principles of
transparency and predictability.620
341. Sixth, a maritime boundary along the Parallel of Latitude ensures
consistency with the regional geographical context and practice of
delimiting boundaries by following parallels of latitude. When selecting an
appropriate delimitation method, the Court has taken into account the
overall geographical framework in which the delimitation must take
place621 and “any other continental shelf delimitations between adjacent
the Sea Group held at Harambee House on 12 August 1975 (MFA. 273/430/001A/66), 26
August 1975, KCM, Annex 12.
618 See KR, paragraph 136.
619 See Chapters II.A.1 and II.A.2. See also KR, paragraphs 88-109. Somalia’s abrupt
decision to revoke its acquiescence to the Parallel of Latitude was informed by Kenya’s
discovery of oil and gas in its offshore areas. See also Chapters II.A.3 and II.A.4.
620 See KR, paragraphs 158-161. See also The Bay of Bengal Maritime Boundary Arbitration
(Bangladesh v. India), Award, 7 July 2014, PCA Case No. 2010-16, paragraph 339
(“transparency and the predictability of the delimitation process as a whole are additional
objectives to be achieved in the process”).
621 See Continental Shelf (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya/Malta), Judgment of 3 June 1985, I.C.J.
Reports 1985, p. 13, paragraph 69 (“[i]n the present case, the Court has also to look beyond
the area concerned in the case, and consider the geographical context in which the
delimitation will have to be effected […]”).
173
States in the same region.”622 In this case, that regional geographical
context and practice can be seen in the east coast of Africa and in the
boundaries agreed between: (i) Tanzania and Mozambique; (ii) Kenya and
Tanzania; and (iii) Kenya and Somalia.623
342. None of those States was engaged in the microscopic exercise of identifying
basepoints clustered in the immediate vicinity of the relevant land boundary
terminus in order to draw an equidistance line. They argued adamantly
against equidistance because they were looking at their geographic
relationship in the broadest of terms.624 And, as shown in Figure 9, in light
of their general coastal configuration they concluded that parallel of latitude
boundaries would lead to an equitable division of their maritime areas.
622 North Sea Continental Shelf Cases (Federal Republic of Germany/Denmark; Federal
Republic of Germany/Netherlands), Judgment of 20 February 1969, I.C.J. Reports 1969,
p. 3, paragraph 101(D)(3).
623 See Agreement between the Government of the United Republic of Tanzania and the
Government of the People’s Republic of Mozambique Regarding the
Tanzania/Mozambique Boundary, 28 December 1988, JI Charney and LM Alexander
(eds), International Maritime Boundaries I (Nijhoff 1993) p. 898, KCM, Annex 143;
Agreement on the Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary between the Republic of
Mozambique and the United Republic of Tanzania, 5 December 2011 (not yet in force),
CG Lathorp (ed), International Maritime Boundaries VII (Brill Nijhoff 2016) p. 4800,
KCM, Annex 155; Exchange of Notes between the United Republic of Tanzania and
Kenya Concerning the Delimitation of the Territorial Waters Boundary between the Two
States, 9 July 1976, JI Charney and LM Alexander (eds), International Maritime
Boundaries I (Nijhoff 1993), p. 881, KCM, Annex 136; Agreement between the United
Republic of Tanzania and the Republic of Kenya on the delimitation of the maritime
boundary of the exclusive economic zone and the continental shelf, 2603 U.N.T.S. 37
(23 June 2009), entered into force 23 June 2009, MS, Annex 7.
624 See KCM, paragraphs 69-76; KR, paragraph 131.
174
Figure 9: General Coastal Configuration of the East Coast of Africa Facing Due East
343. Somalia’s recent myopic assessment of the general coastal configuration is
flawed and detached from reality. As shown in Figure 10, the entire
universe of basepoints used to construct its equidistance line is found within
13 kilometres (“km”) of the LBT. Somalia’s accounting of “the general
configuration of the coasts of the Parties” thus accounts for only 24 km (i.e.,
2%) of the Parties’ relevant coasts. Yet, it results in a claimed maritime
boundary extending for 350M.625
625 The combined length of the relevant coasts, based on Somalia’s arguments, is 1,244 km:
733 km for Somalia and 511 km for Kenya. Somalia inconsistently excludes a 30 km
175
Figure 10: The Short Segment of the Coast Incorrectly Used by Somalia to Calculate
Its Line
344. That micro-geographic perspective of the coastal configuration is in direct
contradiction to the Parties’ broader perspective of their geography as they
considered delimiting their maritime areas in the 1970s. It would be
unsuitable to impose an equidistance line mechanically in a region that has
adopted the latitudinal delimitation method for decades.
345. Seventh, the Parties’ conduct on the ground also confirms that they saw the
maritime boundary at the Parallel of Latitude as an equitable solution for
over 35 years. When determining the appropriate methodology to achieve
an equitable solution, the Court takes into account any indicia of the parties’
segment of the Kenyan coast for certain calculations but not for others. With that 30 km
segment, the coastal length for Kenya is 511 km.
176
will or of their views on what constitutes an equitable solution.626 For
example, in Tunisia/Libya, the Court confirmed that, when considering
“what method of delimitation would ensure an equitable result”:
[I]t is evident that the Court must take into account
whatever indicia are available of the line or lines which
the Parties themselves may have considered equitable or
acted upon as such – if only as an interim solution
affecting part only of the area to be delimited.627
346. The Court made that same point in Libya/Malta. It stressed that taking into
account the abovementioned indicia is a “duty” of the Court.628 In the
present case, the evidence confirms that the Parties have acted in
accordance with the existence of a de facto maritime boundary along the
Parallel of Latitude. As explained in detail in Chapter II, the Parties’
conduct includes oil concessions, fishing and maritime scientific activities,
and naval patrols. Somalia and Kenya would not have acted in a manner
that was consistent with the existence of that de facto boundary for over
three decades if they had considered that boundary to be inequitable.
Therefore, that de facto line also supports the view that the Parallel of
Latitude yields an equitable solution, independently of whether the Court
finds that Somalia has acquiesced in Kenya’s claim.
626 See Continental Shelf (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya/Malta), Judgment of 3 June 1985, I.C.J.
Reports 1985, p. 13, paragraph 25 (“[t]he Court has considered the facts and arguments
brought to its attention in this respect, particularly from the standpoint of its duty to ‘take
into account whatever indicia are available of the [delimitation] line or lines which the
Parties themselves may have considered equitable or acted upon as such’[…]”).
627 Continental Shelf (Tunisia/Libyan Arab Jamahiriya), Judgment of 24 February 1982,
I.C.J. Reports 1982, p. 18, paragraph 118.
628 Continental Shelf (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya/Malta), Judgment of 3 June 1985, I.C.J.
Reports 1985, p. 13, paragraph 25.
177
347. Eighth, Somalia’s claimed equidistance line is inequitable because, as set
out in detail in Section II.D of the previous Chapter, Somalia has benefitted
from, and Kenya has relied on, Somalia’s acceptance of the Parallel of
Latitude boundary. Like in the Temple of Preah Vihear case,629 both Parties
relied on, and benefited from, a “stable frontier.” For example, they issued
licences for oil and gas blocks and fishing activities that benefited their
economies.630 Kenya also relied on Somalia’s acquiescence when adopting
measures that ensured the protection and safeguard of the now-disputed
maritime area. Those measures were public and Somalia was, or should
have been, aware of them. Among others, Kenya: (i) supported marine
fisheries, including through maritime conservation activities, just to the
south of the Parallel of Latitude;631 (ii) deployed naval resources up to the
Parallel of Latitude;632 and (iii) conducted maritime research activities
along the coast of Lamu Island up to the Parallel of Latitude.633
348. Somalia itself benefited from a number of actions that Kenya adopted on
the basis of that reliance. For example, Kenya: (i) adopted an active role
in the Somali national reconciliation process from the earliest stages of the
civil war; (ii) allowed Somalia’s own government temporarily to resettle in
Nairobi; (iii) granted extensive humanitarian aid to Somalia; (iv)
responsibly hosted Somali refugees; and (v) deployed its naval resources to
629 Case concerning the Temple of Preah Vihear (Cambodia v. Thailand), Merits, Judgment
of 15 June 1962, I.C.J. Reports 1962, p. 6, page 32.
630 See Chapter II.A, paragraph 318.
631 See Chapters II.A and IV.B.5.
632 See Chapters II.A and IV.B.3.
633 See Chapter II.A.
178
help Somalia tackle piracy and terrorism.634 All those activities were
possible thanks to Kenya’s efforts and resources.
349. Deviating from the maritime boundary at the Parallel of Latitude would be
incompatible with the good faith that must prevail in international relations.
It would send a message that States can escape their international
obligations by adopting opportunistically a new position that is inconsistent
with decades of conduct, whenever it suits their interests and regardless of
the prejudice that such reversal causes to other States. Such an outcome
would contradict the fundamental principle that “a State party to an
international litigation is bound by its previous acts or attitude when they
are in contradiction with its claims in the litigation.”635
350. Conversely, respecting the Parties’ longstanding conduct regarding the
location of their maritime boundary at the Parallel of Latitude would be:
in accordance with equity inasmuch as it protects a State
from the contingency of incurring responsibilities and
expense, in reliance on the apparent acquiescence of
634 See Chapter II.A.
635 Case concerning the Temple of Preah Vihear (Cambodia v. Thailand), Merits, Judgment
of 15 June 1962, I.C.J. Reports 1962, p. 6, Separate Opinion of Vice-President Alfaro,
page 39. See also Chagos Marine Protected Area Arbitration (Mauritius v. United
Kingdom), Award, 18 March 2015, PCA Case No. 2011-03, paragraphs 442-448;
Territorial Dispute (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya/Chad), Judgment of 3 February 1994, I.C.J.
Reports 1994, p. 6, Separate Opinion of Judge Ajibola, paragraphs 96-114; Delimitation
of the Maritime Boundary in the Gulf of Maine Area (Canada v. United States of America),
Judgment of 12 October 1984, I.C.J. Reports 1984, p. 246, paragraph 130; Case
concerning the Temple of Preah Vihear (Cambodia v. Thailand), Merits, Judgment of 15
June 1962, I.C.J. Reports 1962, p. 6, page 32; Fisheries case (United Kingdom v. Norway),
Judgment of 18 December 1951, I.C.J. Reports 1951, p. 116, pages 138-139; Decision of
the Permanent Court of Arbitration in the Matter of the Maritime Boundary Dispute
between Norway and Sweden, (1910) 4 American Journal of International Law 226, pages
233-234, Annex 195.
179
others, and being subsequently confronted with a
challenge on the part of those very States.636
351. Ninth, the maritime boundary along the Parallel of Latitude safeguards the
continued access by Kenyan fishing communities to fisheries of the relevant
coast. The Court can consider equitable access to natural resources, such
as fisheries resources, when delimiting maritime boundaries.637 In the Gulf
of Maine case, the Chamber identified “equitable criteria” that had to be
considered when a proposed maritime delimitation would be “likely to
entail catastrophic repercussions for the livelihoods and economic wellbeing
of the population” of a State.638 Among those criteria, the Chamber
referred to the: (i) “preservation of existing fishing patterns which are vital
to the coastal communities in the area concerned”; and (ii) “optimum
conservation and management of living resources”.639
352. In this case, the Court should be mindful of the repercussions that its
decision will have on the Parties’ traditional fishing communities.640
Somalia itself recognised the importance of the fisheries sector and declared
636 H. Lauterpacht, “Sovereignty over Submarine Areas”, British International Yearbook of
International Law, 1950, pages 395-396.
637 See Maritime Delimitation in the Area between Greenland and Jan Mayen (Denmark v.
Norway), Judgment of 14 June 1993, I.C.J. Reports 1993, p. 38, paragraph 76 (in that case,
the Court adjusted the equidistance line eastwards to ensure that the parties would have
equitable access to a specific type of fish). See also S. Fietta and R. Cleverly, A
Practitioner’s Guide to Maritime Boundary Delimitation (Oxford University Press, 2016),
page 89 (noting that natural resource factors are useful “to confirm the equitable nature of
a delimitation line dictated by considerations of geography or to assess the overall
equitableness of a solution […]”).
638 Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary in the Gulf of Maine Area (Canada v.United States
of America), Judgment of 12 October 1984, I.C.J. Reports 1984, p. 246, paragraph 237.
See also Maritime Delimitation in the Black Sea (Romania v. Ukraine), Judgment of 3
February 2009, I.C.J. Reports 2009, p. 61, paragraph 198.
639 Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary in the Gulf of Maine Area (Canada v. United States
of America), Judgment of 12 October 1984, I.C.J. Reports 1984, p. 246, paragraph 110.
640 See Chapter IV.B.5.
180
that it “has sought to take advantage of these natural resources”.641 The
Court should also pay due regard to the interests of the Kenyan coastal
communities living just to the south of the Parallel of Latitude.642 Those
communities are among the most remote and marginalised communities
living on Kenya’s coast and lack anything but the most rudimentary
navigational tools.643
353. As explained in further detail in Section IV.B.5 of next Chapter, the new
evidence, including the Fishing Report and the representative sampling of
witness testimonies attached to it, confirm that fishing is vital for those
communities. Indeed, it has been for centuries. It is essential for their
overall household well-being, provides their main source of income,
contributes to their food security and supports their livelihoods and
traditions.644
641 MS, paragraph 2.12.
642 The Kiunga area is located in the northernmost part of the Kenyan coast, bordering Somalia
in the north and stretching to the Lamu archipelago in the south. See “Natural resource
dependence, livelihoods and development: Perceptions from Kiunga, Kenya”, IUCN
Eastern and Southern Africa Regional Office, 2008, page 7 and Figure 1, Annex 67.
643 See “Natural resource dependence, livelihoods and development: Perceptions from
Kiunga, Kenya”, IUCN Eastern and Southern Africa Regional Office, 2008, page 9, Annex
67; R. M. Oddenyo et al., Kenyan sharks baseline assessment report for the national plan
of action for the conservation and management of sharks (Kenya Fisheries Service, 2018),
page 7, Annex 5 (“[a] major proportion of the coastal fishery in Kenya is artisanal (small
scale mostly operated using canoes) with few motorised artisanal boats especially in the
Northern Coast of Kenya.”); “Kenya Marine Fisheries and Socio-Economic Development
Project (KEMFSED) (P163980) - Combined Project Information Documents / Integrated
Safeguards Datasheet (PID/ISDS)”, The World Bank, 25 April 2019, page 5, Annex 68
(“[t]he artisanal sector is characterized by small crafts propelled by sail, outboard motors,
and paddles […].”).
644 See also R. M. Oddenyo et al., Kenyan sharks baseline assessment report for the national
plan of action for the conservation and management of sharks (Kenya Fisheries Service,
2018), page 34, Annex 5 (noting that “[i]n Kiunga, 100% of income was from fishing
[…]”). See also “Kenya Marine Fisheries and Socio-Economic Development Project
181
354. The fact that local Kenyan fisherfolk and their communities are critically
dependent on fisheries for their livelihoods is a matter of utmost political
importance within Kenya. As set out below, no single factor has more
significantly jeopardised the livelihoods of local fishing communities than
the disruption and insecurity that has plagued them owing to threats
emanating from Somalia. For many decades, Kenyan authorities alone have
protected the interests of these fishing communities. Indeed, as explained
in detail in Chapter IV.B.5 below, Somalia openly admits that it is
incapable of controlling the relevant maritime area and of preventing
widespread illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing (“IUU Fishing”) in
its waters.645 Somalia is equally incapable of maintaining security within
its land territory and waters.646 Changing abruptly and permanently the
Parties’ maritime boundary would magnify the threat of unchecked piracy,
IUU Fishing and other grave forms of maritime crime, with catastrophic
effects upon local Kenyan fishing communities.647
355. In sum, the three-step methodology should not be applied simply for the
sake of artificially securing universal methodological uniformity. That
methodology is not mandatory. Most importantly, it is not suitable to
achieve an equitable solution in this case. Somalia’s precarious security
situation has prevented it from identifying reliable basepoints. Further,
relying on the three-step methodology in this case would disregard the
(KEMFSED) (P163980) - Combined Project Information Documents / Integrated
Safeguards Datasheet (PID/ISDS)”, The World Bank, 25 April 2019, page 4, Annex 68.
645 See, e.g., SR, paragraphs 2.71 and 2.107-2.113.
646 Indeed, as recently as 2 December 2020, Somalia again wrote to the UN transmitting an
official request for assistance to counter piracy off the Somali coast: see UN Security
Council Resolution 2554 (2020), S/RES/2554 (2020), 4 December 2020, page 1,
Annex 69.
647 See Chapter IV.B.5.
182
geographical and regional context. It would also contradict the Parties’ will
expressed at the relevant time. Ultimately, it would lead to an anachronistic
and inequitable result.
356. In the unlikely event that the Court considers that Somalia has not
acquiesced in Kenya’s claim, the evidence in this case therefore calls for
the Court to delimit the maritime boundary based on the latitudinal
delimitation method. That method is true to the Parties’ contemporaneous
will and actions. It does not prejudice either of the Parties. Rather, it
enables them to extend their maritime boundaries as far seaward as
international law permits while avoiding any encroachment or cut-off
effect. It guarantees transparency and predictability in the delimitation
process. At the same time, it ensures consistency with the regional context
and practices. It also yields a proportionate allocation of the Parties’
maritime areas and grants equitable access to vital fisheries resources for
Kenyan coastal communities. Put differently, it allows the Court to fulfil
its mandate to achieve an equitable solution.
357. However, if the Court were to disregard all those factors and favour the
three-step delimitation method, then, as explained in the following Chapter,
the equidistance line proposed by Somalia would need to be adjusted
significantly to ensure an equitable solution.
183
CHAPTER IV: THE NEW EVIDENCE CONFIRMS THAT,
CORRECTLY APPLIED, THE THREE-STEP DELIMITATION
METHOD ALSO WOULD REQUIRE THE PARTIES’ MARITIME
BOUNDARY TO FOLLOW THE PARALLEL OF LATITUDE
358. Even if the Court were to apply the three-step delimitation method, the new
evidence demonstrates that the Court should still delimit the Parties’
maritime boundary along the Parallel of Latitude.
359. The evidence discussed in Section IV.A of this Chapter, confirms the
deficiencies in the charted data from which Somalia calculates its proposed
basepoints require the provisional equidistance line proposed by Somalia to
be modified. As a result, Kenya sets out a new provisional equidistance
line using basepoints calculated from the most reliable available charted
data.
360. The evidence discussed in Section IV.B confirms that, contrary to
Somalia’s arguments, multiple relevant circumstances call for adjusting the
provisional equidistance line at the second stage of the three-step
methodology in order to achieve an equitable solution. In its previous
submissions, Kenya already pointed to a number of those circumstances in
the context of its arguments on acquiescence and the latitudinal delimitation
method.648 However, to assist the Court in the event that it decides to apply
the three-step methodology, Section IV.B addresses those and other
648 See, e.g., KCM, paragraphs 343-352 and KR, paragraphs 138-142 (addressing the cut-off
effect caused by the equidistance line on Kenya’s maritime areas); KCM, Chapter III.D.1
and KR, Chapter II.B.2 (highlighting the importance of the regional context in this case);
KCM, paragraphs 181-185 (addressing Kenya’s legitimate security concerns regarding its
boundary with Somalia); KCM, Chapter I.F; KR, Chapter I.D (showing that the Parties’
conduct in relation to oil concessions, fishing activities and naval patrols reflects a tacit
agreement as to the localisation of the disputed boundary); KCM, Chapter I.F.3; and KR,
Chapter I.D.1 (noting the importance of fisheries for Kenya’s coastal communities).
184
relevant circumstances in the specific context of the second stage of the
three-step methodology.
361. As explained below, there are at least five relevant circumstances that call
for adjusting the provisional equidistance line in this case. Those
circumstances are: (i) the pronounced cut-off effect that an equidistance
line would produce on Kenya’s maritime areas; (ii) the regional context of
the Kenya-Somalia maritime boundary; (iii) Kenya’s vital security
concerns emanating from terrorism, piracy and other maritime crimes
regularly committed off the coast of Somalia; (iv) the Parties’ long-standing
conduct in relation to oil concessions, fishing activities, naval patrols and
other activities; and (v) the need to ensure Kenya’s equitable access to
fishery resources in the now-disputed maritime area.
362. As explained in Section IV.C, correctly applying the third stage of the
three-step methodology, or even just correcting the inconsistencies between
Somalia’s actual calculations and its stated methodology, reveals that the
application of the equidistance line proposed by Somalia, using either its
own standards or Kenya’s, would lead to a significant disproportionality in
maritime areas. By contrast, the Parallel of Latitude would not lead to a
marked disproportionality in all scenarios.
Deficiencies in the charted data from which Somalia calculates its
proposed basepoints require the provisional equidistance line proposed
by Somalia to be reconstructed anew
363. The first stage of the three-step methodology for maritime boundary
185
delimitation is drawing a provisional equidistance or median line.649
UNCLOS Article 15 provides that such line is formed as:
the median line every point of which is equidistant from
the nearest points on the baselines from which the breadth
of the territorial seas of each of the two States is
measured.650
364. Constructing an equidistance line is a “geometrically objective” process.651
It is “based on the geography of the Parties’ coasts and mathematical
calculations.”652 To begin with, it requires identifying the LBT.653 This is
the point where the land boundary between the two countries ends and
where the maritime boundary commences.654 Constructing an equidistance
line also requires identifying relevant basepoints.655 Basepoints are those
points:
649 See J. Crawford et al., Brownlie’s Principles of Public International Law (Oxford
University Press, 9th edition, 2019), page 273. See also Territorial and Maritime Dispute
between Nicaragua and Honduras in the Caribbean Sea (Nicaragua v. Honduras),
Judgment of 8 October 2007, I.C.J. Reports 2007, p. 659, paragraph 268.
650 UNCLOS, Article 15.
651 Maritime Delimitation in the Black Sea (Romania v. Ukraine), Judgment of 3 February
2009, I.C.J. Reports 2009, p. 61, paragraph 116.
652 Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary between Bangladesh and Myanmar in the Bay of
Bengal (Bangladesh/Myanmar), Judgment of 14 March 2012, ITLOS Reports 2012, p. 4,
paragraph 240.
653 See, e.g., The Bay of Bengal Maritime Boundary Arbitration (Bangladesh v. India), Award,
7 July 2014, PCA Case No. 2010-16, paragraph 58; Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary
between Bangladesh and Myanmar in the Bay of Bengal
(Bangladesh/Myanmar), Judgment of 14 March 2012, ITLOS Reports 2012, p. 4,
paragraph 157.
654 See The Bay of Bengal Maritime Boundary Arbitration (Bangladesh v. India), Award,
7 July 2014, PCA Case No. 2010-16, paragraph 58.
655 See, e.g., Maritime Delimitation and Territorial Questions between Qatar and Bahrain
(Qatar v. Bahrain), Merits, Judgment of 16 March 2001, I.C.J. Reports 2001, p. 40,
paragraph 178.
186
which mark a significant change in the direction of the
coast, in such a way that the geometrical figure formed by
the line connecting all these points reflects the general
direction of the coastlines.656
365. In selecting its proposed basepoints, Somalia fails to proceed from the most
reliable available charted data. Somalia has chosen to proceed from NGA
Nautical Chart 61220.657 However, NGA Nautical Chart 61220 indicates
clearly that it contains no new or independent charted data. Rather, as its
source listing makes clear, NGA Nautical Chart 61220 derives its charted
data from the relevant British Admiralty or Italian charts.658 In respect of
the coastline relevant to the calculation of basepoints, NGA Nautical Chart
61220 derives its charted data entirely from British Admiralty Chart
3362.659 Thus, the basepoints and provisional equidistance line proposed
by Somalia are necessarily based upon British Admiralty Chart 3362.
366. NGA Nautical Chart 61220 and British Admiralty Chart 3362 therefore
ought to be identical. However, there are in fact differences for which no
explanation appears readily available. Notably, Somalia’s choice of
basepoint S3 appears nowhere when basepoints are calculated using British
Admiralty Chart 3362. Its appearance from NGA Nautical Chart 61220
seems to be by error, which is then incorporated into Somalia’s provisional
equidistance line.
656 Maritime Delimitation in the Black Sea (Romania v. Ukraine), Judgment of 3 February
2009, I.C.J. Reports 2009, p. 61, paragraph 127.
657 See MS, paragraphs 5.18 and 6.41. See also SR, paragraph 3.58; United States National
Geospatial-Intelligence Agency, Chart 61220: Manda Island to Kismaayo (20 Jan. 2014)
SR, Annex 42.
658 See United States National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency, Chart 61220: Manda Island
to Kismaayo (20 Jan. 2014), SR, Annex 42.
659 See United Kingdom Hydrographic Office, British Admiralty Chart 3362: Lamu to
Kismaayo, 28 August 1997, Annex M1.
187
367. Constructed using British Admiralty Chart 3362, the relevant basepoints
and provisional equidistance line are as follows:
Figure 11: Construction of the Provisional Equidistance Line in the Territorial Sea
188
Figure 12: Construction of the Provisional Equidistance Line in the EEZ and
Continental Shelf
368. Figures 11 and 12 show Kenya’s provisional equidistance line calculated
using CARIS software based on British Admiralty Chart 3362.660 The
relevant basepoints are also shown. Kenya’s provisional equidistance line
begins from an LBT on the low-water line extending south-east from PB29.
It comprises 10 segments extending from the coast to the 350M limit. The
specific geographic coordinates of the provisional equidistance line’s
turning points and the relevant coastal basepoints from which they are
derived are as follows:661
660 See United Kingdom Hydrographic Office, British Admiralty Chart 3362: Lamu to
Kismaayo, 28 August 1997, Annex M1.
661 All coordinates are referred to WGS84.
189
Coordinates of the provisional equidistance line – or PEL – as constructed
by Kenya:
Point Latitude Longitude
LBT 1° 39’ 44.0” S 41° 33’ 34.4” E
PEL1 1° 40’ 08.5” S 41° 34’ 05.4” E
PEL2 1° 40’ 58.7” S 41° 34’ 13.4” E
PEL3 1° 41’ 53.1” S 41° 34’ 44.8” E
PEL4 1° 43’ 23.2” S 41° 37’ 05.1” E
PEL5 1° 45’ 22.0” S 41° 40’ 37.2” E
PEL6 (12M) 1° 47’ 27.3” S 41° 43’ 50.4” E
PEL7 1° 48’ 06.2” S 41° 44’ 50.4-” E
PEL8 1° 57’ 32.1” S 41° 59’ 59.1” E
PEL9 (200M) 3° 36’ 15.1” S 44° 17’ 41.4” E
PEL10 3° 58’ 39.5” S 44° 48’ 56.7” E
PEL11 (350M) 5° 03’ 05.6” S 46° 20’ 48.7” E
Kenya’s basepoints used for the provisional equidistance line:
Basepoint Latitude Longitude
K1 1° 39’ 51.6” S 41° 33’ 28.4” E
K2 1° 40’ 39.6” S 41° 32’ 55.3” E
K3 1° 42’ 40.1” S 41° 32’ 41.8” E
K4 1° 43’ 12.2” S 41° 32’ 38.5” E
K5 1° 43’ 39.0” S 41° 32’ 28.4” E
K6 1° 46’ 26.3” S 41° 30’ 36.2” E
Somalia’s basepoints used for the provisional equidistance line:
Basepoint Latitude Longitude
S1 1° 39’ 36.3” S 41° 33’ 40.4” E
S2 1° 39’ 40.9” S 41° 34’ 35.4” E
S3 1° 38’ 57.0” S 41° 35’ 21.9” E
S4 1° 35’ 49.9” S 41° 38’ 1.8” E
190
369. Thus, as established from the best available charted data (i.e., British
Admiralty Chart 3362), Kenya’s proposed provisional equidistance line
shows only slight differences from that proposed by Somalia. As
constructed above, beyond the third turning point, the line follows a
virtually constant bearing of about 125° all the way to the 350M limit. It
intersects the 200M EEZ limit at the point located at 3° 36’ 15.1” S, 44° 17’
41.4” E and the 350M outer continental shelf limit at the point located at 5°
03’ 05.6” S, 46° 20’ 48.7” E. Due to the geographical circumstances, the
provisional equidistance line thrusts in a south-easterly direction across the
coastal front of Kenya, uncurbed by any countervailing protuberance from
Kenya’s coastal front. It thus results in a pronounced and significant cutoff
effect with respect to Kenya’s maritime areas and outer continental
shelf. This is caused by the concavity of the coastlines of Kenya and
Tanzania.662
370. For the avoidance of doubt, Kenya presents the above provisional
equidistance line without prejudice to its position that the maritime
boundary has already been delimited by acquiescence along the Parallel of
Latitude and that, even if that were not the case, the Court should rely on
the latitudinal delimitation method.
The evidence confirms that there are multiple relevant circumstances
that require the provisional equidistance line to be adjusted to follow
the Parallel of Latitude
371. As the Court explained in its most recent maritime delimitation judgment:
[a]fter constructing the provisional equidistance line, ‘the
Court will at the next, second stage consider whether
662 See Chapter IV.B.1.
191
there are factors calling for the adjustment or shifting of
the provisional equidistance line in order to achieve an
equitable result.’663
372. The Court has confirmed in numerous cases that the adjustment or shifting
may be “necessary to take account of those circumstances”. These cases
include Peru v. Chile;664 the Black Sea case;665 Cameroon v. Nigeria;666
663 Maritime Delimitation in the Caribbean Sea and the Pacific Ocean (Costa Rica v.
Nicaragua) and Land Boundary in the Northern Part of Isla Portillos (Costa Rica v.
Nicaragua), Judgment of 2 February 2018, I.C.J. Reports 2018, p. 139, paragraph 146.
See also Maritime Dispute (Peru v. Chile), Judgment of 27 January 2014, I.C.J. Reports
2014, p. 3, paragraph 180; Maritime Delimitation in the Black Sea (Romania v. Ukraine),
Judgment of 3 February 2009, I.C.J. Reports 2009, p. 61, paragraph 120; The Bay of
Bengal Maritime Boundary Arbitration (Bangladesh v. India), Award, 7 July 2014, PCA
Case No. 2010-16, paragraph 344; Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary between
Bangladesh and Myanmar in the Bay of Bengal (Bangladesh/Myanmar), Judgment of 14
March 2012, ITLOS Reports 2012, p. 4, paragraph 240; Arbitration between Barbados
and the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago, Award, 11 April 2006, RIAA, Vol. XXVII, p.
147, paragraph 242.
664 See Maritime Dispute (Peru v. Chile), Judgment of 27 January 2014, I.C.J. Reports 2014,
p. 3, paragraph 191 (“[t]he Court must now determine whether there are any relevant
circumstances calling for an adjustment of the provisional equidistance line, with the
purpose, it must always be recalled, of achieving an equitable result.”).
665 See Maritime Delimitation in the Black Sea (Romania v. Ukraine), Judgment of 3 February
2009, I.C.J. Reports 2009, p. 61, paragraph 120 (“the Court will at the next, second stage
consider whether there are factors calling for the adjustment or shifting of the provisional
equidistance line in order to achieve an equitable result”).
666 See Land and Maritime Boundary between Cameroon and Nigeria (Cameroon v. Nigeria:
Equatorial Guinea intervening), Judgment of 10 October 2002, I.C.J. Reports 2002, p.
303, paragraph 288 (“[t]his method, which is very similar to the equidistance/special
circumstances method applicable in delimitation of the territorial sea, involves first
drawing an equidistance line, then considering whether there are factors calling for the
adjustment or shifting of that line in order to achieve an ‘equitable result’.”).
192
Qatar v. Bahrain;667 the Jan Mayen case;668 Libya/Malta;669 and the Gulf
of Maine case.670 Other international tribunals have also acknowledged the
principle that relevant circumstances might require adjusting the
provisional equidistance line.671
373. Somalia agrees with this principle.672 However, it claims that “there are no
667 See Maritime Delimitation and Territorial Questions between Qatar and Bahrain (Qatar
v. Bahrain), Merits, Judgment of 16 March 2001, I.C.J. Reports 2001, p. 40, paragraph
232 (“[t]he Court will now examine whether there are circumstances which might make it
necessary to adjust the equidistance line in order to achieve an equitable result.”).
668 See Maritime Delimitation in the Area between Greenland and Jan Mayen (Denmark v.
Norway), Judgment of 14 June 1993, I.C.J. Reports 1993, p. 38, paragraph 51 (“it is in
accord with precedents to begin with the median line as a provisional line and then to ask
whether ‘special circumstances’ require any adjustment or shifting of that line.”).
669 See, e.g., Continental Shelf (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya/Malta), Judgment of 3 June 1985,
I.C.J. Reports 1985, p. 13, paragraph 73 (“[t]he position reached by the Court at this stage
of its consideration of the case is therefore the following. It takes the median line (ignoring
Filfla as a basepoint) as the first step of the delimitation. But relevant circumstances
indicate that some northward shift of the boundary line is needed in order to produce an
equitable result.”).
670 See Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary in the Gulf of Maine Area (Canada v. United
States of America), Judgment of 12 October 1984, I.C.J. Reports 1984, p. 246, paragraph
112 (“delimitation is to be effected by the application of equitable criteria and by the use
of practical methods capable of ensuring, with regard to the geographic configuration of
the area and other relevant circumstances, an equitable result.”).
671 See, e.g., The Bay of Bengal Maritime Boundary Arbitration (Bangladesh v. India), Award,
7 July 2014, PCA Case No. 2010-16, paragraph 344 (“[i]n the second stage of the
equidistance/relevant circumstances method, the provisional equidistance line may be
adjusted to reflect the particularities of the case.”); Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary
between Bangladesh and Myanmar in the Bay of Bengal (Bangladesh/Myanmar),
Judgment of 14 March 2012, ITLOS Reports 2012, p. 4, paragraph 240 (“the Tribunal will
proceed in the following stages: at the first stage it will construct a provisional equidistance
line, based on the geography of the Parties’ coasts and mathematical calculations. Once
the provisional equidistance line has been drawn, it will proceed to the second stage of the
process, which consists of determining whether there are any relevant circumstances
requiring adjustment of the provisional equidistance line”); Arbitration between Barbados
and the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago, Award, 11 April 2006, RIAA, Vol. XXVII, p.
147, paragraph 242 (“[t]he second step accordingly requires the examination of this
provisional line in the light of relevant circumstances, which are case specific, so as to
determine whether it is necessary to adjust the provisional equidistance line in order to
achieve an equitable result”).
672 See SR, paragraph 3.65. See also MS, paragraph 6.45.
193
special circumstances in the territorial sea or relevant circumstances in the
EEZ/continental shelf that warrant an adjustment to the provisional
equidistance line in this case.”673 Somalia’s position is incorrect.
374. While the types of relevant circumstances that warrant such adjustment are
“case specific”,674 the case law of international courts and tribunals
provides useful guidance to determine what circumstances might be
“relevant”.675 That case law and the evidence and arguments contained in
673 SR, paragraph 3.66. See also MS, paragraphs 5.22-5.26 and 6.45-6.53.
674 Arbitration between Barbados and the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago, Award, 11 April
2006, RIAA, Vol. XXVII, p. 147, paragraph 242.
675 The Court, as well as other international tribunals, have previously identified a series of
relevant circumstances that are present in this case. Those circumstances are: (i) the socalled
“cut-off” effect (see, e.g., Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary between
Bangladesh and Myanmar in the Bay of Bengal (Bangladesh/Myanmar), Judgment of
14 March 2012, ITLOS Reports 2012, p. 4, paragraph 292; The Bay of Bengal Maritime
Boundary Arbitration (Bangladesh v. India), Award, 7 July 2014, PCA Case No. 2010-16,
paragraph 402); (ii) the regional context (see, e.g., Delimitation of the maritime boundary
between Guinea and Guinea-Bissau, Award, 14 February 1985, RIAA, Vol. XIX, p. 149,
paragraph 108; North Sea Continental Shelf Cases (Federal Republic of
Germany/Denmark; Federal Republic of Germany/Netherlands), Judgment of 20
February 1969, I.C.J. Reports 1969, p. 3, paragraph 101(D); Maritime Delimitation in the
Black Sea (Romania v. Ukraine), Judgment of 3 February 2009, I.C.J. Reports 2009, p.61,
paragraph 177); (iii) the parties’ security considerations (see, e.g., Maritime Delimitation
in the Black Sea (Romania v. Ukraine), Judgment of 3 February 2009, I.C.J. Reports 2009,
p. 61, paragraph 204; Continental Shelf (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya/Malta), Judgment of 3
June 1985, I.C.J. Reports 1985, p. 13, paragraph 51); (iv) the parties’ conduct, including
in relation to oil concessions, fishing activities and naval patrols (see, e.g., Land and
Maritime Boundary between Cameroon and Nigeria (Cameroon v. Nigeria: Equatorial
Guinea intervening), Judgment of 10 October 2002, I.C.J. Reports 2002, p. 303, paragraph
304; Continental Shelf (Tunisia/Libyan Arab Jamahiriya), Judgment of 24 February 1982,
I.C.J. Reports 1982, p. 18, paragraphs 96 and 117-118); (v) the parties’ equitable access to
natural resources (see, e.g., Maritime Delimitation in the Area between Greenland and Jan
Mayen (Denmark v. Norway), Judgment of 14 June 1993, I.C.J. Reports 1993, p. 38,
paragraph 72; Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary in the Gulf of Maine Area (Canada
v.United States of America), Judgment of 12 October 1984, I.C.J. Reports 1984, p. 246,
paragraph 237); and (vi) the navigational interests and historic titles of the parties (see,
e.g., Arbitration regarding the delimitation of the maritime boundary between Guyana and
Suriname, Award, 17 September 2007, RIAA, Vol. XXX, p. 1, paragraphs 297, 306 and
313; Delimitation of Continental Shelf between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland, and the French Republic (UK, France), Award, 30 June 1977, RIAA,
Vol. XVIII, p. 3, paragraph 188).
194
this Appendix clarify that there are at least five relevant circumstances that
call for an adjustment of the provisional equidistance line to the Parallel of
Latitude. These are:
(i) the severe cut-off effect that an equidistance line would produce on
Kenya’s maritime areas;
(ii) the regional context (i.e., in light of the general configuration of the
coast and the fact that all relevant maritime boundaries in the
eastern coast of Africa follow parallels of latitude);
(iii) vital security interests, concerning both the Parties and the
international community at large, that emanate from terrorism,
piracy and other maritime crimes regularly committed off the coast
of Somalia;
(iv) the Parties’ longstanding conduct in relation to oil concessions,
fishing activities, naval patrols and other activities, which, at the
very minimum, reflects the existence of a de facto boundary along
the Parallel of Latitude; and
(v) the need to ensure equitable access of Kenya’s fisherfolk to vital
fishery resources located immediately south of the Parallel of
Latitude.
375. The following subsections address each of these relevant circumstances in
turn.
195
1. The severe cut-off effect that the provisional equidistance line
produces on Kenya’s maritime areas requires that line to be
adjusted to the Parallel of Latitude
376. It is well established under international law that a maritime delimitation
should avoid, as far as possible, any cut-off on the maritime areas of a State.
Ever since the North Sea Continental Shelf Cases, the Court has highlighted
the importance of avoiding pronounced encroachments or cut-offs when
effecting a delimitation. In that case, the Court observed that:
the continental shelf of any State must be the natural
prolongation of its land territory and must not encroach
upon what is the natural prolongation of the territory of
another State.676
377. Subsequent jurisprudence has developed this principle.677 For example, in
Nicaragua v. Colombia, the Court recently stated that:
676 North Sea Continental Shelf Cases (Federal Republic of Germany/Denmark; Federal
Republic of Germany/Netherlands), Judgment of 20 February 1969, I.C.J. Reports 1969,
p. 3, paragraph 85(c).
677 See, e.g., Continental Shelf (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya/Malta), Judgment of 3 June 1985,
I.C.J. Reports 1985, p. 13, paragraph 46; Delimitation of maritime areas between Canada
and France, Award, 10 June 1992, RIAA, Vol. XXI, p. 265, paragraph 58; Delimitation of
the Maritime Boundary between Bangladesh and Myanmar in the Bay of Bengal
(Bangladesh/Myanmar), Judgment of 14 March 2012, ITLOS Reports 2012, p. 4,
paragraphs 292, 293 and 297; The Bay of Bengal Maritime Boundary Arbitration
(Bangladesh v. India), Award, 7 July 2014, PCA Case No. 2010-16, paragraph 408;
Delimitation of the maritime boundary between Guinea and Guinea-Bissau, Award, 14
February 1985, RIAA, Vol. XIX, p. 149, paragraphs 103-104; Territorial and Maritime
Dispute (Nicaragua v. Colombia), Judgment of 19 November 2012, I.C.J. Reports 2012,
p. 624, paragraph 215; Maritime Delimitation in the Black Sea (Romania v. Ukraine),
Judgment of 3 February 2009, I.C.J. Reports 2009, p. 61, paragraph 201; Arbitration
regarding the delimitation of the maritime boundary between Guyana and Suriname,
Award, 17 September 2007, RIAA, Vol. XXX, p. 1, paragraph 392; Land and Maritime
Boundary between Cameroon and Nigeria (Cameroon v. Nigeria: Equatorial Guinea
intervening), Judgment of 10 October 2002, I.C.J. Reports 2002, p. 303, paragraph 297;
Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary in the Atlantic Ocean (Ghana/Côte d’Ivoire),
Judgment of 23 September 2017, ITLOS Reports 2017, p. 4, paragraphs 423-426.
196
the cut‑off effect is a relevant consideration which
requires adjustment or shifting of the provisional median
line in order to produce an equitable result.678
378. In that case, the Court made a significant adjustment to the provisional
equidistance line to avoid the cut-off produced by a number of islands on
Nicaragua’s maritime areas.679 Equally, in the Black Sea case, the Court
explained that delimitation lines should avoid cut-off by allowing “the
adjacent coasts of the Parties to produce their effects, in terms of maritime
entitlements, in a reasonable and mutually balanced way.”680
379. Similarly, in the Bangladesh/Myanmar case, the International Tribunal for
the Law of the Sea (“ITLOS”) considered that:
when an equidistance line drawn between two States
produces a cut-off effect on the maritime entitlement of
one of those States, as a result of the concavity of the
coast, then an adjustment of that line may be necessary in
order to reach an equitable result.681
380. In that case, the application of an equidistance line coupled with the concave
nature of Bangladesh’s coast produced a significant cut-off effect on
Bangladesh’s maritime areas.682 The ITLOS tribunal found that such cut-
678 Territorial and Maritime Dispute (Nicaragua v. Colombia), Judgment of 19 November
2012, I.C.J. Reports 2012, p. 624, paragraph 215.
679 See Territorial and Maritime Dispute (Nicaragua v. Colombia), Judgment of 19 November
2012, I.C.J. Reports 2012, p. 624, paragraphs 215 and 232-238.
680 Maritime Delimitation in the Black Sea (Romania v. Ukraine), Judgment of 3 February
2009, I.C.J. Reports 2009, p. 61, paragraph 201.
681 Delimitation of the maritime boundary in the Bay of Bengal (Bangladesh/Myanmar),
Judgment of 14 March 2012, ITLOS Reports 2012, p. 4, paragraph 292.
682 See Delimitation of the maritime boundary in the Bay of Bengal (Bangladesh/Myanmar),
Judgment of 14 March 2012, ITLOS Reports 2012, p. 4, paragraphs 323-324.
197
off constituted a relevant circumstance that required “an adjustment [...] to
its provisional equidistance line”.683
381. Equally, the UNCLOS Annex VII tribunal in the Bangladesh v. India case
adjusted a provisional equidistance line to avoid the cut-off effect it
produced on Bangladesh’s maritime areas.684 The Annex VII tribunal
observed that:
as a result of the concavity of the coast, the provisional
equidistance line it constructed in fact produces a cut-off
effect on the seaward projections of the coast of
Bangladesh. For that reason, the Tribunal considers the
cut-off to constitute a relevant circumstance which may
require the adjustment of the provisional equidistance line
it constructed.685
382. The tribunal then proceeded to adjust the provisional equidistance line
noting that:
the provisional equidistance line it has constructed must
be adjusted in order to avoid an unreasonable cut-off
effect to the detriment of Bangladesh.686
383. The Bangladesh v. India decision is particularly illuminating because it
explained that a provisional equidistance line should be adjusted when the
cut-off prevents: (i) a State “from extending its maritime boundary as far
seaward as international law permits”; and (ii) the achievement of an
683 Delimitation of the maritime boundary in the Bay of Bengal (Bangladesh/Myanmar),
Judgment of 14 March 2012, ITLOS Reports 2012, p. 4, paragraph 325.
684 See Bay of Bengal Maritime Boundary Arbitration (Bangladesh v. India), Award, 7 July
2014, PCA Case No. 2010-16, paragraph 421.
685 Bay of Bengal Maritime Boundary Arbitration (Bangladesh v. India), Award, 7 July 2014,
PCA Case No. 2010-16, paragraph 408.
686 Bay of Bengal Maritime Boundary Arbitration (Bangladesh v. India), Award, 7 July 2014,
PCA Case No. 2010-16, paragraph 421.
198
“equitable solution”.687 In the present case, the cut-off produced by the
application of an equidistance line would prevent both things.
384. Somalia admits that a “cut-off effect appreciated within the general
geographical context” is a relevant circumstance “for the purposes of
adjusting the provisional equidistance line”.688 However, it claims that no
adjustment is required in this case. Somalia’s argument lacks any merit.
385. Indeed, Kenya has already explained that the application of an equidistance
line to the Kenya-Somalia boundary “would produce a significant cut-off
effect with respect to the maritime areas of Kenya.”689 As reflected in
Figure 13 below, a boundary along an equidistance line would substantially
narrow Kenya’s coastal projection into its EEZ from a coastal length
(measured as a straight line) of 424 km to merely 180 km measured at the
200M limit. This would represent a reduction of 58% or 65% if one takes
the natural configuration used by Somalia (i.e., 511 km to 180 km measured
at the 200M limit).690 In any view, that severe reduction in Kenya’s coastal
projection constitutes a pronounced and unreasonable cut-off. In
proportional terms, it is not far from the cut-off produced in Bangladesh’s
maritime areas, which led the tribunal to adjust the provisional equidistance
line in the Bangladesh v. India case.691
687 Bay of Bengal Maritime Boundary Arbitration (Bangladesh v. India), Award, 7 July 2014,
PCA Case No. 2010-16, paragraph 417.
688 See, e.g., MS, paragraph 6.47.
689 KR, paragraph 138. See also KR, paragraphs 138-143; KCM, paragraphs 343-352.
690 See KCM, paragraph 344, citing Figure 3-1; KR, paragraph 141(b).
691 In that case, Bangladesh claimed that: “[a]t just 75 M from shore, the breadth of
Bangladesh’s maritime space has been reduced by nearly 40%, from 188 M to just 117 M.
At 150 M from shore, it is far worse: the breadth has been reduced to a mere 45 M, only
24% of the near-shore figure. At 200M, it is just 26 M, less than 1/7th as much as its original
199
Figure 13: Cut-off Effect on Kenya’s Maritime Projection
386. Moreover, the cut-off effect produced by the equidistance line is severely
exacerbated past the 200M limit, essentially to the point that Kenya would
be completely cut off from the outer limit of the continental shelf.692 It
would be as if Kenya did not exist and the relevant area at the outermost
limit of the continental shelf were generated only by the coastal projections
of Somalia and Tanzania. In other words, the evidence confirms that the
cut-off effect past the 200M limit clearly would not allow Kenya to
“extend[] its maritime boundary as far seaward as international law
permits”.693 It also would not allow “the adjacent coasts of the Parties to
extent. And at approximately 235 M, it terminates completely.” Bay of Bengal Maritime
Boundary Arbitration (Bangladesh v. India), Reply of Bangladesh, Vol. I, PCA Case No.
2010-16, paragraph 4.79.
692 See KCM, paragraph 344; KR, paragraph 141(b).
693 Bay of Bengal Maritime Boundary Arbitration (Bangladesh v. India), Award, 7 July 2014,
PCA Case No. 2010-16, paragraph 417.
200
produce their effects, in terms of maritime entitlements, in a reasonable and
mutually balanced way”.694
387. Somalia effectively admits that its proposed boundary line would severely
cut off Kenya’s maritime areas, particularly past the 200M limit. In its
Memorial, Somalia openly concedes that “Kenya’s entitlements may appear
reduced beyond 200 M”.695 Despite that, Somalia argues that the cut-off to
Kenya’s maritime areas “is not a relevant circumstance opposable to
Somalia” because it stems from Kenya’s delimitation agreement with
Tanzania.696 However, the suggestion that the Court should completely
ignore the Kenya-Tanzania boundary agreement as if it were a self-inflicted
wound is not tenable.697
388. Kenya has already provided ample reasons to explain why the Kenya-
Tanzania boundary agreement cannot be ignored. To wit, that agreement:
(i) was “adopted in good faith on the understanding that a maritime
boundary at the parallel of latitude achieved an equitable solution in respect
of Tanzania”;698 (ii) “informed Kenya’s adoption of a similar parallel of
latitude maritime boundary with Somalia” to which Somalia acquiesced for
at least 35 years;699 (iii) “was consistent with regional practice in respect of
maritime boundary delimitations”;700 and (iv) was based on the views
694 Maritime Delimitation in the Black Sea (Romania v. Ukraine), Judgment of 3 February
2009, I.C.J. Reports 2009, p. 61, paragraph 201.
695 MS, paragraph 7.44.
696 MS, paragraph 7.44.
697 See paragraphs 389-392 below.
698 KR, paragraph 143.
699 KR, paragraph 143.
700 KR, paragraph 143.
201
expressed by all relevant States (including Somalia) at the relevant time,
including during the UNCLOS III negotiations.701
389. In addition, as illustrated in Figure 14 below, an equidistance boundary
between Kenya’s and Tanzania’s maritime areas would have been
excessively disadvantageous to Kenya in the areas both within and beyond
200M from the relevant coastline. The combined effect of both
equidistance lines would have exacerbated the cut-off in the maritime areas
within 200M, greatly restricting Kenya’s maritime space as compared to its
coastal length.
Figure 14: Cut-off Effect on Kenya’s Maritime Areas within 200M Arising from the
Kenya-Tanzania Equidistance Line
701 See, e.g., KCM, paragraphs 201 and 227.
202
390. Indeed, the same injurious effect of using equidistance lines continues even
beyond the 200M line, as shown in Figure 15 below.
Figure 15: Cut-off Effect on Kenya’s Maritime Areas beyond 200M Arising from the
Kenya-Tanzania Equidistance Line
391. Far from a self-inflicted wound, the Kenya-Tanzania boundary agreement
was a compromise between both States. This compromise was reached in
full consistency with equitable and international law principles of maritime
boundary delimitation prevailing at the time. To fully appreciate this, it is
necessary to engage with the relevant States’ contemporaneous views of the
applicable international law, rather than assessing the situation through the
narrow lens of the law as it stands today. This follows from the principle
of inter-temporal law, according to which “a juridical fact must be
appreciated in the light of the law contemporary with it, and not of the law
203
in force at the time when a dispute in regard to it arises or falls to be
settled.”702
392. Somalia cannot tenably deny that the Kenya-Tanzania boundary agreement
concluded in 1975-1976703 was fully consistent with contemporaneous
international law principles of maritime boundary delimitation. As Kenya
explained above and in its Counter-Memorial, during the course of the
UNCLOS III negotiations that took place between 1978 and 1980, Somalia
itself (alongside Kenya and other delegations) submitted proposals
indicating its preference for delimitation based on equitable principles
rather than equidistance.704
393. Indeed, speaking at UNCLOS III on 3 April 1980, Somalia’s representative,
while rejecting the proposal to refer to equidistance in draft Articles 74 and
83, categorically urged that:
delimitation [of the exclusive economic zone and
continental shelf] should be effected in accordance with
equitable principles and all the relevant circumstances.
The practice of States and judicial and arbitral precedents
provided clear evidence of the widespread use of those
criteria by the international community.705
394. Likewise, on 26 August 1980, at the Resumed Ninth Session of UNCLOS
III, the Somali delegation:
702 Island of Palmas Case (Netherlands, USA), Award, 4 April 1928, RIAA, Vol. II, p. 829,
page 845.
703 See KCM, Chapter I.B.3; KR, Chapter II.B2.
704 See KCM, Chapter I.C.2 and paragraph 257.
705 128th Plenary meeting, 3 April 1980, A/CONF.62/SR.128, Official Records of the Third
United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, Volume XIII, Ninth Session, p. 35 and
p. 44, paragraph 43, KCM, Annex 71.
204
considered that such delimitation should be determined
on the basis of the principle of equity. It was convinced
that a serious analysis of customary international law, as
articulated in the 1969 North Sea cases and the 1977
arbitral decision on the Channel case between France and
the United Kingdom, would prove that equity and
equitable principles rather than the purely geometric
methods of the median or equidistance line had become
consecrated as the general rule in international law in
delimitation matters.706
395. It is notable that Somalia made those unequivocal statements in the years
immediately following the conclusion of the Kenya-Tanzania boundary
agreement in 1975-1976 and one year after the 1979 EEZ Proclamation. To
the same effect, in 1974, Tanzania co-signed a proposed provision put
forward by African States according to which:
[t]he delimitation of the exclusive economic zone
between adjacent or opposite States shall be done by
agreements between them on the basis of principles of
equity, the median line not being the only method of
delimitation.707
396. The evidence therefore makes it abundantly clear that all relevant States –
Kenya, Somalia and Tanzania – shared a clear common understanding, at
the time when the Kenya-Tanzania boundary was agreed, that public
706 138th Plenary meeting, 26 August 1980, A/CONF.62/SR.138, Official Records of the Third
United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, Volume XIV, Resumed Ninth Session,
pp. 55-6, page 56, paragraph 73, KCM, Annex 72.
707 Gambia, Ghana, Ivory Coast, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Libyan Arab Republic,
Madagascar, Mali, Mauritania, Morocco, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Sudan, Tunisia, United
Republic of Cameroon, United Republic of Tanzania and Zaire: draft articles on the
exclusive economic zone, A/CONF.62/C.2/L.82, 26 August 1974, page 241, Article 8(1),
Annex 70. See also an earlier draft: Kenya and Tunisia: draft article on the delimitation
of the continental shelf or the exclusive economic zone, A/CONF.62/C.2/L.28, 30 July
1974, page 205, Annex 71. A similar text was presented by France. See France: draft
article on the delimitation of the continental shelf or of the economic zone,
A/CONF.62/C.2/L.74, 22 August 1974, page 237, Annex 72.
205
international law required maritime boundary delimitations to be effected
on the basis of equity. As explained in further detail below, the historical
and regional context of Kenya, Somalia and Tanzania’s boundaries cannot
simply be ignored for the sake of securing a universal methodological
uniformity through the retrospective application of the three-step
methodology. That is all the more so considering that Somalia itself
acknowledges that the “equidistance/relevant circumstances method had
not crystallized into law 36 years ago”.708 It fact, it still has not.
397. Adjusting the provisional equidistance line to the Parallel of Latitude would
prevent any pronounced cut-off on either Kenya or Somalia’s maritime
areas.709 As illustrated in Figure 16 below, such adjustment would not
prevent Somalia from extending its maritime areas “as far seaward as
international law permits”.710 It also would not prevent Kenya from
extending its maritime areas to the 350M limit of the continental shelf. In
other words, adjusting the provisional equidistance line to the Parallel of
Latitude would “allow[] the adjacent coasts of the Parties to produce their
effects, in terms of maritime entitlements, in a reasonable and mutually
balanced way.”711
708 SR, paragraph 3.21. See also SR, paragraph 3.36 and footnote 195 (describing 1982 as
“well-before the three-step method became settled” and citing in this context the decisions
in Delimitation of the maritime boundary between Guinea and Guinea-Bissau, Award, 14
February 1985, RIAA, Vol. XIX, p. 149 and Delimitation of maritime areas between
Canada and France, Award, 10 June 1992, RIAA, Vol. XXI, p. 265 as pre-dating the
three-step method.
709 See KCM, paragraphs 348-351 (where Kenya explains why Somalia’s alleged cut-off is on
a scale that is appropriate in achieving an equitable delimitation where cut-off effects are
addressed in “a reasonable and mutually balanced way”).
710 Bay of Bengal Maritime Boundary Arbitration (Bangladesh v. India), Award, 7 July 2014,
PCA Case No. 2010-16, paragraph 417.
711 Maritime Delimitation in the Black Sea (Romania v. Ukraine), Judgment of 3 February
2009, I.C.J. Reports 2009, p. 61, paragraph 201.
206
Figure 16: The Parallel of Latitude Boundary Would Not Cut-off Somalia
398. In sum, an equitable outcome in this case is not possible unless the
pronounced cut-off effect produced on Kenya’s maritime areas by the
application of an equidistance line is avoided. That cut-off is a relevant
circumstance that necessarily calls for the adjustment of the provisional
equidistance line. The most appropriate way to avoid a pronounced cut-off
in this case is to adjust that line to the Parallel of Latitude.
2. The regional context requires the adjustment of the provisional
equidistance line to the Parallel of Latitude
399. The regional practice of using parallels of latitude to define the maritime
boundaries of the Eastern African coast constitutes an additional relevant
circumstance that requires adjusting the provisional equidistance line to the
Parallel of Latitude.
400. Since the North Sea Continental Shelf Cases, the Court has noted the
importance of the regional context when effecting a maritime delimitation
207
on multiple occasions. In that case, the Court highlighted the significance
of taking into account “the effects, actual or prospective, of any other
continental shelf delimitations between adjacent States in the same
region.”712
401. Relying on regional context, subsequent tribunals have also departed from
provisional equidistance lines. For example, in the Guinea/Guinea-Bissau
arbitration, the tribunal relied heavily on the regional context to depart from
the equidistance line proposed by Guinea-Bissau. The tribunal adopted a
solution that took “overall account of the shape of [the West African]
coastline” and was consistent with the regional practice of delimitation
agreements.713 Indeed, the tribunal emphasised the need to ensure that its
delimitation would:
be suitable for equitable integration into the existing
delimitations of the West African region, as well as future
delimitations which would be reasonable to imagine from
a consideration of equitable principles and the most likely
assumptions.714
712 North Sea Continental Shelf Cases (Federal Republic of Germany/Denmark; Federal
Republic of Germany/Netherlands), Judgment of 20 February 1969, I.C.J. Reports 1969,
p. 3, paragraph 101(D)(3). See also S. Fietta and R. Cleverly, A Practitioner’s Guide to
Maritime Boundary Delimitation (Oxford University Press, 2016), page 91 (“[f]urther nongeographical
relevant circumstances might include: […] the regional context, in the form
of delimitations already made or still to be made between other States in the region”).
713 Delimitation of the maritime boundary between Guinea and Guinea-Bissau, Award,
14 February 1985, RIAA, Vol. XIX, p. 149, paragraph 108 (unofficial translation) (original
French: “Une méthode valable pour le Tribunal consiste à commencer par embrasser d’un
coup d’oeil l’ensemble de la région de l’Afrique occidentale et à rechercher une solution
tenant compte d’une façon globale de la forme de ses côtes”).
714 Delimitation of the maritime boundary between Guinea and Guinea-Bissau, Award,
14 February 1985, RIAA, Vol. XIX, p. 149, paragraph 109 (unofficial translation)
(original French: “soit susceptible d’être insérée équitablement dans les délimitations
actuelles de la région ouest-africaine et dans ses délimitations futures telles qu’on peut
raisonnablement les imaginer en recourant à des principes équitables et d’après les
hypothèses les plus vraisemblables […]”).
208
402. Notably, the tribunal also explained that the application of equidistance
lines in cases where there are three adjacent States along a concave coastline
is not appropriate. The tribunal rightly explained that the application of an
equidistance line in those cases is likely to result “in the middle country
being enclaved by the other two and thus prevented from extending its
maritime territory as far seaward as international law permits.”715 As
explained in Section IV.B.1, that is precisely the effect that the application
of the provisional equidistance line would have on Kenya.716
403. Moreover, in Tunisia/Libya, the Court found that “the existence and
interests of other States in the area, and the existing or potential
delimitations between each of the Parties and such States” was a relevant
circumstance for the purpose of its delimitation.717 Similarly, in
Libya/Malta, the Court noted that “the practice of States as reflected in the
delimitation agreements [previously] concluded and published” could
constitute a relevant circumstance.718
715 Delimitation of the maritime boundary between Guinea and Guinea-Bissau, Award,
14 February 1985, RIAA, Vol. XIX, p. 149, paragraph 104 (unofficial translation) (original
French: “[q]uand en fait il y a — comme c’est ici le cas si l'on songe à la Sierra Leone —
trois États limitrophes le long d’un littoral concave, l’équidistance a cet autre inconvénient
d’avoir pour résultat que le pays situé au centre est enclavé par les deux autres et se trouve
empêché de projeter son territoire maritime aussi loin vers le large que le lui permettrait le
droit international.”).
716 See paragraphs 330 – 333, 376 – 398 above.
717 Continental Shelf (Tunisia/Libyan Arab Jamahiriya), Judgment of 24 February 1982,
I.C.J. Reports 1982, p. 18, paragraph 81. See also Continental Shelf (Libyan Arab
Jamahiriya/Malta), Judgment of 3 June 1985, I.C.J. Reports 1985, p. 13, paragraph 69
(where the Court considered the regional context making clear that it had “to look beyond
the area concerned in the case, and consider the general geographical context in which the
delimitation will have to be effected.”).
718 Continental Shelf (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya/Malta), Judgment of 3 June 1985, I.C.J.
Reports 1985, p. 13, paragraph 69.
209
404. Kenya has already explained that an equitable delimitation in this case
necessarily requires taking into account the regional context.719 There are
two points to be made here. One concerns the broader regional context of
the States located in the relevant part of the Eastern African coast. The
other concerns the more specific context of the Kenya-Tanzania maritime
boundary.
405. Turning to the first point, there are five adjacent States with maritime
boundaries on the Eastern African coast, and four adjacent boundaries
between them. Three of those States (i.e., Kenya, Tanzania and
Mozambique) have indisputably agreed to delimit their boundaries using
parallels of latitude.720 The use of parallels of latitude to delimit those
boundaries was not accidental. It represented what those States regarded as
equitable and was an instance of States adjusting their overlapping claims
in a peaceful manner and in accordance with international law. Somalia
shared that view until 2014.
406. As already explained, those States were not interested in engaging in the
microscopic exercise of identifying basepoints to draw equidistance
lines.721 Quite the contrary, all of those States adamantly opposed
equidistance, as did Somalia. They did so because they were looking at
their regional and geographic relationship in broad terms.722 Ultimately,
719 See KCM, paragraphs 326-332; KR, paragraphs 135-148.
720 See KR, paragraph 146.
721 See Chapter III.
722 See KCM, paragraphs 69-76; KR, paragraph 131.
210
they considered that parallel boundaries would lead to an equitable division
of their maritime areas in light of the general coastal configuration.723
407. Against this backdrop, the retroactive imposition of an equidistance line in
a region that has always used parallels of latitude would be inequitable and
would ignore the “general geographical context in which the [Kenya-
Somalia] delimitation [has] to be effected.”724 That is all the more so
considering that the three-step methodology did not even exist at the time
when neighbouring maritime boundaries in the region were agreed (namely,
the 1975-1976 Kenya-Tanzania agreement725 and the 1988
Tanzania-Mozambique maritime agreement726).
408. Turning to the second point, Kenya respectfully refers the Court to its
previous submissions where it has already explained why the existence of
the Kenya-Tanzania maritime boundary cannot be ignored.727 Suffice it to
recall that the Kenya-Tanzania boundary brought advantages to both States
and was agreed in full compliance with equitable and international law
principles prevailing at the time. More importantly, it was agreed on the
basis of the contemporaneous views expressed by all relevant States,
723 See Chapter III. See also KCM, paragraphs 69-76; KR, paragraph 131.
724 Continental Shelf (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya/Malta), Judgment of 3 June 1985, I.C.J.
Reports 1985, p. 13, paragraph 69.
725 See Agreement between the United Republic of Tanzania and the Republic of Kenya on
the delimitation of the maritime boundary of the exclusive economic zone and the
continental shelf, 2603 U.N.T.S. 37 (23 June 2009), entered into force 23 June 2009, MS,
Annex 7.
726 See Agreement between the Government of the United Republic of Tanzania and the
Government of the People’s Republic of Mozambique Regarding the
Tanzania/Mozambique Boundary, 28 December 1988, JI Charney and LM Alexander
(eds), International Maritime Boundaries I (Nijhoff 1993), p. 898, KCM, Annex 143.
727 See paragraphs 387-398 above.
211
including during the UNCLOS III negotiations.728 Thus, Kenya fully
expected that Somalia would agree to settle the Kenya-Somalia boundary
equitably, as the Parties understood that term at the time (i.e., certainly not
on the basis of equidistance).
409. Ignoring the Kenya-Tanzania maritime boundary in this case would be
inequitable and would severely undermine the objectives of “transparency”
and “predictability” highlighted by the Bangladesh v. India UNCLOS
Annex VII tribunal.729 In this case, transparency and predictability
necessarily entail taking into account the existence of the Kenya-Tanzania
maritime boundary, which Somalia acknowledged and regarded as
equitable for almost half a century.
410. In sum, the regional context constitutes an additional relevant circumstance
that calls for the adjustment of the provisional equidistance line to the
Parallel of Latitude in order to ensure that the Kenya-Somalia boundary is
“suitable for equitable integration into the existing delimitations of the
[East] African region”.730
728 See paragraphs 391-396 above.
729 See Bay of Bengal Maritime Boundary Arbitration (Bangladesh v. India), Award, 7 July
2014, PCA Case No. 2010-16, paragraph 339.
730 Delimitation of the maritime boundary between Guinea and Guinea-Bissau, Award, 14
February 1985, RIAA, Vol. XIX, p. 149, paragraph 109 (unofficial translation) (original
French: “susceptible d’être insérée équitablement dans les délimitations actuelles de la
région ouest-africaine”).
212
3. Vital security interests concerning both the Parties and the
international community at large require the provisional
equidistance line to be adjusted to the Parallel of Latitude
411. As already explained, Kenya faces continuous and existential security
threats from terrorist and other criminal groups operating in Somalia’s land
and waters.731 To aggravate matters, Somalia openly admits that it cannot
control, regulate or enforce its maritime jurisdiction over the disputed area
– not even in its territorial sea. Indeed, Somalia concedes that:
it has been widely recognised that, as a result of Somalia’s
lack of maritime enforcement capacity, vessels from
many States have engaged in illegal fishing in Somalia’s
territorial waters and EEZ—activities that Somalia has
been unable to prevent.732
412. As a result, as ably summarised by General Kibwana, the former Chief of
General Staff of Kenya and a decorated naval officer with an illustrious
career:
[i]t is very important that the Kenya Navy be allowed to
patrol the entire territorial waters, up to the parallel of
latitude. Terrorist incursions, and incursions by pirates
and bandits, often occur by sea. For example, as a naval
officer, I am keenly aware that the November 2008
terrorist attacks in Mumbai, killing at least 174 people and
injuring another 300, were conducted by terrorists who
entered India using a hijacked fishing trawler. Kenya
Navy’s patrols are important to limit the risk of such
terrorist acts occurring on Kenyan soil. If the Kenya
Navy is stopped from patrolling up to the parallel of
latitude, both within and beyond the territorial sea limit,
the security situation for Kenya will decrease
substantially. Terrorist activity in East Africa and Kenya,
731 See KCM, paragraphs 183-185; KR, paragraph 86; KPO, paragraph 16.
732 SR, paragraph 2.71.
213
as well as piracy, would be expected to increase. This is
a substantial risk to the lives of Kenyan and other
civilians.733
413. As discussed directly below, other evidence fully confirms General
Kibwana’s conclusion that any maritime delimitation south of the Parallel
of Latitude would exacerbate the security threats of terrorism and piracy
and endanger global security. Those vital security interests are a relevant
circumstance that confirms the need to adjust the provisional equidistance
line to the Parallel of Latitude.
(i) Security interests may constitute a relevant circumstance
requiring adjustment of a provisional equidistance line
414. The Court and other international tribunals have recognised that security
interests may constitute a relevant circumstance requiring adjustment of a
provisional equidistance line. The type of security interests that may require
such adjustment include “navigational defence”734 issues and “law
enforcement considerations”735 required to prevent illegal activities in a
particular area.
415. In Nicaragua v. Colombia, for example, the parties invoked various defence
and law enforcement considerations. This included, on Colombia’s part,
responsibility for the exercise of jurisdiction in relation to drug trafficking
733 Witness Statement of General (Ret’d) Joseph Raymond Kibwana, EGH, CBS,
11 January 2021, paragraph 24, Annex WS1.
734 Delimitation of Continental Shelf between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland, and the French Republic (UK, France), Award, 30 June 1977, RIAA,
Vol. XVIII, p. 3, paragraphs 188.
735 Territorial and Maritime Dispute (Nicaragua v. Colombia), Judgment of 19 November
2012, I.C.J. Reports 2012, p. 624, paragraphs 221-222.
214
and related crimes in the disputed area.736 In this context, the Court
accepted that:
legitimate security concerns might be a relevant
consideration if a maritime delimitation was effected
particularly near to the coast of a State and the Court will
bear this consideration in mind in determining what
adjustment to make to the provisional median line or in
what way that line should be shifted.737
416. For its part, the arbitral tribunal in the Guinea/Guinea Bissau case
emphasised that:
[i]ts primary objective has been to avoid that, for one
reason or another, one of the Parties would find itself
faced with the exercise of rights, which might interfere
with its right to development or compromise its security
in front of its coasts and in their immediate vicinity.738
417. Similarly, in the Libya/Malta and Black Sea cases, the Court made clear that
“the legitimate security considerations of the Parties may play a role in
736 See Territorial and Maritime Dispute (Nicaragua v. Colombia), Judgment of 19 November
2012, I.C.J. Reports 2012, p. 624, paragraph 221.
737 Territorial and Maritime Dispute (Nicaragua v. Colombia), Judgment of 19 November
2012, I.C.J. Reports 2012, p. 624, paragraph 222.
738 Delimitation of the maritime boundary between Guinea and Guinea-Bissau, Award, 14
February 1985, RIAA, Vol. XIX, p. 149, paragraph 124 (unofficial translation) (original
French: “[s]on objectif premier a été d’éviter que, pour une raison ou pour une autre, une
des Parties voie s’exercer en face de ses côtes et dans leur voisinage immédiat des droits
qui pourraient porter atteinte à son droit au développement ou compromettre sa sécurité”).
See also Sovereignty and Maritime Delimitation in the Red Sea (Eritrea/Yemen), Award,
17 December 1999, RIAA, Vol. XXII, p. 335, paragraph 157 (“[i]f any further were needed
to reject the Yemen suggestion of enclaving the Eritrean islands in this area beyond a limit
of 12 miles from the high-water line of the mainland coast, it may be found in the principle
of non-encroachment which was described by Judge Lachs in the Guinea/Guinea-Bissau
Award in the following terms: As stated in the award, our principal concern has been to
avoid, by one means or another, one of the Parties finding itself faced with the exercise of
rights, opposite to and in the immediate vicinity of its coast, which might interfere with its
rights to development or put its security at risk”).
215
determining the final delimitation line.”739 Bearing this in mind, in the
Black Sea case, the Court noted that it had drawn a provisional equidistance
line “fully respect[ing] the legitimate security interests of either Party.”740
For that reason, no further adjustment to the provisional equidistance line
was required. It follows that, in the present case, anything less than “full[]
respect [for] the legitimate security interests” of Kenya calls for the
adjustment of the provisional equidistance line.
418. In the same vein, in the UK-France Continental Shelf arbitration, the
tribunal took both parties’ navigational, defence and security interests into
account in its delimitation.741 According to France, those interests included
the coastal States’ “defence [plans], sea rescue, control of navigation,
responsibility for lights and buoys, civil air navigation zones and measures
against pollution”, as well as various arrangements between France and the
United Kingdom dating back several decades.742
419. The tribunal considered that the weight of such interests was “somewhat
diminished by the very particular character of the English Channel as a
major route of international maritime navigation serving ports”.743
739 Maritime Delimitation in the Black Sea (Romania v. Ukraine), Judgment of 3 February
2009, I.C.J. Reports 2009, p. 61, paragraph 204. See also Continental Shelf (Libyan Arab
Jamahiriya/Malta), Judgment of 3 June 1985, I.C.J. Reports 1985, p. 13, paragraph 51.
740 Maritime Delimitation in the Black Sea (Romania v. Ukraine), Judgment of 3 February
2009, I.C.J. Reports 2009, p. 61, paragraph 204.
741 See Delimitation of Continental Shelf between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland, and the French Republic (UK, France), Award, 30 June 1977, RIAA,
Vol. XVIII, p. 3, paragraph 188.
742 Delimitation of Continental Shelf between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland, and the French Republic (UK, France), Award, 30 June 1977, RIAA,
Vol. XVIII, p. 3, paragraph 163, read in conjunction with paragraph 188.
743 Delimitation of Continental Shelf between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland, and the French Republic (UK, France), Award, 30 June 1977, RIAA,
Vol. XVIII, p. 3, paragraph 188.
216
However, the tribunal nonetheless confirmed that those factors could
“support and strengthen [...] any conclusions that are already indicated by
the geographical, political and legal circumstances of the region”.744 The
tribunal also took into account the “predominant interest of the French
Republic in the southern areas of the English Channel”.745 Having regard
to the relevant factors, the tribunal concluded that the special features of the
Channel Islands region “call for an intermediate solution that effects a more
appropriate and a more equitable balance between the respective claims and
interests of the Parties.”746
420. It is therefore indisputable that, under international law, security interests
can constitute a special circumstance requiring the adjustment of a
provisional equidistance line. For the reasons below, the exceptional
factual circumstances underlying this case confirm that respecting “the
legitimate security interests of [Kenya]” calls for the adjustment of the
provisional equidistance line to the Parallel of Latitude.747
744 Delimitation of Continental Shelf between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland, and the French Republic (UK, France), Award, 30 June 1977, RIAA,
Vol. XVIII, p. 3, paragraph 188.
745 Delimitation of Continental Shelf between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland, and the French Republic (UK, France), Award, 30 June 1977, RIAA,
Vol. XVIII, p. 3, paragraph 188. See also Arbitration regarding the delimitation of the
maritime boundary between Guyana and Suriname, Award, 17 September 2007, RIAA,
Vol. XXX, p. 1, footnote 353.
746 Delimitation of Continental Shelf between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland, and the French Republic (UK, France), Award, 30 June 1977, RIAA,
Vol. XVIII, p. 3, paragraph 198.
747 Maritime Delimitation in the Black Sea (Romania v. Ukraine), Judgment of 3 February
2009, I.C.J. Reports 2009, p. 61, paragraph 204.
217
(ii) Terrorism emanating from groups operating in Somalia
constitutes a threat to the vital interests of Kenya and of many
other countries in the world
421. Al-Shabaab’s control of large swathes of Somali land and waters constitutes
an imminent threat to international peace and security.748 In particular,
delimiting the maritime boundary along an equidistance line, as Somalia
suggests, will provide Al-Shabaab with greater access to launch attacks into
Kenya and will serve to enrich and enlarge Al-Shabaab, all at the cost of
international peace and security and human life.
422. There is no doubt that Al-Shabaab constitutes a grave threat to international
peace and security. In May 2020, the UN Security Council reiterated that
“Al-Shabaab poses a serious threat to the stability of Somalia and its
neighbours” and that “the situation in Somalia continues to constitute a
threat to international peace and security”.749 Similarly, in a 13 August
2020 Report on the situation in Somalia, the UN Secretary-General
confirmed that the situation “remained volatile” owing to “crime-related
killings and shootings and Al-Shabaab attacks”.750
748 See UN Security Council Resolution 2520 (2020), S/RES/2520, 29 May 2020, Annex 39;
UN Security Council Resolution 2498 (2019), S/RES/2498, 15 November 2019, Annex
73; 2019 UN Piracy in Somalia Report, paragraph 18, Annex 43.
749 UN Security Council Resolution 2520 (2020), S/RES/2520, 29 May 2020, Annex 39. See
also, e.g., UN Security Council Resolution 2498 (2019), S/RES/2498, 15 November 2019,
Annex 73 (“[c]ondemning Al-Shabaab attacks in Somalia and beyond, expressing grave
concern that Al-Shabaab continues to pose a serious threat to the peace, security and
stability of Somalia and the region”). (Emphasis omitted).
750 Report of the UN Secretary-General on the Situation in Somalia, S/2020/798, 13 August
2020, paragraph 18, Annex 74.
218
423. Moreover, in a UN Security Council meeting held on 20 August 2020, the
UN Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Somalia and Head
of the UN Assistance Mission in Somalia stressed that he:
remain[ed] concerned at the threat of Al-Shabaab across
Somalia, which is demonstrated by the extremist group’s
sustained attacks against Government officials,
businesses, civilians, security forces and international
personnel.751
424. He also noted a preoccupying increase in Al-Shabaab attacks in the
following terms:
[w]e are now witnessing a worrisome upsurge in attacks
by Al-Shabaab, particularly in Mogadishu but also in
several regions. The vicious Al-Shabaab attack on
innocent civilians at the Elite Hotel on 16 August was one
of an increasing number of recent attacks across Somalia
and is a tragic reminder of the continued imperative to
improve security in Somalia.752
425. Even more recently, the 2020 UN Panel of Experts Report on Somalia
declared that:
[t]he threat posed by Al-Shabaab to peace, security and
stability in Somalia goes beyond the impact of the group’s
conventional military action and asymmetric warfare to
include sophisticated extortion and “taxation” systems,
child recruitment practices and an effective propaganda
machine. Similarly, Al-Shabaab’s control of populations
extends beyond the areas in which it has a geographical
presence, through threats and violence enacted against
individuals or communities, infiltration and control of
751 Security Council, 75th year: 8755th meeting, New York, S/PV.8755, 20 August 2020, page
5, Annex 75.
752 Security Council, 75th year: 8755th meeting, New York, S/PV.8755, 20 August 2020, page
3, Annex 75.
219
information sources, and the manipulation of formal
institutions such as the financial sector.753
426. There is also no doubt that Al-Shabaab operates with virtual impunity in
Somalia to extract significant funds for its terrorist activities. The 2020 UN
Panel of Experts Report on Somalia notes that Al-Shabaab “taxation” is
enabled by, inter alia, “the group’s access to information sources such as
business registrations, property assets and shipping cargo manifests.”754
The same Report confirms that Al-Shabaab “remains in a strong financial
position”, “is generating a significant budgetary surplus” and “has
transitioned from a cash-based economy to using the nascent formal
financial sector in Somalia to collect and transfer funds”.755 In relation to
the latter point, the Report expresses concerns that Al-Shabaab is expected
to exploit Somalia’s financial system, “which has consistently operated a
flexible business model and is likely institution agnostic.”756
427. Notably, Al-Shabaab has been able to exploit Somalia’s incapacity to police
its coasts and “derives its domestic revenue through [inter alia] the
‘taxation’ of imports at major seaports”.757 This includes the same major
seaports that would necessarily be used for oil and gas operations in the
now-disputed maritime area if this area were to be awarded to Somalia. For
753 Final Report of the UN Panel of Experts on Somalia to the UN Security Council,
S/2020/949, 28 September 2020 (the “2020 UN Panel of Experts Report on Somalia”),
page 3, Annex 76.
754 2020 UN Panel of Experts Report on Somalia, pages 3, 13-14, Annex 76 (the Report refers
to allegations that the Chair of the Benadir Chamber of Commerce was providing to Al-
Shabaab “a comprehensive database of businesses operating in Mogadishu.”). See also
“Government dissolves Benadir chamber of commerce over link to Al-Shabaab”, Radio
Dalsan, 26 January 2020, Annex 128.
755 2020 UN Panel of Experts Report on Somalia, page 3, Annex 76.
756 2020 UN Panel of Experts Report on Somalia, page 8, Annex 76.
757 2020 UN Panel of Experts Report on Somalia, page 7, Annex 76.
220
instance, there is evidence that Al-Shabaab “infiltrated Mogadishu port,
accessing data held by commercial shipping agents and demanding
‘taxation’ payments from businesses who import goods into the port.”758
The 2020 UN Panel of Experts Report on Somalia notes that Al-Shabaab is
understood to operate multiple bank accounts to facilitate “taxation”
payments at Mogadishu port. It concludes that a single one of those
accounts is capable of drawing more than USD 3 million annually.759
428. As such, companies operating in Somalia are forced to pay “taxes” (or
extortion payments, to be precise) to Al-Shabaab in order to operate.760
These include significant payments made at major ports and other similar
checkpoints. According to a Report on Somalia sent to the UN Security
Council by the UN Monitoring Group, in 2016-2017 “Al-Shabaab monthly
taxation varied from $10 paid by market traders to as much as $70,000 paid
by major companies”.761
758 2020 UN Panel of Experts Report on Somalia, page 9, Annex 76.
759 See 2020 UN Panel of Experts Report on Somalia, pages 9-10, Annex 76.
760 See Letter from the Chair of the Security Council Committee pursuant to resolutions 751
(1992) and 1907 (2009) concerning Somalia and Eritrea addressed to the President of the
Security Council, S/2017/924, 2 November 2017, page 14, paragraph 30, Annex 95 (“Al-
Shabaab also continues to tax goods at checkpoints along major supply routes, particularly
imports and exports along routes to major ports, including goods destined for Kenya.”).
See also 2019 UN Panel of Experts Report on Somalia, paragraph 18, Annex 79, (“Al-
Shabaab functions as a shadow government even in areas that it does not physically
control, collecting “taxes” and providing some basic services”); “Feared Shabab exploit
Somali banking and invest in real estate, U.N. says”, The New York Times, 11 October
2020, Annex 148 (“[d]uring the reporting period, from last December to this August, the
report’s authors found evidence that the Shabab had generated about $13 million in
revenue. This included an estimated $2.4 million from checkpoints in the Lower Juba
region in southern Somalia and $5.8 million from charging businesses in the southern port
city of Kismayo.”).
761 Letter from the Chair of the Security Council Committee pursuant to resolutions 751
(1992) and 1907 (2009) concerning Somalia and Eritrea addressed to the President of the
Security Council, S/2017/924, 2 November 2017, page 13, paragraph 28, Annex 95.
221
429. If the maritime boundary is delimited on the basis of equidistance, the
companies authorised by Somalia to carry out oil and gas activities in those
waters and their various subcontractors will inevitably contribute to terrorist
financing. They will be forced to do so.
430. Thus, Al-Shabaab’s capacity to collect funds in Somalia and transfer those
funds across the globe using Somalia’s nascent financial system with
impunity endangers global security and the stability of the Eastern African
region and is directly implicated in this proceeding.
431. In addition to the raising of revenue, Al-Shabaab has succeeded in securing
weapons, ammunition and logistical support from senior Somali
businessmen and political figures.762 For instance, Musa Haji Mohamed
“Ganjab”, an influential advisor to former President Hassan Sheikh
Mohamud, has been involved in systematically diverting weapons and
ammunition from Somali National Army stockpiles and facilitating
logistical support (including diversion of food aid) to Al-Shabaab.763
432. The evidence also confirms that Kenya and regional security faces an
existential threat from Al-Shabaab’s long-term expansionist strategy. That
762 See, e.g., Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to Security
Council resolution 2111 (2013), S/2014/726, 13 October 2014, paragraphs 68 and 79,
Annex 77. See also Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to
Security Council resolution 2111 (2013), S/2014/726, Annex 5.1, 13 October 2014,
paragraph 16, Annex 77. See also Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea
pursuant to Security Council resolution 2111 (2013), Annex 6.4, S/2014/726, 13 October
2014, paragraphs 1-16, Annex 78.
763 See Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to Security Council
resolution 2111 (2013), S/2014/726, 13 October 2014, paragraphs 68 and 79, Annex 77.
See also Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to Security
Council resolution 2111 (2013), S/2014/726, Annex 5.1, 13 October 2014, paragraph 16,
Annex 77. See also Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to
Security Council resolution 2111 (2013), Annex 6.4, S/2014/726, 13 October 2014,
paragraph 1, Annex 78.
222
strategy resembles past irredentist claims to a Greater Somalia.764 In this
sense, Al-Shabaab is well-known for having the notorious long-term
strategic objective of creating a Caliphate of the Wahhabi Islamic Sect in
the Horn of Africa region. That Caliphate would be an Islamic State spread
through, inter alia, Somalia and Kenya.765
433. In that context, Al-Shabaab has launched hundreds of terrorist attacks in
Kenya, including via Somali waters, and continues to be an imminent
security threat to Kenya.766 Among other things, Al-Shabaab’s leaders have
engaged in belligerent propaganda declaring and promoting Kenya as a
“war zone”.767 The 2020 UN Panel of Experts Report on Somalia confirms
that “Al-Shabaab continues to pose a threat inside Kenya” and “retains the
ability to launch attacks that span the length of the 700 km border between
Kenya and Somalia from Mandera in the north to Lamu in the south”.768
By way of example, a recent wave of Al-Shabaab’s terrorist attacks was
764 Indeed, following Kenya’s independence, Somalia attempted to annex Kenya’s entire
Northern Frontier District (which included the Counties of Lamu, Garissa, Mandera and
Wajir). Although Somalia’s military defeat in the 1977-78 Ogaden war forced it to
withdraw from its irredentist policy, irredentism still remains a latent political force in
Somalia to this day. See KCM, paragraph 36.
765 See KCM, paragraph 184.
766 See 2019 UN Piracy in Somalia Report, paragraph 18, Annex 43; K. Lindskov Jacobsen
and J. Høy-Carrasco, “Navigating Changing Currents –A forward-looking evaluation of
efforts to tackle maritime crime off the Horn of Africa”, University of Copenhagen Centre
for Military Studies, September 2018 (the “CMS Maritime Crime Report”), page 34,
Annex 129; Final Report of the UN Panel of Experts on Somalia to the UN Security
Council, S/2019/858, 1 November 2019 (the “2019 UN Panel of Experts Report on
Somalia”), page 3 and paragraph 13, paragraphs 36-55 and Annexes 1.1, 1.6 and 1.8,
Annex 79; “ACLED Resources: Al Shabaab in Somalia and Kenya, Political Violence
Involving Al Shaabab”, ACLED, 2020, Annex 134.
767 See, e.g., Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to Security
Council resolution 2111 (2013), Annex 2.1, S/2014/726, 13 October 2014, paragraph 5,
Annex 80.
768 2020 UN Panel of Experts Report on Somalia, page 17, Annex 76.
223
reportedly aimed at entrenching the terrorist group in Kenya’s northeast
region “to annex [it] as part of a de facto ‘Greater Somalia’”.769 As can be
evidenced from the Figure 17 below, Al-Shabaab is actively present in the
coastline that runs along the Kenya-Somalia boundary. Its support and
attack zones span both sides of the coast near the Kenya-Somalia
boundary.770
Figure 17: Al-Shabaab’s Areas of Operation (2018)
434. Al-Shabaab also regularly uses Somali waters near the border with Kenya
as a means to conduct its operations, launch attacks and facilitate criminal
activities. As the UN Security Council noted in its 2019 UN Piracy in
Somalia Report:
[n]ational and transnational criminal syndicates, pirate
action groups and Al-Shabaab exploit porous borders and
769 See, e.g., “Civilians in Kenya’s northeast targeted by both jihadists and the state”, The New
Humanitarian, 16 June 2020, Annex 130.
770 See “Al Shabaab area of operations: October 2018”, Critical Threats, 5 October 2018,
Annex 131.
224
a weak rule of law to move people, arms and illicit goods
through Somalia and its waters.771
435. Al-Shabaab has even established a branch of operations in Kenya under the
name “Jaysh al-Ayman”.772 That branch has predominantly launched
attacks in northern Kenya, with militants regularly crossing over from
Somalia.773
436. Between January 2010 and January 2020, Al-Shabaab orchestrated no
fewer than 416 violent attacks in Kenya.774 Those attacks led to the deaths
of more than 1,400 people. More than 760 of them were civilians.775 In
2013, the notorious multi-day attack on the Westgate Shopping Mall
claimed the lives of 67 people and left another 200 injured.776 During the
771 2019 UN Piracy in Somalia Report, paragraph 18, Annex 43.
772 “Jaysh al-Ayman: Kenyan unit of jihadi’s poses threat to homeland”, The African
Criminology Journal, 21 January 2019, Annex 132; S. West, “Jaysh al-Ayman: a ‘local’
threat in Kenya”, Terrorism Monitor Volume: 16 Issue: 8, The Jamestown Foundation 8,
23 April 2018, Annex 133.
773 See S. Africa, Al-Shabaab as a Transnational Security Threat, in WAR AND PEACE IN
SOMALIA: NATIONAL GRIEVANCES, LOCAL CONFLICT AND AL-SHABAAB, ed. M. Keating
and M. Waldman (Oxford University Press, 2018), page 408, Annex 192; “Jaysh al-
Ayman: Kenyan unit of jihadi’s poses threat to homeland”, The African Criminology
Journal, 21 January 2019, Annex 132; S. West, “Jaysh al-Ayman: a ‘local’ threat in
Kenya”, Terrorism Monitor Volume: 16 Issue 8, The Jamestown Foundation, 23 April
2018, Annex 133.
774 See “ACLED Resources: Al Shabaab in Somalia and Kenya, political violence involving
Al Shaabab”, ACLED, 2020, Annex 134.
775 See “ACLED Resources: Al Shabaab in Somalia and Kenya, political violence involving
Al Shaabab”, ACLED, 2020, Annex 134
776 See Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to Security Council
resolution 2111 (2013), Annex 2.1, S/2014/726, 13 October 2014, paragraphs 1-2, Annex
80. See also “Al-Shabaab five years after westgate: Still a Menace in East Africa”, Africa
Report No. 265, International Crisis Group, 21 September 2018, pages i and 1, Annex
135; Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to Security Council
resolution 2111 (2013), Annex 2.1, S/2014/726, 13 October 2014, Annex 80 for a detailed
account of the facts leading to the Westgate Mall attack and a worrying indication of Al-
Shabaab’s ability to coordinate and execute its plans..
225
months of June and July 2019, Al-Shabaab carried out 30 attacks in Kenya’s
northernmost region (including the County of Lamu), close to the border
with Somalia.777
437. Al-Shabaab’s attacks on Kenya persist to date. In fact, “[f]rom December
2019 to July 2020, Al-Shabaab carried out 67 attacks in the border
region.”778 The effects of Al-Shabaab’s attacks on Kenya are manifest and
“have had a significant impact on public services, especially schools, many
of which have closed owing to teachers leaving because of insecurity in the
border region.”779
438. Al-Shabaab has also forged an alliance with the Muslim Youth Centre in
Kenya (later known as Al Hijra).780 From 24 October 2011 until November
2012, Al Hijra fighters from Somalia, with support from their Kenya-based
members, have been responsible for grenade and improvised explosive
device attacks in Kenya as part of Al-Shabaab’s campaign within the
region.781 The UN Monitoring Group has described this tendency by Al
Hijra to seek complex and spectacular attacks as “indicative of Al-Shabab’s
capacity to internationalize its violent extremism through its regional
affiliates”.782 The UN Monitoring Group has emphasised that Al Hijra,
777 See 2019 UN Panel of Experts Report on Somalia, paragraph 52, Annex 79.
778 2020 UN Panel of Experts Report on Somalia, paragraph 55, Annex 76.
779 2020 UN Panel of Experts Report on Somalia, paragraph 58, Annex 76.
780 See Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to Security Council
resolution 2060 (2012), Annex 2.1, S/2013/413, 12 July 2013, paragraph 1, Annex 81.
781 See Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to Security Council
resolution 2060 (2012), Annex 2.1, S/2013/413, 12 July 2013, paragraph 20, Annex 81.
782 Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to Security Council
resolution 2060 (2012), Annex 2.1, S/2013/413, 12 July 2013, paragraph 20, Annex 81.
See also Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to Security
Council resolution 2060 (2012), S/2013/413, 12 July 2013, page 7, Annex 82.
226
“like Al-Shabaab, is striving to remain a credible threat to peace and
security both in Somalia and outside.”783
439. Those are but a few illustrative examples of the threat that Al-Shabaab
poses for Kenya and the region as a whole. Unfortunately, Al-Shabaab’s
heinous crimes do not end there. That terrorist organisation takes pride in
carrying out mass executions,784 performing public beheadings,785
dismembering its victims,786 torturing and raping women,787 and the list
goes on.
440. The Kenyan coastal county of Lamu, which as seen in Figure 18 below is
adjacent to the Somali border, is the coastal area most gravely affected by
Al-Shabaab’s transborder operations.
783 Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to Security Council
resolution 2060 (2012), S/2013/413, 12 July 2013, page 15, paragraph 31, Annex 82. See
also Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to Security Council
resolution 2060 (2012), Annex 2.1, S/2013/413, 12 July 2013, paragraph 3, Annex 81.
784 See, e.g., “Al-Shabab kills 18 in surge of executions”, Voice of America News, 8 July 2019,
Annex 136. See, e.g., “Al-Shabab executes two girl ‘spies’”, Al Jazeera, 28 October 2010,
Annex 137.
785 See, e.g., “Suspected Al Shabaab militants behead four in Kenya’s Lamu county: official”,
Reuters, 6 September 2017, Annex 138.
786 See, e.g., “Inside Kenya shopping mall, a house of horrors”, USA Today News,
27 September 2013, Annex 139.
787 See “At al Shabaab’s mercy: woman narrates gang rapes, drug abuse at camps”, The Star,
23 November 2017, Annex 140.
227
Figure 18: Location of Lamu County
441. By way of example, in 2014, Lamu became the subject of at least nine
attacks committed by Al-Shabaab groups of between 15 and 300 armed
assailants. The over 80 victims of those attacks were surprised by a heavily
armed group that came at night, struck the local police station, torched
homes and businesses and targeted men on a killing spree that lasted for
hours. In almost all cases, the attackers announced themselves as Al-
Shabaab fighters.788 Earlier this year, Al-Shabaab perpetrated a
sophisticated attack on a US military base near the coastal port of Lamu,
resulting in several US fatalities and the loss of aircrafts, helicopters and
multiple vehicles.789
442. Al-Shabaab’s threats are not limited to terror and physical destruction. As
noted by a Report prepared by the Panel of Experts on Somalia addressed
to the Chair of the UN Security Council, Al-Shabaab is “seeking to exploit”
788 See, e.g., J. Lind et al., “Tangled ties: Al-Shabaab and political volatility in Kenya”,
Institute of Development Studies, April 2015, page 17, Annex 141.
789 See “Extremists attack Kenya military base, 3 Americans killed”, AP News, 5 January
2020, Annex 142; “3 Americans die in Shabab attack on Kenyan base”, The New York
Times, 5 January 2020, Annex 143.
228
the Kenya-Somalia maritime dispute.790 To that effect, it has carried out
numerous attacks and has deployed its propaganda machine to the detriment
of the peaceful settlement of the present dispute. Indeed, as explained in
Kenya’s Counter-Memorial, Al-Shabaab deliberately circulated
inflammatory rumours that Somalia would be “selling the sea” to Kenya by
concluding the 2009 MOU.791 As a result of that, Somalia’s delegation
refused to discuss the MOU. It also refused to recognise the 1924-33
Anglo-Italian Agreement on the land boundary and Somalia’s prolonged
acquiescence to the Parallel of Latitude boundary.
443. As explained below, unlike Kenya, Somalia is admittedly unable to police
its own waters.792 It follows that a maritime boundary along an equidistance
line would benefit Al-Shabaab. Put simply, an equidistance line would
swing the boundary of Somalia’s maritime territory in significant closer
proximity to Kenya’s coastline and territorial sea. The practical effect of
that is that Al-Shabaab would have much better access to Kenya’s coastline.
Al-Shabaab also would obtain financial benefits when it inevitably diverts
funds and goods used for oil and gas operations offshore southern Somalia.
In other words, a delimitation based on the equidistance line would put
Al-Shabaab in an enhanced position to launch its terrorist operations against
Kenya and therefore “compromise [Kenya’s] security in front of its coasts
and in their immediate vicinity.”793 This threat goes far beyond any of the
790 See 2019 UN Panel of Experts Report on Somalia, paragraph 54, Annex 79.
791 See KCM, paragraph 185.
792 See paragraphs 453-459 below.
793 Delimitation of the maritime boundary between Guinea and Guinea-Bissau, Award,
14 February 1985, RIAA, Vol. XIX, p. 149, paragraph 124 (unofficial translation) (original
French: “en face de ses côtes et dans leur voisinage immédiat des droits qui pourraient
porter atteinte à son droit au développement ou compromettre sa sécurité”). See also
Sovereignty and Maritime Delimitation in the Red Sea (Eritrea/Yemen), Award, 17
229
previous security considerations that have been presented to this Court in a
maritime boundary delimitation.794
444. The threat posed by this proceeding cannot be understated. The adjustment
of the provisional equidistance line to the Parallel of Latitude would help
maintain international peace and security, deprive a terrorist entity of more
self-sustaining finance and resources and, therefore, protect thousands of
predominantly civilian lives. Failing to adjust the provisional equidistance
line would lead to regional insecurity and greater loss of life by terrorist
attacks, in Kenya and Somalia. This is the unfortunate and unassailable
reality as it stands today – and that reality should bear considerable weight
in the Court’s considerations.
December 1999, RIAA, Vol. XXII, p. 335, paragraph 157 (“[i]f any further were needed
to reject the Yemen suggestion of enclaving the Eritrean islands in this area beyond a limit
of 12 miles from the high-water line of the mainland coast, it may be found in the principle
of non-encroachment which was described by Judge Lachs in the Guinea/Guinea-Bissau
Award in the following terms: As stated in the award, our principal concern has been to
avoid, by one means or another, one of the Parties finding itself faced with the exercise of
rights, opposite to and in the immediate vicinity of its coast, which might interfere with its
rights to development or put its security at risk”).
794 For example, in the Black Sea case, Romania’s alleged security interest involved the
reduction of its maritime entitlement and consequent denial of access to natural resources
(see Maritime Delimitation in the Black Sea (Romania v. Ukraine), Romania Reply,
22 December 2006, paragraphs 9.37-9.41). In Nicaragua v. Colombia, Nicaragua raised
certain security considerations regarding “drug trafficking and related crimes”, while
Colombia raised considerations regarding the “control over the exclusive economic zone
and the continental shelf”. To recall, the Court in that case recognised that “legitimate
security concerns might be a relevant consideration if a maritime delimitation was effected
particularly near to the coast of a State” and then stated that it would “bear this
consideration in mind in determining what adjustment to make to the provisional median
line or in what way that line should be shifted” (Territorial and Maritime Dispute
(Nicaragua v. Colombia), Judgment of 19 November 2012, I.C.J. Reports 2012, p. 624,
paragraphs 221-222).
230
(iii)Piracy and other forms of maritime crime that regularly take place
in Somali waters affect global security, Kenya’s vital security
interests and the entire Eastern African region’s stability
445. A maritime boundary along the provisional equidistance line would also
result in heightened threats of piracy and other forms of maritime crime that
pervade Somalia’s waters. This is not least because, as Kenya explained in
its Counter-Memorial, Al-Shabaab has links with other criminal actors
engaged in piracy, human trafficking and small arms proliferation.795
446. As explained in a World Bank Report on piracy in Somalia:
the potential scope and actual extent of mutually
beneficial cooperation between pirates and some
members of the Islamist insurgent group al-Shabaab is
significant; because it might contribute to instability in
Somalia, the possibility of enhanced cooperation between
pirates and al-Shabaab is a threat to global security.796
447. Evidence confirms that maritime crime thrives in Somali waters. Piracy is
one of the most notorious criminal activities pervading Somalia. It is no
secret that Somali piracy is a legitimate security consideration that affects
global trade, Kenya and the entire Eastern African region.797 Somali piracy
is still nowhere close to being eradicated. As noted by the International
Maritime Bureau, “Somali pirates still retain the capability and capacity to
795 See KCM, paragraph 183.
796 “The Pirates of Somalia: Ending the Threat, Rebuilding a Nation”, The World Bank, 2013,
page xxiv, Annex 83.
797 See 2019 UN Piracy in Somalia Report, paragraph 7, Annex 43; UN Security Council
Resolution 2500 (2019), S/RES/2500, 4 December 2019, page 1, Annex 84. See also
Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to Security Council
resolution 2060 (2012), Annexes 4.4-4.10, S/2013/413, 12 July 2013, Annex 85, where the
UN identifies a number of the main piracy networks operating in Somalia and details how
they conduct their operations by, inter alia, engaging with ransom facilitators and other
criminal actors.
231
carry out incidents.”798 Indeed, as recently as December 2020, the UN
Security Council affirmed that “piracy off the coast of Somalia has been
repressed but not eradicated”.799 It also warned of “the ongoing threat that
resurgent piracy and armed robbery at sea poses”800 and that the activity of
pirate groups in Somalia continues to pose “a threat to international peace
and security in the region”.801
448. The 2019 UN Piracy in Somalia Report confirms that criminal groups
previously involved in piracy have the intent and capability to conduct
pirate attacks should the opportunity arise.802 In addition to that, many
senior pirates and facilitators have not been arrested and have now
diversified into other forms of organised crime.803 Therefore, there can be
no question that there is a high probability (if not a certainty) that piracy
798 “Piracy and armed robbery against ships – report for the period 1 January – 31 December
2019”, ICC International Maritime Bureau, January 2020, page 18, Annex 144.
799 UN Security Council Resolution 2554 (2020), S/RES/2554 (2020), 4 December 2020, page
1, Annex 69.
800 UN Security Council Resolution 2554 (2020), S/RES/2554 (2020), 4 December 2020, page
1, Annex 69.
801 UN Security Council Resolution 2554 (2020), S/RES/2554 (2020), 4 December 2020,
pages 3-4, Annex 69.
802 See 2019 UN Piracy in Somalia Report, paragraph 8, Annex 43.
803 See Report of the UN Secretary-General on the situation with respect to piracy and armed
robbery at sea off the coast of Somalia, S/2015/776, 12 October 2015, paragraph 29, Annex
86; Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to Security Council
resolution 2060 (2012), S/2013/413, 12 July 2013, page 22, paragraph 65, Annex 82; K.
Scott, “Prosecuting pirates: lessons learned and continuing challenges”, Oceans Beyond
Piracy, 2014, pages 5, 17 and 18, Annex 145; “Pirate trails: Tracking the Illicit Financial
Flows from Pirate Activities Off the Horn of Africa”, The World Bank, 2013, page 67,
Annex 87.
232
will resurge once AMISOM withdraws from the now-disputed maritime
area in 2021.804
449. The evidence also confirms that piracy functions as a gateway to other
forms of maritime crime, especially in light of an increased demand for
smugglers in the region.805 Therefore, it “is only one of [the] many threats
to maritime security off the coast of Somalia.”806 Other maritime crimes
associated with piracy include the smuggling of people, narcotics, weapons
and charcoal.807 Pirates active in the region engage in kidnappings in return
for ransom payments often exceeding several million US dollars.808
450. Increasing instances of maritime crime in Somali waters have led to
instability and have allowed terrorist organisations (including Al-Shabaab)
to acquire weapons and tax ongoing trade in illegal substances.809 As
804 See, e.g., UN Security Council Resolution 2500 (2019), S/RES/2500, 4 December 2019,
page 1, Annex 84; 2019 UN Piracy in Somalia Report, paragraphs 7-8 and 65, Annex 43;
“Piracy and armed robbery against ships – report for the period 1 January – 31 December
2019”, ICC International Maritime Bureau, January 2020, pages 21-22, Annex 144; 2019
UN Panel of Experts Report on Somalia, paragraphs 87-88, Annex 79.
805 See CMS Maritime Crime Report, pages 3-4 and 17 and Section 1.2, Annex 129.
806 2019 UN Piracy in Somalia Report, paragraph 66, Annex 43. See also CMS Maritime
Crime Report, page 3, Annex 129.
807 See 2019 UN Piracy in Somalia Report, paragraph 8, Annex 43; KCM, paragraph 183;
“Global Maritime Crime Programme: Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea”, UN Office on Drugs
and Crime, available at: https://www.unodc.org/unodc/piracy/horn-of-africa.html (last
accessed: 21 December 2020), Annex 88; CMS Maritime Crime Report, pages 19-33,
Annex 129.
808 See, e.g., Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to Security
Council resolution 2060 (2012), S/2013/413, 12 July 2013, page 20, paragraph 54, Annex
82 (noting that: “[i]n 2012, Somali pirates extorted and received an estimated USD 31.75
million in ransom payouts”). See also Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and
Eritrea pursuant to Security Council resolution 2060 (2012), Annexes 4.4-4.10,
S/2013/413, 12 July 2013, Annex 4.4, paragraph 8 and Annex 4.5, paragraph 1, Annex 85.
809 See S. D. Farquhar, “When Overfishing Leads to Terrorism”, World Affairs: The Journal
of International Issues 2, 2017, pages 74 and 76, Annex 193.
233
explained in greater detail in Section IV.B.5, an additional type of criminal
activity that permeates Somali waters and significantly affects Kenya is
illegal fishing. Not surprisingly, that is an activity in which former pirates
and smugglers are heavily involved.810
451. Notably, incidents of Somali piracy confirm a significant trend of
geographic expansion over time. This presents an even graver threat to
Kenya’s security interests. Whereas in 2005 successful piracy attacks took
place on average only 109 km from the Somali coast, by 2012 they took
place on average 746 km away.811 As the UN Office on Drugs and Crime
has confirmed:
[t]he area subject to pirate predation has expanded
considerably over time. Greater geographic reach was
necessary as ships were warned to avoid the Somali coast,
and international maritime patrols made attacks in the
Gulf of Aden harder to carry out. Greater geographic
reach was possible due to the adoption of “mother ships”:
larger craft, such as fishing boats and dhows, rented or
hijacked in advance, from which the pirates can launch
their attack skiffs.812
452. Somali piracy has a devastating impact on Kenya. It threatens the
livelihoods and economic well-being of Kenya’s population and
undermines the security and stability of the entire Eastern African region.813
810 See Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to Security Council
resolution 2060 (2012), S/2013/413, 12 July 2013, Annex 3.1, Annex 82; CMS Maritime
Crime Report, page 27, Annex 129.
811 See “Transnational organised crime in eastern Africa: a threat assessment”, UN Office on
Drugs and Crime, September 2013, page 5, Annex 89.
812 “Transnational organised crime in eastern Africa: a threat assessment”, UN Office on
Drugs and Crime, September 2013, page 38, Annex 89.
813 See “Situation Report – Kenya and the pest of piracy – a prospective partner for peace”,
Institute for Security Studies, 22 February 2012 (the “ISS Kenya and Piracy Report”),
page 2, Annex 146; CMS Maritime Crime Report, page 42, Annex 129; “Fetching them
234
It also severely affects the fishing and tourism sectors of the region.814 To
provide some perspective, a study produced by the Institute of Security
Studies estimated that piracy costs Kenya’s shipping and tourism industries
alone approximately USD 400 million per year during 2008-2012.815
453. The current security situation in Somali waters and coasts is so critical that,
on their own admission, representatives of Somalia could not visit a coastal
region close to Kenya to verify the exact location of a coastal beacon for
the purposes of this case. To recall Somalia’s own words, “[t]he security
situation in the area at the moment prevents a field visit to confirm the
location of the beacon.”816
454. Indeed, Somalia openly admits that it cannot control, regulate or enforce its
maritime jurisdiction over the now-disputed maritime area.817 In other
words, Somalia acknowledges that it cannot address – let alone eradicate –
the imminent security threats emanating from Al-Shabaab, Somali piracy
and/or any other maritime crimes for that matter. Extending Somalia’s
maritime territory would only make it more difficult or impossible for
Somalia to prevent any type of crime within its waters. As the Secretary-
General of the International Maritime Organization noted, the unfortunate
reality is that:
piracy and armed robbery against ships in waters off the
coast of Somalia, unlike in other parts of the world, is
on the beaches - Tourist abductions from Kenyan resorts mark the expansion of Somali
piracy”, The Economist, 8 October 2011, Annex 147.
814 See Report of the Special Adviser to the Secretary-General on Legal Issues Related to
Piracy off the Coast of Somalia, S/2011/30, 24 January 2011, paragraph 26, Annex 90.
815 See ISS Kenya and Piracy Report, page 2, Annex 145.
816 MS, page 58, footnote 168.
817 See paragraph 411 above.
235
caused by the lack of lawful administration and inability
of the authorities to take affirmative action against the
perpetrators, which allows the “pirate command centres”
to operate without hindrance at many points along the
coast of Somalia.818
455. To make matters worse, it is a well-known fact that the Somali National
Army faces major setbacks as a result of corruption and lack of civilian
oversight over its budget. As noted by a Report of the UN Monitoring
Group, the “lack of effective civilian oversight over the budget of the
Somali National Army has enabled opportunities for systemic
misappropriation, including of soldiers’ wages.”819
456. Kenya’s capacities stand in stark contrast to Somalia’s acknowledged
inability to police and prevent crime in its maritime territory. For years, the
Kenyan Navy (as part of AMISOM) has been patrolling the now-disputed
waters preventing terrorism, piracy, arms and drugs smuggling, illegal
fishing and other forms of maritime crime.820 Kenya has sacrificed the lives
of its citizens and soldiers to protect both the Kenyan and Somali people
from the grave threats of maritime crime emanating from Somalia. Kenya
818 Note by the Secretary-General of the International Maritime Organization on the Relations
with the United Nations and the specialized agencies on Piracy and armed robbery against
ships in waters off the coast of Somalia, IMO A 25/19(a)/1/Add.1, 16 November 2007,
page 3, Annex 40.
819 Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to the UN Security
Council Resolution 2182 (2014): Somalia, S/2015/801, 19 October 2015, page 7,
Annex 91.
820 See “Kenya – KDF”, African Union Mission to Somalia, available at: https://amisomau.
org/kenya-kdf/ (last accessed: 21 December 2020), Annex 41. Among others, Kenya
also cooperates with the Global Maritime Crime Programme, the Indian Ocean West team
of the UN Office on Drugs and Crime and Kenya currently chairs the Contact Group on
Piracy off the Coast of Somalia until 31 December 2021; “Global Maritime Crime
Programme: Indian Ocean West”, UN Office on Drugs and Crime, available at:
https://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/piracy/Indian-Ocean.html (last accessed: 21 December
2020), Annex 42; 2019 UN Piracy in Somalia Report, paragraphs 29 and 70, Annex 43.
236
is still committed to protecting the lives of innocent civilians and, to that
effect, still has hundreds of soldiers serving in AMISOM.
457. Kenya has been at the forefront of bringing pirates to justice for their
international crimes. Among other things, on 1 January 2020, Kenya was
elected to serve as the Chair of the Contact Group on Piracy off the Coast
of Somalia.821 As recently as 4 December 2020, the UN Security Council
specifically commended Kenya’s leadership role in chairing the efforts of
the CGPCS to counter maritime threats off the coast of Somalia.822 In
addition, the UN Security Council has repeatedly commended Kenya for its
efforts to prosecute Somali piracy and other forms of maritime crime.823
458. Kenya is mindful of the fact that it might have to continue carrying the
burden of protecting Somali waters for many years to come. As observed
by the UN Office on Drugs and Crime, Somalia simply lacks the capacity
to manage its maritime space:
[t]he Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) is [...]
concerned over the lack of capacity to manage Somali
maritime space effectively, whose vulnerability has been
highlighted by piracy.824
821 See 2019 UN Piracy in Somalia Report, paragraph 29, Annex 43.
822 See, e.g., UN Security Council Resolution 2554 (2020), S/RES/2554 (2020), 4 December
2020, page 2, Annex 69.
823 See, e.g., UN Security Council Resolution 2442 (2018), S/RES/2442, 6 November 2018,
page 4, Annex 92; UN Security Council Resolution 2383 (2017), S/RES/2383, 7
November 2017, page 4, Annex 93; UN Security Council Resolution 2316 (2016),
S/RES/2316, 9 November 2016, page 4, Annex 94.
824 “Global Maritime Crime Programme: Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea”, UN Office on Drugs
and Crime, available at: https://www.unodc.org/unodc/piracy/horn-of-africa.html (last
accessed: 21 December 2020), Annex 88.
237
459. It is an unfortunate but undisputed reality that Kenya alone, and not
Somalia, can take effective action to defend regional and international
peace and security as well as Kenya’s land and maritime territory from the
threats described above.
460. In those circumstances, any delimitation south of the Parallel of Latitude
would severely and inequitably jeopardise Kenya’s active and ongoing
efforts to suppress the grave threats of terrorism, piracy and other forms of
maritime crime in the region. Put differently, it would not “fully respect
[...] the legitimate security interests” of Kenya.825 It also would constitute
a threat to global maritime trade and security and would no doubt destabilise
the Eastern African region. In light of this, Kenya respectfully invites the
Court to exercise its role of furthering the broader objective of maintaining
international peace and security. To recall the Court’s landmark finding in
the Nicaragua v. United States case:
[i]t is for the Court, the principal judicial organ of the
United Nations, to resolve any legal questions that may
be in issue between parties to the dispute; and the
resolution of such legal questions by the Court may be an
important, and sometimes decisive, factor in promoting
the peaceful settlement of the dispute.826
461. In sum, any failure to adjust the provisional equidistance line would
severely and inequitably exacerbate threats to Kenya’s vital security
interests emanating from terrorism, piracy and other maritime crimes
regularly committed in Somali waters. In contrast with delimiting the
825 Maritime Delimitation in the Black Sea (Romania v. Ukraine), Judgment of 3 February
2009, I.C.J. Reports 2009, p. 61, paragraph 204.
826 Military and Paramilitary Activities in and against Nicaragua (Nicaragua v. United States
of America), Jurisdiction and Admissibility, Judgment of 26 November 1984, I.C.J. Reports
1984, p. 392, paragraph 93.
238
boundary along the Parallel of Latitude, the practical effect of the
provisional equidistance line would be to swing the boundary in
significantly closer proximity to Kenya’s coastline and territorial sea. This
would expand the zone of uncontrolled terrorism, piracy and other forms of
maritime crime directly towards Kenya’s coastline and its territorial sea.
To use the Court’s own terminology in Nicaragua v. Colombia, it would
therefore fail to respect Kenya’s “legitimate security considerations”.827 In
light of the above, Kenya’s, Eastern Africa’s and the world’s vital security
interests constitute a relevant circumstance that calls for the adjustment of
the provisional equidistance line to the Parallel of Latitude.
4. The evidence of the Parties’ conduct reflects a de facto
boundary line that requires the adjustment of the provisional
equidistance line to the Parallel of Latitude
462. The evidence of the Parties’ long-standing and consistent conduct in
relation to oil concessions, fishing activities, naval patrols and other
activities reflects the existence of a de facto maritime boundary along the
Parallel of Latitude. This constitutes yet another relevant circumstance that
calls for the adjustment of the provisional equidistance line to the Parallel
of Latitude.
827 Territorial and Maritime Dispute (Nicaragua v. Colombia), Judgment of 19 November
2012, I.C.J. Reports 2012, p. 624, paragraph 222. See also Maritime Delimitation in the
Black Sea (Romania v. Ukraine), Judgment of 3 February 2009, I.C.J. Reports 2009, p. 61,
paragraph 204; Continental Shelf (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya/Malta), Judgment of 3 June
1985, I.C.J. Reports 1985, p. 13, paragraph 51.
239
463. The Court has previously recognised that State conduct that is consistent
with a de facto boundary can play a determinative role in maritime
delimitations. For instance, in Tunisia/Libya, the Court stated that a:
line of adjoining concessions, which was tacitly respected
for a number of years, and which approximately
corresponds furthermore to the line [...] which had in the
past been observed as a de facto maritime limit, does
appear to constitute a circumstance of great relevance.828
464. The Court also made clear that, to reach an equitable solution, it had to “take
into account whatever indicia are available of the line or lines which the
Parties themselves may have considered equitable or acted upon as
such”.829 Ultimately, the Court adjusted the equidistance line by reference
to the de facto line.830
465. Similarly, in Cameroon v. Nigeria, the Court made clear that the oil
concessions practice of States can constitute a relevant circumstance if it is
“based on express or tacit agreement between the parties”.831 International
tribunals have subsequently relied on that finding in the context of fisheries
and naval patrols.832 For example, in the Black Sea case, the Court
828 Continental Shelf (Tunisia/Libyan Arab Jamahiriya), Judgment of 24 February 1982,
I.C.J. Reports 1982, p. 18, paragraph 96.
829 Continental Shelf (Tunisia/Libyan Arab Jamahiriya), Judgment of 24 February 1982,
I.C.J. Reports 1982, p. 18, paragraph 118. See also Continental Shelf (Libyan Arab
Jamahiriya/Malta), Judgment of 3 June 1985, I.C.J. Reports 1985, p. 13, paragraph 25.
830 See Continental Shelf (Tunisia/Libyan Arab Jamahiriya), Judgment of 24 February 1982,
I.C.J. Reports 1982, p. 18, paragraph 118.
831 Land and Maritime Boundary between Cameroon and Nigeria (Cameroon v. Nigeria:
Equatorial Guinea intervening), Judgment of 10 October 2002, I.C.J. Reports 2002,
p. 303, paragraph 304.
832 See, e.g., Arbitration between Barbados and the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago, Award,
11 April 2006, RIAA, Vol. XXVII, p. 147, paragraphs 363-364; Arbitration regarding the
delimitation of the maritime boundary between Guyana and Suriname, Award, 17
September 2007, RIAA, Vol. XXX, p. 1, paragraphs 200, 218 and 390.
240
acknowledged that State conduct (regarding oil concessions, fishing
activities and naval patrols) can constitute a relevant circumstance when it
reflects a tacit agreement regarding the location of the boundary in
question.833 This is also implicit in the Court’s more recent statement in
Nicaragua v. Colombia that “conduct might need to be taken into account
as a relevant circumstance in an appropriate case.”834 Further, in Peru v.
Chile, the Court used the location of historic fishing practices to determine
the location of a maritime boundary established by tacit agreement.835
466. Kenya has already explained that the Parties’ conduct in relation to oil
concessions, fishing activities, naval patrols and other activities is
consistent with Somalia’s acquiescence to the maritime boundary at the
Parallel of Latitude.836 Those arguments alone are dispositive of Somalia’s
entire equidistance claim. However, should the Court find that the evidence
of Somalia’s acquiescence is insufficient (quod non), then the Parties’
conduct would still reflect a de facto line that both indicates what the Parties
regarded as equitable and confirms that an adjustment of the provisional
equidistance line to the Parallel of Latitude is called for in this case.
467. Most of Kenya’s factual arguments on acquiescence, including that the
Parties’ conduct is consistent with the existence of a maritime boundary at
the Parallel of Latitude, apply mutatis mutandis here.837 Kenya will
833 See Maritime Delimitation in the Black Sea (Romania v. Ukraine), Judgment of 3 February
2009, I.C.J. Reports 2009, p. 61, paragraphs 197-198.
834 Territorial and Maritime Dispute (Nicaragua v. Colombia), Judgment of 19 November
2012, I.C.J. Reports 2012, p. 624, paragraph 220.
835 See Maritime Dispute (Peru v. Chile), Judgment of 27 January 2014, I.C.J. Reports 2014,
p. 3, paragraphs 102-117.
836 See, e.g., KCM, Chapter I.F.4; KR, paragraphs 88-100.
837 See KCM, paragraphs 138-164; KR, paragraphs 95-99.
241
therefore refrain from rehearsing those arguments again. Rather, it
respectfully refers the Court to its previous submissions and summarises
below only the most salient facts for the purposes of the second stage of the
three-step methodology.
468. First, the Parties’ oil concession practice from 1979 to 2013 was consistent
with the existence of a maritime boundary located at the Parallel of Latitude.
It was only in 2014, just before commencing proceedings before the Court,
that Somalia departed from that longstanding practice by extending Soma
Oil & Gas’s Evaluation Area south of the Parallel of Latitude.838
469. To recall, Kenya has shown that, from 1979 and during the 1980s, both
Parties used the Parallel of Latitude as a limit to the oil concessions that
they granted along the now-disputed maritime area.839 That pattern
remained unchanged during the 1990s840 and continued from 2000 to
2013.841 Kenya has also shown that Somalia itself commissioned certain
838 See KCM, paragraphs 164.
839 See KCM, paragraphs 141-145 (citing Figures 1-21, 1-22 and 1-23). In particular, Kenya
explained that the existence of “Block M-1” (a Licence Block created by Somalia in 1986)
is a clear example of how Somalia agreed that its most southernmost boundary was at the
Parallel of Latitude (see KCM, paragraph 141-142, citing Figures 1-21 and 1-22). As for
Kenya, its oil concession “Block L5” unequivocally ran along the Parallel of Latitude (see
KCM, paragraph 143, citing Figure 1-23).
840 See KR, paragraph 98, citing Hydrocarbon Potential of the Coastal Onshore and Offshore
Lamu Basin of South-East Kenya: Integrated Report, National Oil Corporation of Kenya,
1995, KCM, Annex 38 (showing, inter alia, that Block L5 still ran along the Parallel of
Latitude).
841 Particularly, Kenya showed that during such period the limit of Somalia’s “Jorre Block”
(i.e., Somalia’s most southernmost block) ran along the Parallel of Latitude (see, e.g.,
KCM, paragraphs 155 (citing Figure 1-27), 157 (citing Figure 1-28) and 158 (citing Figure
1-29). See also KR, paragraph 95, citing Figure 1-27). Meanwhile, Kenya’s oil
concessions practice significantly increased from 2000 onwards, particularly in the
northern part of the EEZ that runs along the Parallel of Latitude (see KCM, paragraph 146).
In particular, during such time Kenya’s “Block L5” was extended eastwards along the
Parallel of Latitude. A new block (i.e., “Block L13”) covered both the offshore and the
territorial sea following the Parallel of Latitude. And an addition new block in the outer
242
seismic testing activities that were consistent with the de facto boundary
located at the Parallel of Latitude.842 Moreover, Kenya has demonstrated
that it signed a series of offshore agreements that authorised oil activities as
far north as the Parallel of Latitude.843 Those activities were public and
supported by, inter alia, highly publicised contracts,844 parliamentary
discussions,845 national laws846 and official maps.847 Yet, for over three
decades, Somalia not only “tacitly respected [...] a de facto maritime limit”
at the Parallel of Latitude;848it also did not protest Kenya’s oil concessions
practice even once.
470. Second, the Parties’ conduct in relation to fishing and maritime scientific
research activities also reflects a “tacit agreement” on the location of a de
facto boundary at the Parallel of Latitude. For example, Kenya has
produced an official fisheries map issued by Somalia’s own Ministry of
Fisheries and Marine Resources. That map shows that, by 1987, Somalia
had never made a claim to fishery resources south of the Parallel of
Latitude.849 Kenya also has submitted a series of fishing licences that
demonstrate how Kenya authorised vessels to fish in areas that extend north
regions of the EEZ (i.e., “Block L21”) extended up to the 200M limit also along the Parallel
of Latitude (see KR, paragraph 99).
842 See KCM, paragraphs 159-162.
843 See, e.g., MS, Annex 99 and Annex 113.
844 See, e.g., KCM, paragraphs 148-154.
845 See, e.g., KCM, paragraph 152.
846 See, e.g., Republic of Kenya, Gazette Notice no. 9800 of 1 December 2006, The Petroleum
(Exploration and Production) Act, Cap. 308, pp. 2861-75, page 2870, KCM, Annex 7.
847 See, e.g., KCM, paragraphs 138-164 (citing Figures 1-20 to 1-32).
848 Continental Shelf (Tunisia/Libyan Arab Jamahiriya), Judgment of 24 February 1982,
I.C.J. Reports 1982, p. 18, paragraph 96.
849 See KCM, paragraphs 129-130, citing Figures 1-14 and 1-15; KR, paragraph 89, citing
Figures 1-14 and 1-15.
243
of the equidistance line as far as the Parallel of Latitude.850 In addition, as
explained in detail in Section IV.B.5, Kenyan fishermen have traditionally
harvested as far north as the Parallel of Latitude. Those fishing activities
and historical fishing patterns further confirm the existence of a de facto
boundary at the Parallel of Latitude.
471. Third, Kenya has provided evidence of two maritime scientific surveys that
indicate that the Kenya-Somalia maritime boundary was located at the
Parallel of Latitude.851 Those are reputable and reliable surveys. One of
them was carried out under the auspices of the Intergovernmental
Oceanographic Commission of UNESCO. The other one was carried out
under the auspices of the UN Food and Agriculture Organisation (the “UN
FAO”) and the UN Development Program. In addition, Kenya has
produced a Marine Science Country Profile that shows that Kenya’s marine
science activities and areas extended as far north as the Parallel of
Latitude.852 That document was prepared by the UNESCO
Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission and the Western Indian
Ocean Marine Science Association.
472. Fourth, the Parties’ conduct in relation to their naval patrols also is
consistent with the existence of a maritime boundary along the Parallel of
Latitude. The areas in which the Kenyan Navy patrols and enforces
maritime jurisdiction extend well north of the equidistance line and as far
as the Parallel of Latitude.853 To recall, Kenya has produced a series of
850 See KCM, paragraph 137, citing Figure 1-19.
851 See KCM, paragraphs 131-135.
852 See KCM, paragraphs 136.
853 See KCM, paragraphs 119-127; KR, paragraph 100.
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navy patrol logs that unmistakably show how the Kenyan Navy has
patrolled and intercepted vessels as far north as the Parallel of Latitude well
before Somalia’s official claim to the equidistance line.854 New evidence
in this Appendix further confirms that the Kenyan Navy engaged in
considerable activity in the now-disputed maritime area and along the
Parallel of Latitude for decades before 2014.855 By way of significant
contrast, Somalia has produced no actual evidence that it ever patrolled
and/or exercised jurisdiction over any area south of the Parallel of Latitude
after Kenya’s 1979 EEZ Proclamation. Nor has Somalia presented any
evidence proving that it ever protested against the activities of Kenya’s
Navy in the now-disputed maritime area.
473. Lastly, Somalia’s conduct in relation to oil concessions, fishing activities,
naval patrols and other activities must be viewed in the light of Somalia’s
conduct during UNCLOS III and its absence of protest for over 30 years to
Kenya’s 1979 EZZ Proclamation. As already explained, Somalia’s official
position at the UNCLOS III negotiations was that the international law
applicable to maritime delimitation was that of equity and equitable
principles “rather than the purely geometric methods of the median or
equidistance line”.856 In this context, the numerous activities of the Parties
854 See KCM, paragraph 123, citing Figure 1-13.
855 See Chapter II.A.2, paragraph 136 above; Letter from M. R. Atodonyang to Ms Juster
Nkoroi, Kenya International Boundaries Office, KN/56/OPS/TRG, 16 May 2017, Annex
21; Figure KCM 1-13 (revised), Figure 2; Naval Patrols and Interceptions in the Exclusive
Economic Zone, Figure 3.
856 See KCM, paragraphs 74, 254 and 256.
245
over the last four decades must be understood as clear “indicia [...] of the
line [...] which the Parties themselves [...] considered equitable”.857
474. In sum, the Parties’ longstanding conduct regarding the location of their
maritime boundary at the Parallel of Latitude is legally significant,
independently of the Court’s findings on acquiescence. As acknowledged
by the Court in Tunisia/Libya, the existence of a de facto boundary that is
tacitly respected by the parties for a prolonged period of time is a
“circumstance of great relevance”.858 Two States are unlikely to accept
tacitly a de facto boundary for a prolonged period of time unless they regard
it as equitable. In this case, Somalia and Kenya acted for over three decades
in a manner that was consistent with the existence of a de facto boundary at
the Parallel of Latitude. The only reasonable explanation for that consistent
conduct is that both Somalia and Kenya considered that that boundary was
equitable. At the very minimum, such voluntary State conduct represents
indicia or prima facie evidence of the equitableness of the result which “the
Parties themselves [...] acted upon”.859 That common and consistent
practice is therefore a relevant circumstance that calls for the adjustment of
the provisional equidistance line to the Parallel of Latitude.
857 Continental Shelf (Tunisia/Libyan Arab Jamahiriya), Judgment of 24 February 1982,
I.C.J. Reports 1982, p. 18, paragraph 118. See also Continental Shelf (Libyan Arab
Jamahiriya/Malta), Judgment of 3 June 1985, I.C.J. Reports 1985, p. 13, paragraph 25.
858 Continental Shelf (Tunisia/Libyan Arab Jamahiriya), Judgment of 24 February 1982,
I.C.J. Reports 1982, p. 84, paragraph 118 (where the Court made clear that, to reach an
equitable solution, it had to “take into account whatever indicia are available of the line or
lines which the parties themselves may have considered equitable or acted upon as such”).
See also Continental Shelf (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya/Malta), Judgment of 3 June 1985,
I.C.J. Reports 1985, p. 13, paragraph 25.
859 Continental Shelf (Tunisia/Libyan Arab Jamahiriya), Judgment of 24 February 1982,
I.C.J. Reports 1982, p. 18, paragraph 118. See also Continental Shelf (Libyan Arab
Jamahiriya/Malta), Judgment of 3 June 1985, I.C.J. Reports 1985, p. 13, paragraph 25.
246
5. The evidence confirms that Kenya’s fisherfolk currently and
historically have critically relied for their livelihoods upon the
fisheries just to the south of the Parallel of Latitude; their
equitable access to those natural resources requires the
adjustment of the provisional equidistance line to the Parallel
of Latitude
475. The provisional equidistance line would deny Kenya equitable access to
fisheries resources that are vital to its population. This would entail
devastating repercussions for the livelihoods and economic well-being of
Kenya’s fisherfolk who depend on those fisheries. Their equitable access
to those natural resources therefore requires the adjustment of the
provisional equidistance line to the Parallel of Latitude.
476. The Court has confirmed that the need to ensure equitable access to fishery
resources constitutes a relevant circumstance that may require adjustment
of a provisional equidistance line. In the Jan Mayen case, the Court
considered:
whether any shifting or adjustment of the median line, as
fishery zone boundary, would be required to ensure
equitable access to the capelin fishery resources for the
vulnerable fishing communities concerned.860
477. After finding that a provisional equidistance line would deny Denmark
equitable access to capelin fisheries, the Court went on to adjust the
provisional equidistance line to guarantee Denmark equitable access to
those fisheries. Specifically, the Court noted:
[i]t appears however to the Court that the median line is
too far to the west for Denmark to be assured of an
equitable access to the capelin stock, since it would
860 Maritime Delimitation in the Area between Greenland and Jan Mayen (Denmark v.
Norway), Judgment of 14 June 1993, I.C.J. Reports 1993, p. 38, paragraph 75.
247
attribute to Norway the whole of the area of overlapping
claims. For this reason also the median line thus requires
to be adjusted or shifted eastwards.861
478. Kenya is mindful that determining an international maritime boundary on
the basis of equitable access to natural resources is “altogether
exceptional.”862 As explained by the Chamber of the Court in the Gulf of
Maine case, a provisional equidistance line should be adjusted on that basis
only if that is required to prevent “catastrophic repercussions for the
livelihoods and economic well-being of the population of the countries
concerned.”863 In that case, the Chamber considered that, to determine
whether a delimitation would entail “catastrophic repercussions”, it was
necessary to consider equitable criteria such as: (i) the “preservation of
existing fishing patterns which are vital to the coastal communities in the
area concerned”; and (ii) the “optimum conservation and management of
living resources”.864
861 Maritime Delimitation in the Area between Greenland and Jan Mayen (Denmark v.
Norway), Judgment of 14 June 1993, I.C.J. Reports 1993, p. 38, paragraph 76. See also
Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary in the Gulf of Maine Area (Canada v. United States
of America), Judgment of 12 October 1984, I.C.J. Reports 1984, p. 246, paragraph 237
(where the Chamber of the Court also recognised that “activities connected with fishing –
or navigation, defence or, for that matter, petroleum exploration and exploitation” may, in
exceptional cases, constitute relevant circumstances).
862 Arbitration between Barbados and the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago, Award, 11 April
2006, RIAA, Vol. XXVII, p. 147, paragraph 269.
863 Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary in the Gulf of Maine Area (Canada v. United States
of America), Judgment of 12 October 1984, I.C.J. Reports 1984, p. 246, paragraph 237.
See also Maritime Delimitation in the Black Sea (Romania v. Ukraine), Judgment of 3
February 2009, I.C.J. Reports 2009, p. 60, paragraph 198, citing the Gulf of Maine case;
Arbitration between Barbados and the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago, Award, 11 April
2006, RIAA, Vol. XXVII, p. 147, paragraph 241, citing the Gulf of Maine case.
864 Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary in the Gulf of Maine Area (Canada v. United States
of America), Judgment of 12 October 1984, I.C.J. Reports 1984, p. 246, paragraph 110.
248
479. As explained below, a failure to adjust the provisional equidistance line to
the Parallel of Latitude would indeed have catastrophic repercussions for
the livelihoods and economic well-being of Kenya’s northernmost coastal
communities, as well as for the conservation and management of living
resources inside and near the now-disputed maritime area.
480. The evidence confirms that, for centuries, fishing has been a vital activity
for the livelihoods and economic well-being of coastal communities living
in Kenya’s northernmost region.865 Those communities have a long history
of dependence on fishing as a source of work and food.866 In Lamu,
artisanal fishing has been the main source of income for local communities
for generations spanning hundreds of years.867 Fishing is the “most
important economic pillar” in the region, contributing approximately 90
865 See KCM, paragraph 128. See also, “Fishery and Aquaculture Country Profiles: The
Republic of Kenya”, UN FAO, 2016 (“UN FAO Fishery Profile of Kenya”), available at:
http://www.fao.org/fishery/facp/KEN/en (last accessed: 21 December 2020), Annex 96.
866 See, e.g., Fishing Report, page 9, Annex 4 (“[i]n Lamu County, marine fisheries comprise
75 percent of the local economy (with inland fishing comprising the remaining 25 percent)
and have been the main livelihood strategy for generations, perhaps hundreds of years.”).
867 See, e.g., Fishing Report, page 12, Annex 4 (“[f]ishing in Lamu County evidently has been
an intergenerational as well as an intragenerational aspect. As one report noted, the Lamu
people have historically been well-known for their skills in fish production, boat building,
sailing and other marine activities, even among Kenya's coastal people who have been
involved in trans-Indian ocean trade for more than 1,200 years. Many of the fishermen
interviewed expressed that they had been fishermen for many years, and this was
something inherited from their fathers before them.”); Fishing Report, page 10, Annex 4
(“[i]t is only fair to say that fishing is part of Lamu County DNA. The Lamu County
Biocultural Community Protocol is a document procured by two community-based
organisations, Lamu Environmental Protection and Conservation as well as Save Lamu.
The document was created based on community participation from over 46 villages in the
county, including the indigenous communities such as the Bajun, Swahili and Sanye, as
well as other recently migrated communities. There is great emphasis given to the cultural,
historical and generational importance of fishing to these communities. A significant
number of them rely on their nature-based livelihoods for their survival, and they assert
that it has been the same throughout their ancestry, making specific reference to fishing.”).
249
percent of household incomes.868 In some villages that are closer to the
Kenya-Somalia border – e.g., Kiunga and Kizingitini – fishing contributes
up to 100 percent of the inhabitants’ income.869 Such dependence is, in
part, attributable to the scarcity of other sources of employment in the
region.870
481. Somalia itself has noted the importance of those fishery resources for the
livelihoods of those communities. It has asserted that:
[c]oastal communities, including the Baajuun and Reer
Maanyo ethnic groups, have traditionally harvested the
waters off Somalia’s coast, making a livelihood as
fishermen and seafarers.871
482. Fish and other marine products are also the main source of food in Lamu as
well as in other coastal areas near the Kenya-Somalia boundary.872 Indeed,
as noted in the Fishing Report (a report issued by Kenya’s State Law Office
regarding fishing activities and patterns of communities living along
Kenya’s northern coast that forms part of the new evidence), the “fishing
868 See Fishing Report, page 7, Annex 4.
869 See Fishing Report, page 13, Annex 4 (“Lamu county relies on fishing activity as the main
economic activity and mainstay with some villages such as Kiunga and Kizingitini
contributing to more than 90 percent of income and employment of the entire coastal
fishing sector extending 640km. Dependence on fishing within the Kiunga village, close
to the Kenya-Somalia border, for example, has been clearly highlighted by the
International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources. The Union
indicates that within the community, fishing contributes 95-100 percent of it's inhabitants’
livelihoods.”).
870 See Fishing Report, page 14, Annex 4 (“[f]ishing seems to be the source of livelihood that
is resorted to, in part, because of the scarcity of other sources of employment in Lamu.”).
871 MS, paragraph 2.11.
872 See Fishing Report, page 16, Annex 4 (“[t]he fishing ecosystem not only puts food on the
tables of the inhabitants of Lamu County, but fish is in fact the main dietary staple and
source of income for thousands of women who are fishmongers and cowrie collectors and
traders.”).
250
sector remains an imperative source of food to the 144,000 dwellers in
Lamu county.”873 The dietary importance of fish and other marine species
for Kenya’s fisherfolk is echoed across the testimonies of fisherfolk who
live in the region, which are now available to this Court. As noted by one
fisher, “[f]ish is our main food. We can’t eat any meal which has no fish
served because it’s what we are used to. It’s a meal we so much depend
on.”874
483. The new evidence contained in the Fishing Report also confirms that local
Kenyan fishing communities close to the Kenyan-Somali border have long
relied upon fishing for their livelihoods and continue to do so today,
including within the now-disputed waters.875 The application of an
equidistance line would have catastrophic effects on their access to vital
fisheries on which their livelihoods and economic well-being depend.876
873 Fishing Report, page 16, Annex 4.
874 Fishing Report, Annex FR40, Video interview of Mr Barkale Madi Amidi, minute 3:12 to
3:20, Annex 4.
875 See, e.g., Fishing Report, Annex FR38, Video interview of Sharif Bwanaheri, minute 0:34
to 0:38, Annex 4 (“[w]e fish at the Kenya-Somalia border because it has better fish. Any
[…]. We will experience a lot of suffering if we are barred from fishing at the border.”);
Fishing Report, Annex FR40, Video interview of Barkale Madi Amidi, minute 0:32 to
0:50, Annex 4 (“[w]e fish from West of Ishakani towards the border with Somalia. That’s
where we get fish in large numbers.”); Fishing Report, Annex FR41, Video interview of
Raya Ahmed, minute 4:03 to 4:20, Annex 4 (“We will be seriously affected because they
depend on the border areas for huge and better catches”); Fishing Report, Annex FR20,
Video interview of Ahmed Islam, minute 0:22 to 0:30 and 1:28 to 2:00, Annex 4 (“[o]ur
fishing zones are from Kiunga to Daresalam point. We head to Daresalam point every time
because there is plenty of fish there […]. So, we urge the government to remain firm
because these areas from Daresalam point to Kiunga are ours. And we say that they
rightfully belong to us. We have known them to be ours since the times of our great
grandfathers. And there are landmarks indicating the areas are in Kenya’s territory. Even
our great grandfathers and the colonial government found those landmarks existing. So,
it’s very shocking that Somalia is claiming those areas today.”).
876 See Fishing Report, page 20, Annex 4 (“[i]f the fishing community in Lamu County were
restricted in their current access and historical areas, the effects would be devastating.
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Those catastrophic effects are perhaps best illustrated by some of the
testimonies of Kenya’s fisherfolk.877 For example, Mr Barkale Madi
Amidi, a village elder and Chairman of a local Beach Management Unit of
Ishinkani (a village near the LBT), notes:
[w]e rely so much on fishing around the border with
Somalia. That’s where we get fish in large numbers. Life
will be hard if we won’t be allowed to access the border
area […]. Everybody here depend on fishing as a means
of livelihood. The sea is the farm to the people of
Ishakani. It’s our farm where we get our daily food.
There’s no other economic activity we’re engaged in. We
don’t farm. Fishing is our way of life […]. If you fail to
earn from fishing, you will have no choice but to sleep
hungry.878
484. Mr Suluhu Aweso, a local fisher from Kiunga (a town just 15 km from the
LBT) is equally unambigious. Referring to the consequences of being
unable to fish in the waters near the Parallel of Latitude, he notes:
[w]e will suffer especially residents of Kiunga. We will
seriously be affected in terms of income since we don’t
have any other economic activity here in Kiunga. We are
not employed anywhere else. The sea is what we depend
on. The sea is what we’ve seen our fathers depend on
since we were young. It’s what gives us income and what
our lives depend on.879
Many of the fishermen fear that they could lose prime fishing spots the communities have
identified over the centuries, reducing their household as well as individual incomes.”).
877 See, generally, Fishing Report, Annexes FR18 to FR43, Annex 4.
878 Fishing Report, Annex FR40, Video interview of Mr Barkale Madi Amidi, minute 1:10 to
1:20, 2:37 to 2:52 and 4:26 to 4:34, Annex 4.
879 Fishing Report, Annex FR39, Video interview of Mr Suluhu Aweso, at minute 0:32 to
0:54, Annex 4.
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485. Similarly, Mr Lali Mohamed, another fisher from Ishakani notes that, if he
were barred from fishing near the border, he “will be seriously affected.”880
He also explains that, if that were to happen, “[p]eople will resort to killing
one another and stealing”.881 In the same vein, Ms Mwansomo Athman
Arasin, a fishmonger from Lamu asserts that, if Kenyans were prevented
from fishing near the border, “men will resort to stealing while women will
get into prostitution”.882 That is the degree of dependence of those
communities on fishing.
486. Notably, the catastrophic consequences of adopting Somalia’s proposed
equidistance line would not only affect the communities living near the
Kenya-Somalia boundary. They would also affect numerous other
communities that are further away from the border but nonetheless rely on
the fishery resources located in waters near the boundary. Indeed, as
explained in the Fishing Report, because some areas south of Lamu have
less fishery resources, some fisherfolk are compelled to travel from places
as far south as Malindi to harvest the resource-rich waters of Kiunga and
Ishakani.883 This is corroborated by testimony of Kenya’s fisherfolk
contained in the Fishing Report.884
880 Fishing Report, Annex FR30, Video interview of Mr Lali Mohamed, at minute 0:25 to
0:30, Annex 4.
881 Fishing Report, Annex FR30, Video interview of Mr Lali Mohamed, at minute 0:25 to
0:30, Annex 4.
882 Fishing Report, Annex FR35, Video interview of Ms Mwanasomo Athman Arasin, at
minute 2:51 to 3:00, Annex 4.
883 See Fishing Report, page 17, Annex 4 (“[t]he fishermen have noted their closeness to the
border when fishing, citing it as beneficial to the activity. Indeed, fishermen come from all
over to fish in areas like Kiunga and Ishakani. One fisherman indicated that some come
from Faza, Kizingitini, and even Malindi, to fish in the area.”).
884 See, e.g., Fishing Report, Annex FR39, Video interview of Suluhu Aweso, minute 1:17 to
1:29, Annex 4 (“[r]ight now, fishermen from Faza, Kizingitini all come to fish here. All of
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487. Further, the dependence of Kenya’s coastal communities on fishing is well
documented in other sources. For example, the UN FAO confirms Kenyan
fishing within the disputed zone, noting that “[t]he major fishing areas”
include “the length of Kiunga coastline and the Lamu islands in the
North”,885 close to the Kenyan-Somali border. The UN FAO also explains
that:
[f]isheries and aquaculture play a significant role in the
development and stabilization of Kenya’s rural
communities, both coastal and riparian. The combined
sector provides employment and income to large numbers
of men and women, and food and social cohesion to entire
families. […] Communities living along Kenya’s lakes
and coastline benefit further in terms of food security, as
small-scale fishing is essential to their overall household
wellbeing, providing both income and nutrient-rich
food.886
488. In 2016, the UN Environment Programme and the Western Indian Ocean
Marine Science Association estimated that the marine fisheries sector
within Kenya employed about 27,000 people in sea and shore-based
activities, including over 13,000 artisanal fishers.887 Engaging largely in
subsistence fishing, fishers usually take part of their catch to their relatives
for food.888 The number of people supported indirectly by the fisheries
sector in Kenya is much higher. Beyond artisanal and industrial fishing, the
them rely on these areas. These are the areas with plenty of fish. A fisherman may use fuel
worth ksh 20,000 to travel from those areas to here.”).
885 UN FAO Fishery Profile of Kenya, page 7, Annex 96.
886 UN FAO Fishery Profile of Kenya, page 17, Annex 96.
887 See “Regional State of the Coast Report: Western Indian Ocean, Social and Economic
Impacts of Capture Fisheries and Mariculture”, UN Environment Programme, 2016, page
308, Annex 97.
888 See UN FAO Fishery Profile of Kenya, Annex 96.
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evidence confirms that the fisheries sector generates employment for over
two million Kenyans, through boat building, equipment repair, fish
processing and other related activities.889 Moreover, fishing enables
Kenyans to maintain a viable agricultural sector, which is critical to
maintaining a stable society and economy.
489. In addition, Somalia’s admitted inability to police its waters and prevent
IUU Fishing underscores the need to adjust the provisional equidistance line
to the Parallel of Latitude to ensure the optimum conservation of living
resources. As recently as 4 December 2020, the UN Security Council again
“[e]xpress[ed] serious concern over reports of illegal, unreported and
unregulated fishing (IUU) in Somalia’s Exclusive Economic Zone
(EEZ)”.890 IUU Fishing has a number of devastating implications.891 It
severely contributes to the overexploitation of fish stocks and hinders the
recovery of fish populations and ecosystems. Indeed, as explained by the
UN FAO, “IUU fishing can lead to the collapse of a fishery or seriously
889 See “Leveraging the Blue Economy for Inclusive and Sustainable Growth”, UN
Development Programme Policy Briefs, 2018, page 5, Annex 98. See also Fishing Report,
pages 9-10, Annex 4 (“[i]n addition, the fisheries sector indirectly gives employment, such
as boat building, equipment repair and fish processing to over two million Kenyans”).
890 UN Security Council Resolution 2554 (2020), S/RES/2554 (2020), 4 December 2020, page
3, Annex 69.
891 IUU Fishing has been defined by the UN FAO in its International Plan of Action to Prevent,
Deter and Eliminate Illegal, Unreported and Unregulated Fishing. See International Plan
of Action to Prevent, Deter and Eliminate Illegal, Unreported and Unregulated Fishing,
UN FAO, 2001, paragraphs 3-6, Annex 99. Illegal fishing refers to fishing activities
conducted in territorial waters without permission, the failure to observe conservation and
management measures, and fishing on the high seas in violation of the UNCLOS.
Unreported fishing involves any fishing activities that are not reported or are misreported
to a relevant agency. Unregulated fishing includes fishing in areas where reporting is not
mandated, where management does not exist or is not enforced, or where detailed
knowledge of fishery resources is lacking. See S. M. Glaser et al., “Securing Somali
fisheries”, One Earth Future Foundation, 2015 (“Securing Somali Fisheries Report”),
page 23, Annex 149.
255
impair efforts to rebuild stocks that have already been depleted”.892 The
negative impact of overfishing on Somali fisheries can be evidenced by a
2015 report, which noted that “8 of the 17 fish groups [...] analyzed [were
being] fished at unsustainable levels” due to IUU Fishing.893 The same
report estimated that “foreign IUU vessels catch three times as many fish
as the Somali artisanal fishing sector, and [...] cause significant
environmental damage.”894
490. Moreover, the evidence confirms that IUU Fishing constitutes a direct
threat to marine ecosystems, food security and the livelihoods of fishing
communities. As the UN Security Council stated, referring specifically to
the situation in Somalia’s EEZ and “noting the complex relationship
between IUU fishing and piracy”, “IUU fishing can contribute to
destabilization among coastal communities”.895 Equally, Secure Fisheries
has emphasised that “[o]verfishing [in Somali waters] not only negatively
impacts marine ecosystems; it also threatens coastal livelihoods in
communities that cannot compete with foreign vessels’ efficient gear.”896
In the same vein, the former Director-General of the UN FAO has warned
about the threats of IUU Fishing, noting that it “not only jeopardizes marine
892 International Plan of Action to Prevent, Deter and Eliminate Illegal, Unreported and
Unregulated Fishing, UN FAO, 2001, paragraph 1, Annex 99.
893 Securing Somali Fisheries Report, page 78, Annex 149. The fish analysed include
swordfish, striped marlin, emperors, goatfish, snappers, sharks, groupers and grunts.
894 Securing Somali Fisheries Report, page xiii, Annex 149.
895 UN Security Council Resolution 2554 (2020), S/RES/2554 (2020), 4 December 2020, page
3, Annex 69. The UN Security Council further “recognize[d] that piracy exacerbates
instability in Somalia by introducing large amounts of illicit cash that fuels additional
crime, corruption, and terrorism”. See also UN Security Council Resolution 2554 (2020),
S/RES/2554 (2020), 4 December 2020, page 4, Annex 69.
896 C. Devlin et al., “Rough seas —the causes and consequences of fisheries conflict in Somali
waters”, One Earth Future Foundation, 2020, page 3, Annex 150.
256
ecosystems but also threatens the livelihoods and food security of millions
of fish workers around the world”.897
491. Similarly, the UN FAO South West Indian Ocean Fisheries Commission
has observed that:
in the SWIO region, IUU is estimated to be around 400
million/year threatening fish stocks, distorting markets,
undermining governance structures, and imposing
considerable costs on the economies of developing
countries, including the livelihoods of coastal fishing
communities.898
492. The negative consequences of IUU Fishing in Somalia are exacerbated by
Somalia’s corruption and mismanagement. For example, a 2006 report of
the UN Monitoring Group found that local authorities, administration
leaders and warlords sell fishing licences for profit to foreign vessels at rates
of as much as USD 150,000 per boat. Foreign vessels then use those
licences without restriction, thus causing severe depletion of the
environment and relevant ecosystem.899 The same report also notes that:
[p]ermits are issued in complete disregard for any
international regulations or long-term sustainability of the
fisheries, resulting in indiscriminate fishing and severe
long-term degradation of the Somali fishery.900
897 “UN agency urges implementation of accord to tackle illegal fishing”, UN News, 12 July
2016, Annex 100.
898 “Ten Years Promoting and Strengthening Regional Cooperation For Securing Sustainable
Fisheries In South West Indian Ocean (SWIO) Region”, UN FAO South West Indian
Ocean Fisheries Commission (SWIOFC), pages 8-9, Annex 101.
899 See Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia pursuant to Security Council resolution
1630 (2005), S/2006/229, 4 May 2006, paragraphs 71-75, Annex 102.
900 Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia pursuant to Security Council resolution 1630
(2005), S/2006/229, 4 May 2006, paragraph 75, Annex 102.
257
493. The corruption and rent-seeking practices of Somalia in relation to its
maritime resources have not improved since then. In 2015, the UN
Monitoring Group “identified the illicit sale of fishing licences to foreign
clients as an avenue for Federal Government of Somalia and other Somali
officials to misappropriate public resources.” 901 More recently, the UN
Security Council:
express[ed] concern at continued reports of illegal,
unreported and unregulated fishing in waters where
Somalia has jurisdiction, and encourage[d] the FGS, with
support from the international community, to ensure
fishing licenses [were] issued in accordance with the
appropriate Somali legislation.902 (Emphasis omitted.)
494. Given Somalia’s “weak legal and institutional framework” and its “inability
[...] to enforce laws within Somali waters”,903 extending the maritime
boundary south of the Parallel of Latitude would be fatal for Kenya’s
fisherfolk.904 That decision would be tantamount to increasing the maritime
901 Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to Security Council
resolution 2182 (2014): Somalia, S/2015/801, 19 October 2015, page 18, Annex 91.
902 UN Security Council Resolution 2498 (2019), S/RES/2498, 15 November 2019, pages 1-
2, Annex 73.
903 U.N. Security Council, Report of the Secretary-General on the protection of Somali
natural resources and waters, U.N. Doc. S/2011/661 (25 Oct. 2011), paragraph 18, SR,
Annex 19. See U.N. Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea, Report of the Monitoring
Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to Security Council resolution 2182 (2014):
Somalia, U.N. Doc. S/2015/801 (19 Oct. 2015), paragraphs 34-35, SR, Annex 23 (“[t]aking
advantage of the limited maritime surveillance capability of the Federal Government of
Somalia, many foreign vessels fish in Somali waters in contravention of international law
and the Federal Government of Somalia Fisheries Law, either without licences or with
forged documents, and without reporting data to any Somali authority […] Illegal,
unreported and unregulated fishing represents a significant threat to peace and security in
Somalia […]”).
904 See Fishing Report, page 25, Annex 4 (“[f]or conservation purposes, there is a widelyshared
fear that if Somalia is granted the disputed waters, there will be increased impunity
for illegal fishing and pollution that will jeopardise Kenya’s conservation efforts and
coastal communities.”).
258
area where the rule of law is weak – if not inexistent. Rampant IUU Fishing
will cause an accelerated degradation of the living resources in that area
and, consequently, of Kenyan coastal communities’ vital fishing patterns.
495. Indeed, fishing stock will be significantly harmed by increased pollution.
In addition to depleting the stock of fish, illegal foreign fishing trawlers are
known for polluting Somali waters by dumping nuclear and toxic waste.905
Those actions have devastated the livelihoods of numerous Somali
fishermen and pushed them to turn to piracy.906 The same would happen to
Kenya’s fisherfolk if the maritime boundary is extended south of the
Parallel of Latitude and illegal foreign fishing trawlers are allowed to
operate there with the same impunity.
496. Indeed, there is ample evidence that Somalia’s inability to prevent IUU
Fishing has catastrophic repercussions for the livelihoods and economic
well-being of coastal communities. For example, Mr Abdullah Bidhan
Warsame, Somalia’s own Minister of Fisheries and Maritime Resources,
has admitted that:
905 See “Causes of maritime piracy in Somalia waters”, Marine Insight, 20 May 2018, Annex
151; “Somali fishermen struggle to compete with foreign vessels”, VOA News, 20 May
2018, Annex 152.
906 See, e.g., “Kenya targets ‘fish thieves’ with new coastguard”, CGTN Africa, 20 November
2018, Annex 153; “Somali perspectives on piracy and illegal fishing, Oceans Beyond
Piracy”, Oceans Beyond Piracy, available at:
http://oceansbeyondpiracy.org/publications/somali-perspectives-piracy-a…
(last accessed: 21 December 2020), Annex 154; “Somali Fishermen Struggle to
Compete with Foreign Vessels”, VOA News, 20 May 2018, Annex 152; “Somalia
threatened by illegal fishermen after west chases away pirates”, The Guardian, 31 October
2005, Annex 155 (noting that “[o]verfishing, which devastated the livelihoods of coastal
communities a decade ago, is regarded as the principal reason for the initial outbreak of
piracy”). See also “Piracy and armed robbery against ships – report for the period 1
January-31 December 2019”, ICC International Maritime Bureau, January 2020, page 18,
Annex 144 (explaining that Somali pirates constitute an ongoing and serious threat in the
region and that there is a risk for fishermen to be confused with pirates).
259
the presence of Iranian vessels in Somali waters is an
ongoing concern. Illegal, unreported and irregular fishing
in Somali waters seriously threatens food security,
economic development and Somalia’s sovereignty.907
497. The UN Security Council itself has expressed serious concerns about
“continued reports of illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing in waters
where Somalia has jurisdiction.”908
498. In significant contrast, Kenya has taken a series of active steps to combat
IUU Fishing and champion marine conservation. For example, for the last
decades, Kenyan authorities, such as the Kenya Wildlife Service, have
protected the interests of those fishing communities, including by
establishing the Kiunga Marine National Reserve in 1979.909 In addition,
Kenya recently launched a new Coast Guard Service (the “KCGS”)
specifically to fight IUU Fishing.910 The KCGS’s efforts have already paid
dividends. Only a mere six months after the KCGS initiated its operations,
fishing stock in certain Kenyan waters had already increased by 155,000
tonnes.911
907 “Somalia: when illegal fishing threatens national and regional economy”, Ressources
Magazine, 11 July 2020, Annex 156.
908 UN Security Council Resolution 2498 (2019), S/RES/2498, 15 November 2019, pages 1-
2, Annex 73.
909 See “Natural resource dependence, livelihoods and development: Perceptions from
Kiunga, Kenya”, IUCN Eastern and Southern Africa Regional Office, 2008, pages 7-9,
Annex 67.
910 “Kenya strives to end illegal fishing, ramp up seafood production”, Seafood Source,
22 August 2019, Annex 157.
911 See “Fish stocks double after launch of Kenya coast guard services”, Nation Africa, 14 July
2019 (updated 29 June 2020), Annex 158. (“the service has maintained daily patrols of
Kenya’s waters to guard against illegal, unregulated and unreported fishing, provide safety
to seafarers and prevent drug smuggling and the illegal movement of people and goods.”).
260
499. In addition, Kenya is a founding Member of Aquaculture Network for
Africa.912 The purpose of that network is essentially to provide States with
a platform to discuss the importance of fisheries in Africa and to promote
the better use of fishery resources.
500. In a 2019 Report titled Kenya Marine Fisheries and Socio-Economic
Development Project, the World Bank noted that:
Kenya has recently begun introducing management of
fishing effort in the artisanal and commercial sectors by
implementing measures articulated in national fisheries
regulations, national fisheries management plans (FMP),
and local co-management area (CMA) plans, some of
which were prepared under the World Bank-financed
Kenya Coastal Development Project (KCDP,
P094692).913
501. The World Bank also has recognised that the “elimination of IUU fishing
in Kenyan waters is [...] a priority” and that:
[a] major step towards achieving this was initiated under
the KCDP through the development of a monitoring,
control, and surveillance (MCS) strategy that included the
implementation of a vessel monitoring system (VMS) that
is currently being used to monitor licensed foreignflagged
vessels.914
502. Kenya has taken similar steps to protect its marine ecosystems. For
example, it created a number of Marine Protected Areas (“MPAs”)
912 See UN FAO Fishery Profile of Kenya, Annex 96.
913 “Kenya Marine Fisheries and Socio-Economic Development Project (KEMFSED)
(P163980) - Combined Project Information Documents / Integrated Safeguards Datasheet
(PID/ISDS)”, The World Bank, 25 April 2019, page 6, Annex 68.
914 “Kenya Marine Fisheries and Socio-Economic Development Project (KEMFSED)
(P163980) - Combined Project Information Documents / Integrated Safeguards Datasheet
(PID/ISDS)”, The World Bank, 25 April 2019, page 7, Annex 68.
261
specifically aimed at “protect[ing] and conserv[ing] marine and coastal
biodiversity”.915 Four of those areas are “no-take marine national park[s]
that are protected from any form of extractive activities.”916 No-take MPAs
in Kenya have been acknowledged as “successful in restoring fish biomass
and biodiversity” and cited “as the most effective in the region”.917
Similarly, Kenya has adopted a system of Beach Management Units to
manage artisanal fisheries, deter over-exploitation of fisheries and enable
Kenyan fisherfolk to have a say in the regulation of the fisheries important
to their communities and livelihoods. As noted by Secure Fisheries,
“[l]ocal management of small-scale fisheries has been successful in Kenya,
resulting in an increase in fish biomass and diversity.”918
503. In addition, Kenya has adopted a series of domestic laws specifically aimed
at marine conservation, including the 2016 Fisheries Management and
Development Act (the “2016 FMDA”).919 The Government also has
adopted a number of international projects aimed at enhancing marine
conservation. Among other initiatives, it recently developed the “Kenya
Coast Development Project” in conjunction with the World Bank with the
aim of “[s]trengthen[ing] conservation and sustainable use of marine and
915 R. M. Oddenyo et al., Kenyan sharks baseline assessment report for the national plan of
action for the conservation and management of sharks (Kenya Fisheries Service, 2018),
page 28, Annex 5.
916 R. M. Oddenyo et al., Kenyan sharks baseline assessment report for the national plan of
action for the conservation and management of sharks (Kenya Fisheries Service, 2018),
page 28, Annex 5.
917 R. M. Oddenyo et al., Kenyan sharks baseline assessment report for the national plan of
action for the conservation and management of sharks (Kenya Fisheries Service, 2018),
page 28, Annex 5.
918 P. M. Roberts et al., “An exploration of federal fisheries management agencies in Eastern
Africa”, Secure Fisheries, February 2017, p. 18, Annex 159.
919 See Republic of Kenya, Kenyan Fisheries Management and Development Act No. 35,
9 September 2016, Annex 1.
262
coastal biodiversity”.920 Kenya also launched, together with the UN FAO,
the so-called Blue Growth Initiative (“BGI”), which is aimed at benefiting
select areas in Kenya’s coastal region. BGI is a UN FAO flagship initiative
promoting more productive, sustainable and socioeconomically responsible
fisheries, and aquaculture sectors.921
504. Kenya has been internationally commended for its environmental
conservation efforts. For instance, the UNESCO has noted that the Kenya
Wildlife Service and the World Wildlife Fund are collaborating to procure
“the conservation of the outstanding biodiversity, natural resources and
ecology” in certain marine reserves.922 Similarly, the World Bank
celebrated the “key regulatory and policy changes” derived from Kenya’s
2016 FMDA, which focus specifically on conservation, management and
development of Kenya’s fishery resources.923 Further, the International
Union for Conservation of Nature (the “IUCN”) has praised the
920 “Implementation Completion and Results Report on a credit in the amount of SDR 23.8
million (USD 35 million equivalent) and on a grant from the Global Environment Facility
Trust Fund in the Amount of USD 5.0 million to the Republic of Kenya for the Kenya
Coastal Development Project (P094692), ICR00004272”, The World Bank, 31 December
2017, page 8, Annex 103.
921 See “Developing sustainable fisheries and healthy oceans for food and nutrition security”,
UN FAO, 27 July 2015, Annex 104.
922 “Silk Roads Programme: Kiunga”, UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization,
available at: https://en.unesco.org/silkroad/silk-road-themes/biosphere-reserve/kiunga
(last accessed: 21 December 2020), Annex 105 (noting that Kenya Wildlife Service and
the World Wildlife Fund research and monitor “the status of coral reefs [and] their threats
such as fishing, shell collecting, sedimentation, and pollution in the Kenyan marine
reserves.”).
923 “Kenya Marine Fisheries and Socio-Economic Development Project (KEMFSED)
(P163980), Combined Project Information Documents / Integrated Safeguards Datasheet
(PID/ISDS)”, The World Bank, 25 April 2019, page 5 and footnote 11, Annex 68.
263
“[m]anagement and conservation interventions” by several institutions in
Kenya’s national parks, including the Kiunga Marine National Reserve.924
505. There is more. Failing to adjust the provisional equidistance line to the
Parallel of Latitude will also increase insecurity and threaten the lives of
civilian Kenyan fisherfolk. As explained in Section IV.B.3, just as Somalia
is unable to control IUU Fishing, Somalia is equally unable to maintain
security within its land territory and waters.925 Local Kenyan fisherfolk in
the areas close to the Kenyan-Somali border face perennial and existential
security threats emanating from Somalia.926 Those threats are confirmed
by the testimonies of Kenya’s fisherfolk contained in the Fishing Report.
Those threats would only increase if Somalia’s proposed equidistance line
were accepted.
506. By way of example, Mr Ali Salim Waroi, recalls how he “was once
kidnapped and [his] boat confiscated” while fishing at a point located near
the LBT. He notes how “[p]irates held [him] hostage together with 17 other
fishermen” and how he “was held in water tanks” facing a “serious threat”
to his life.927 Similarly, Mr Mohamed Athman Mkokoni warns that, “if
924 “Natural resource dependence, livelihoods and development Perceptions from Kiunga,
Kenya”, IUCN Eastern and Southern Africa Regional Office, 2008, page 5, Annex 67;
“Coral bleaching response and monitoring in the Kiunga marine national reserve”, Reef
Resilience Network, 16 June 2014, Annex 160.
925 See UN Security Council Resolution 2554 (2020), S/RES/2554 (2020), 4 December 2020,
page 1, Annex 69, showing that, as recently as 2 December 2020, Somalia again wrote to
the UN transmitting an official request for assistance to counter piracy off the Somali coast.
926 See, e.g., Fishing Report, page 21, Annex 4 (“[t]he Lamu CSP notes that attacks against
settler communities linked to the Al-Shabaab terror group have negatively affected agroproduction
and commerce within the County. This necessarily affected the fisherman
population, an example of which is the night fishing ban declared in 2011.”).
927 Fishing Report, Annex FR21, Video interview of Mr Ali Salim Waroi, minute 2:17 to 2:57,
Annex 4.
264
Somalia [were to] take away [Kenya’s] areas, the security situation will
worsen. There will never be peace.”928 He then vividly recalls how his son,
“who went to fish at the Somalia border”, returned home saying that “he
saw blood” and that “there [were] gun shots everywhere”.929 Others fear
that, if Somalia’s proposed boundary were to be accepted, then “the pirates
will abduct [them]”.930
507. As Kenya has already explained, no other State suffers as much from the
security threats emanating from Somalia as Kenya.931 No single factor has
more significantly jeopardised the livelihoods of local fishing communities
than the insecurity flowing directly from Somalia’s admitted lack of
territorial and maritime enforcement capacity. To delimit the maritime
boundary along an equidistance line would swing the boundary of
Somalia’s maritime territory in significant closer proximity to Kenya’s
coastline and local fishing communities. This would severely affect their
security. By magnifying the threat of uncontrolled maritime terrorism,
piracy and related crime, such a delimitation would also catastrophically
disrupt the ability of entire communities to maintain their livelihoods
through fishing.
508. In sum, any failure to adjust the provisional equidistance line to the Parallel
of Latitude would deprive Kenyan communities of vital fishing grounds. It
would exacerbate Somalia’s inability to safeguard its waters from piracy,
928 Fishing Report, Annex FR34, Video interview of Mr Mohamed Athman Mkokoni, Annex
4.
929 Fishing Report, Annex FR34, Video interview of Mr Mohamed Athman Mkokoni, Annex
4.
930 Fishing Report, Annex FR30, Video interview of Mr Lali Mohamed, minute 0:45 to 0:50,
Annex 4.
931 See Chapter IV.B.3.
265
IUU Fishing and other grave forms of maritime crime. It would also
severely affect marine conservation and threaten the lives and security of
Kenyan fisherfolk. International law therefore requires adjusting the
provisional equidistance line to the Parallel of Latitude. This would prevent
“catastrophic repercussions” for Kenya’s fisherfolk and allow Kenya to
continue working towards the “optimum conservation and management of
living resources” in the now-disputed maritime area.932
The Parallel of Latitude line leads to no significant disproportionality;
the equidistance line leads to significant disproportionality
509. As the Court explained in the Black Sea case, the third and last stage of the
three-step delimitation method is to “check, ex post facto, on the
equitableness of the delimitation line [...] constructed.”933 To do so, the
Court will confirm:
that the result thus far arrived at, so far as the envisaged
delimitation line is concerned, does not lead to any
significant disproportionality by reference to the
respective coastal lengths and the apportionment of the
areas that ensue.934
932 Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary in the Gulf of Maine Area (Canada v. United States
of America), Judgment of 12 October 1984, I.C.J. Reports 1984, p. 246, paragraph 237.
See also paragraphs 354-356 above; SR, paragraph 2.71 (“it has been widely recognised
that, as a result of Somalia’s lack of maritime enforcement capacity, vessels from many
States have engaged in illegal fishing in Somalia’s territorial waters and EEZ—activities
that Somalia has been unable to prevent.”).
933 Maritime Delimitation in the Black Sea (Romania v. Ukraine), Judgment of 3 February
2009, I.C.J. Reports 2009, p. 61, paragraph 211.
934 Maritime Delimitation in the Black Sea (Romania v. Ukraine), Judgment of 3 February
2009, I.C.J. Reports 2009, p. 61, paragraph 210.
266
510. Any significant disproportionality is revealed through a three-step process.
The Court will first establish the relevant maritime area.935 Then, the Court
will consider the relative lengths of the relevant coasts.936 Finally, the Court
will compare the ratio of the allocation of the relevant areas by the
delimitation line against the relative coastal lengths.937 However, the
proportionality test is not a mathematical exercise.938 Instead, as noted by
the tribunal in the Bangladesh v. India case, only “a significant
disproportionality is to be avoided.”939
511. Somalia argues that its proposed equidistance line leads to a more
proportionate result than the Parallel of Latitude. This is not the case.
Somalia can only reach this result by engaging in a proportionality analysis
that is internally inconsistent with its own legal submissions. As Kenya has
explained in previous submissions, Somalia incorrectly calculates the
relevant area and relevant coastal lengths. However, even if one defines the
relevant area and the coastal lengths as Somalia should have constructed
them based on its own legal standards, the equidistance line also leads to a
disproportionate result, just as it does with Kenya’s correct calculations of
935 See, e.g., The Bay of Bengal Maritime Boundary Arbitration (Bangladesh v. India), Award,
7 July 2014, PCA Case No. 2010-16, paragraph 490.
936 See The Bay of Bengal Maritime Boundary Arbitration (Bangladesh v. India), Award,
7 July 2014, PCA Case No. 2010-166, paragraph 495.
937 See The Bay of Bengal Maritime Boundary Arbitration (Bangladesh v. India), Award,
7 July 2014, PCA Case No. 2010-166, paragraph 496.
938 Maritime Delimitation in the Black Sea (Romania v. Ukraine), Judgment of 3 February
2009, I.C.J. Reports 2009, p. 61, paragraphs 210-211 (citing Delimitation of the
Continental Shelf between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and
the French Republic (UK, France), Award, 30 June 1977, RIAA, Vol. XVIII, p. 3,
paragraph 101). See also The Bay of Bengal Maritime Boundary Arbitration (Bangladesh
v. India), Award, 7 July 2014, PCA Case No. 2010-16, paragraph 492.
939 The Bay of Bengal Maritime Boundary Arbitration (Bangladesh v. India), Award, 7 July
2014, PCA Case No. 2010-16, paragraph 493.
267
the relevant area and relevant coasts. In contrast, the Parallel of Latitude
never leads to a significant disproportionality, whether one uses Kenya’s
correct calculations or Somalia’s stated methodology consistently applied.
1. Somalia’s calculations regarding the scope of the relevant
maritime area are inconsistent with its own legal submissions
512. With regard to the southernmost portion of the relevant area, both Parties
have accepted that maritime areas south of the Kenya/Tanzania delimitation
are not part of the relevant area.940 To recall, Somalia claims that, “since
Kenya renounced any claim in this area as a result of its Agreement with
Tanzania, this cannot be considered as part of the relevant area for the
present dispute”.941
513. From there, however, the Parties disagree about the definition of the
relevant area north of the Kenya-Tanzania boundary. As the evidence
confirms, the relevant area is defined by the seaward projection from all of
the relevant coastal lengths,942 in which case the Parallel of Latitude
delimits 51% of the relevant area to Somalia and 49% to Kenya.943 In this
case, the relevant area is as set forth in Kenya’s Rejoinder: the maritime
940 See KR, paragraph 172(d); MS, paragraphs 6.36 and 7.24. See also S. Fietta and R.
Cleverly, A Practitioner’s Guide to Maritime Boundary Delimitation (Oxford University
Press, 2016), page 602 (“[t]he court [...] excluded from the relevant area, first, the maritime
space to the north of the boundary delimited a few years earlier in the Nicaragua/Honduras
case and, second, maritime space that was already subject to boundary agreements between
Colombia and third States (Panama, Jamaica, and Costa Rica)”); Territorial and Maritime
Dispute (Nicaragua v. Colombia), Judgment of 19 November 2012, I.C.J. Reports 2012,
p. 624, paragraph 163.
941 MS, paragraph 7.64.
942 See KR, paragraphs 169-171.
943 See KR, paragraph 183; Division of the relevant area, including the area beyond 200M,
using the parallel of latitude, KR, Figure KR 2-11.
268
areas lying off the coast between Gees Warshikh, Somalia, in the north to
Ras Wasin, Kenya, in the south. In its northernmost point, the projection
generated by these coasts advances outwards from the coast towards the
continental shelf. In the south, the projection follows the Kenya-Tanzania
maritime delimitation line944 (as Somalia also accepts945). The relevant area
is therefore as follows:
KR, Figure 2-4
514. In contrast, Somalia uses an incorrect methodology for defining the relevant
maritime area – and then, notably, fails to apply its own stated methodology
in a consistent manner.
944 See KR, paragraph 172.
945 See MS, paragraphs 6.36 and 7.24.
269
515. Somalia first asserts that “[t]he ‘relevant area’ is limited to the maritime
area where the projections of the Parties’ relevant coasts overlap” in all
cases.946 As noted directly above, Kenya disagrees. Yet, even accepting
Somalia’s position (quod non), its delimitation line would be
disproportionate.
516. Somalia concedes that the 200M line (between the so-called “inner” and
“outer” continental shelves) is of no legal relevance in constructing a
relevant area.947 This is because there is only one continental shelf.948
Despite accepting this position, Somalia still states in its very next breath
that the “Court may find it convenient to proceed with the examination of
the relevant area in two steps”, first within 200M and then beyond the 200M
line.949 There is no explanation in Somalia’s submissions as to why
dividing the continental shelf in this manner might be “convenient”.
517. Somalia then applies one approach to define the relevant area within 200M
and a different approach to define the area beyond 200M. Within 200M,
Somalia constructs a 200M radial projection from the LBT, resulting in a
semi-circular area of overlapping entitlements.950 This is shown by
Somalia as follows:951
946 MS, paragraph 6.32.
947 See MS, paragraph 6.35.
948 See The Bay of Bengal Maritime Boundary Arbitration (Bangladesh v. India), Award,
7 July 2014, PCA Case No. 2010-16, paragraph 299 (“In keeping with its view that there
is a single continental shelf [...] this Tribunal sees no basis for distinguishing between
projections within 200 nm and those beyond that point.”).
949 See MS, paragraph 6.35.
950 See MS, Figure 6.8.
951 See MS, Figure 6.8.
270
MS, Figure 6.8
518. Since Somalia concedes that there is no distinction between the continental
shelf within 200M and beyond the 200M line, one might expect that
Somalia would use the same radial projection method to establish the
overlapping entitlements to the “outer” continental shelf. However, it does
not do so. Having used one approach within 200M, Somalia switches to a
different approach beyond the 200M line.
271
519. In particular, Somalia abandons its own legal submission beyond the 200M
line. Somalia does state that, in the “overlapping entitlements” approach it
purports to advance, the relevant area is not defined based on “the opposite
claims” of either Party. Instead, the “overlapping entitlements” approach
“consider[s] both the areas of overlapping claims and the area of the
overlapping potential entitlement”952 (i.e., the “part of the maritime space
in which the potential entitlements of the parties overlap”953). Thus,
according to Somalia, “the relevant area covers the overall maritime spaces
involved in the delimitation and is not the same as the area of the
overlapping claims.”954 As Somalia itself explains, “the area of overlapping
potential entitlements consists of those areas [...] that each State would have
been able to claim but for the presence of the other.”955
520. Yet, for unknown reasons, Somalia does not calculate the area of
overlapping entitlements beyond the 200M line by reference to
entitlements, as it itself states is required and as it did within 200M. Instead,
Somalia calculates the relevant area beyond the 200M line by reference
only to Kenya’s actual claims. Somalia’s submissions coyly disclose this
sleight of hand. In paragraph 6.37 of its Memorial, Somalia states that it is
calculating “the area of overlapping entitlements”.956 (Emphasis added).
952 MS, paragraph 6.32, citing Maritime Delimitation in the Area between Greenland and Jan
Mayen (Denmark v. Norway), Judgment of 14 June 1993, I.C.J. Reports 1993, p. 38,
paragraph 59.
953 MS, paragraph 6.33, citing Territorial and Maritime Dispute (Nicaragua v. Colombia),
Judgment of 19 November 2012, I.C.J. Reports 2012, p. 624, paragraph 159.
954 S. Fietta and R. Cleverly, A Practitioner’s Guide to Maritime Boundary Delimitation
(Oxford University Press, 2016), page 600.
955 MS, paragraph 6.37.
956 MS, paragraph 6.37.
272
At the same time, in the footnote to that same paragraph (footnote 236),
Somalia says that:
[t]he area so depicted includes areas claimed by Kenya as
continental shelf beyond 200M that are within 200M of
Somalia. Insofar as these are claimed by Kenya as ‘outer’
continental shelf, Somalia has included them in its
depiction of the area of overlapping potential
entitlements.957 (Emphasis added).
521. In other words, in the text of its Memorial, Somalia expresses the position
that the relevant area is calculated based on overlapping potential
entitlements, not actual claims. But in a footnote, Somalia explains that it
uses actual claims, and not potential entitlements, to construct its proposed
relevant area.
522. This can be seen in Somalia’s own Figure 6.9, which shows that, in
Somalia’s view, Kenya’s “overlapping entitlement” beyond the 200M line
is simply defined as its CLCS claim alone, with no potential entitlement
north of the Parallel of Latitude:958
957 MS, paragraph 6.37, footnote 236.
958 MS, Figure 6.9.
273
MS, Figure 6.9
523. Somalia does not explain why it uses Kenya’s actual claims to calculate the
relevant area when Somalia itself has said that the relevant area should be
calculated by entitlements. Most prominently, the potential entitlements
approach would, if properly applied, also include Kenya’s potential
entitlement beyond the 200M line north of the Parallel of Latitude. By
relying only on claims beyond the 200M line instead of entitlements,
Somalia reduces the relevant area by excluding this northern portion. As a
matter of mathematics, this necessarily reduces Somalia’s portion of the
relevant area in any subsequent disproportionality analysis and, thus,
inappropriately imbalances that analysis in Somalia’s favour, as long as the
274
Court draws the maritime boundary at or south of the Parallel of Latitude.
524. If Somalia had acted consistently with its own prior methods, it would have
established the overlapping entitlements beyond the 200M line in the same
way as it did within 200M: by drawing a radial projection from the LBT.
The extent of this radial projection, of course, would be 350M – the
maximal limit of the continental shelf under UNCLOS Article 76(5).
Consistently applying Somalia’s own methodology substantially enlarges
the relevant area as follows:959
Figure 19: Somalia’s Relevant Area Constructed in Accordance with Its Legal
Submissions
959 The maximal claims to the outer continental shelf of the Parties’ submissions to the CLCS
do not intersect this radial projection. Therefore, the radial projection of 350 M does not
have to be reduced by those maximal claims, as might be applicable in other delimitations.
See Republic of Kenya, Submission on the Continental Shelf Submission beyond 200
nautical miles to the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf: Executive
Summary (Apr. 2009), MS, Annex 59; Federal Republic of Somalia, Continental Shelf
Submission of the Federal Republic of Somalia: Executive Summary (21 July 2014), MS,
Annex 70.
275
525. As detailed below, it is only through its inconsistent and incorrect
calculation of the relevant area that Somalia can claim that the equidistance
delimitation is proportionate. If the relevant area and relevant coastal
lengths are calculated consistently using Somalia’s own legal standards, a
proportionate apportionment of the relevant area occurs at the Parallel of
Latitude. By contrast, the equidistance line causes a significantly
disproportionate apportionment.
2. Somalia’s calculations of the lengths of the relevant coasts are
inconsistent with its own legal submissions
526. On its face, there appears to be only a minor disagreement between the
Parties as to the relevant coastal lengths.960 Both Parties appear to agree
that Somalia’s relevant coastal length is 733 km. However, Somalia
inconsistently excludes a 30 km segment of the Kenyan coast for certain
calculations,961 but not for others.962 With that 30 km segment, the coastal
length for Kenya is 511 km.963 The 30 km segment does not materially
impact the disproportionality analysis. The relevant coastal lengths also
remain essentially constant despite the Parties’ slight disagreement on the
calculation of the LBT from BP 29.964 This disagreement is immaterial to
the analysis. The resulting ratio of the relevant coastal lengths is
approximately 1:1.4 in Somalia’s favour.965
960 See KR, paragraph 165.
961 See MS, Figure 6.7.
962 See MS, Figure 6.9.
963 See KR, paragraph 165.
964 See KR, paragraph 166.
965 See KR, paragraph 165.
276
527. This facial similarity belies a significant disparity in approach. Of course,
in order for the proportionality analysis to lead to sensible results, the
relevant coastal lengths must be related to the relevant area.966 Only in this
way can the proportion of the relevant coastal lengths be compared to the
division of the relevant area.
528. Kenya ensures that its definition of the relevant coastal lengths is related to
its definition of the relevant area. Because Kenya uses seaward projections
from the coast for the relevant area, it also constructs the coastal lengths
based on the locations from where those relevant projections begin,967 as
set forth in the Bangladesh v.Myanmar and Bangladesh v. India cases.968
The relevant coasts and area are therefore defined by projecting seaward
from the coasts of Kenya and Somalia from Was Rasin in the South to Gees
Warshikh in the north.969
529. Somalia eschews consistency in order to achieve artificially favourable
results. Citing this Court’s precedent, Somalia correctly notes that:
[a] State’s relevant coast is not necessarily co-extensive
with its entire coastline. In order to be considered
“relevant” for delimitation purposes, a coast “must
generate projections which overlap with projections from
the coast of the other Party”. This is because “the task of
delimitation consists in resolving the overlapping claims
966 SeeMaritime Delimitation in the Black Sea (Romania v. Ukraine), Judgment of 3 February
2009, I.C.J. Reports 2009, p. 61, paragraph 100.
967 See KR, paragraph 169.
968 See KR, paragraph 169, (citing Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary between
Bangladesh and Myanmar in the Bay of Bengal (Bangladesh/Myanmar), Judgment of
14 March 2012, ITLOS Reports 2012, p. 4, paragraph 489; The Bay of Bengal Maritime
Boundary Arbitration (Bangladesh v. India), Award, 7 July 2014, PCA Case No. 2010-16,
paragraph 306).
969 See KR, paragraph 172; The correct identification of the relevant area, KR, Figure 2-4.
277
by drawing a line of separation of the maritime areas
concerned”.970
530. This is, indeed, the correct approach, as also adopted by Kenya.971 But it is
only correct when one uses the correct calculation of relevant area based on
projections from the coasts. Somalia artificially disconnects the relevant
coasts from the relevant areas.
531. In Somalia’s use of the radial projection from the LBT to define the relevant
area (see supra paragraph 524), the relevant coast must be defined as the
portion of the coast that generates a projection that overlaps with a potential
entitlement of the other Party.972 This, simply put, is the place where the
semicircle created by the radial projection intersects the coast. Only by
970 MS, paragraph 6.19 (citing Territorial and Maritime Dispute (Nicaragua v. Colombia),
Judgment of 19 November 2012, I.C.J. Reports 2012, p. 624, paragraphs 141 and 150;
Maritime Delimitation in the Black Sea (Romania v. Ukraine), Judgment of 3 February
2009, I.C.J. Reports 2009, p. 61, paragraphs 88 and 99. See also Maritime Delimitation in
the Caribbean Sea and the Pacific Ocean (Costa Rica v. Nicaragua) and Land Boundary
in the Northern Part of Isla Portillos (Costa Rica v. Nicaragua), Judgment of 2 February
2018, I.C.J. Reports 2018, p. 139, paragraph 108; The Bay of Bengal Maritime Boundary
Arbitration (Bangladesh v. India), Award, 7 July 2014, PCA Case No. 2010-16, paragraph
279; Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary between Bangladesh and Myanmar in the Bay
of Bengal (Bangladesh/Myanmar), Judgment of 14 March 2012, ITLOS Reports 2012, p.
4, paragraph 198 (“[t]he Tribunal notes at the outset that for a coast to be considered as
relevant in maritime delimitation it must generate projections which overlap with those of
the coast of another party.”).
971 See KR, paragraph 165.
972 SeeMaritime Delimitation in the Black Sea (Romania v. Ukraine), Judgment of 3 February
2009, I.C.J. Reports 2009, p. 61, paragraph 99 (“the coast, in order to be considered as
relevant for the purpose of the delimitation, must generate projections which overlap with
projections from the coast of the other Party”); Maritime Delimitation in the Caribbean
Sea and the Pacific Ocean (Costa Rica v. Nicaragua) and Land Boundary in the Northern
Part of Isla Portillos (Costa Rica v. Nicaragua), Judgment of 2 February 2018, I.C.J.
Reports 2018, p. 139, paragraph 108 (“[a]n essential step in maritime delimitation is
identifying the relevant coasts: those that “generate projections which overlap with
projections from the coast of the other Party”); Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary
Between Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire in the Atlantic Ocean (Ghana/ Côte d’Ivoire), Judgment
of 23 September 2017, ITLOS Reports 2017, p. |4, paragraph 361 (“[t]he first step in the
construction of the provisional equidistance line is to identify the Parties’ coasts of which
the seaward projection overlaps”).
278
comparing the total coastal lengths from the LBT to that intersection can
one compare the relevant coastal lengths with the relevant areas.
532. In this case, if one uses Somalia’s approach as stated – correcting for its
inconsistency, i.e., extending the radial projection to 350M – there is a slight
overall difference in the relevant coastal lengths. In particular, a small
coastal length in the northernmost segment of Somalia’s coast is removed.
The slight difference is seen in the figures below:
Figure 19: Somalia’s Relevant Area Constructed in Accordance with Its Legal
Submissions
279
Figure 20: Somalia’s Relevant Coastal Lengths (corrected)
533. This coastal length is nearly 20 km shorter than Somalia’s initial
calculation. Overall, if Somalia’s approach is applied consistently, the
overall coastal lengths are 511 km for Kenya and 714 km for Somalia,
resulting in a proportion of coastal lengths of a ratio of 1:1.40 in Somalia’s
favour. This 1:1.40 ratio is in fact the same approximate proportion as
Kenya’s calculations (a ratio of 1:1.43).
534. This is not a significant difference on its face from the Parties’ stated
relevant coasts. But the inconsistency shows, again, Somalia’s haphazard
approach to the disproportionality calculations.
3. The equidistance line creates a significant disproportionality
both using Kenya’s correct methods and applying Somalia’s
stated methods in a consistent manner
535. As noted above, the relevant proportion of the coastal lengths is
approximately 1:1.4 in Somalia’s favour, either by using Kenya’s correct
280
construction or by correcting Somalia’s stated methodology in order to
resolve its inconsistencies.
536. In either Kenya’s approach or Somalia’s approach with inconsistencies
corrected, the equidistance line creates a significant disproportionality.
This betrays Somalia’s motives for its inconsistent calculations.
537. Using Kenya’s correct calculations, the proportion of the relevant area as
apportioned between the Parties by the equidistance line proposed by
Somalia is 131,600 km2 and 393,700 km2 to Kenya and Somalia,
respectively, or 1:2.99 in Somalia’s favour. This affords more than twice
the relevant area to Somalia than the coastal lengths proportion (of 1:1.43)
would suggest is appropriate. This is a significant disproportion, as shown
in Figure 21 below.
Figure 21: KR, Figure 2-10 (revised)
538. Using Somalia’s methodology with its inconsistencies corrected, the
proportion of the relevant area as apportioned between the Parties by
281
Somalia’s equidistance line is 131,600 km2 and 300,300 km2, to Kenya and
Somalia respectively, creating a ratio of 1:2.28 in favour of Somalia. This
is more than one-and-a-half times the ratio of the relevant coastal lengths
(1:1.40). In other words, the equidistance line affords Somalia almost twice
the maritime area that it should receive having regard to the length of its
relevant coast. This is also a significant disproportionality, as shown in
Figure 22 below.
Figure 22: Division of the Relevant Area as per Somalia’s Calculations (Once
Corrected) by Somalia’s Proposed Equidistance line
539. Therefore, on either view, the equidistance line leads to a significantly
disproportionate apportionment of the maritime area.
282
4. The Parallel of Latitude creates no significant
disproportionality, regardless of whether the Court uses
Kenya’s correct methods or Somalia’s stated methods in a
consistent manner
540. Furthermore, in either Kenya’s approach or Somalia’s approach with
inconsistencies corrected, the Parallel of Latitude does not create a
significant disproportionality and always leads to an equitable result.
541. Using Kenya’s correct calculations, the proportion of the relevant area as
apportioned between the Parties by the Parallel of Latitude is 257,400 km2
and 267,900 km2 to Kenya and Somalia, respectively,973 or 1:1.04 in
Somalia’s favour. This is not a significant disproportion from 1:1.43 in
Somalia’s favour (which is the ratio of the relevant coastal lengths using
Somalia’s calculations), as pictured in Figure 23 below.
Figure 23: KR, Figure 2-11 (revised)
973 See Division of the relevant area, including the area beyond 200M, using the parallel of
latitude, KR, Figure 2-11.
283
542. Using Somalia’s methodology with its inconsistencies corrected, the
proportion of the relevant area as apportioned between the Parties by the
Parallel of Latitude is 257,100 km2 and 174,800 km2, to Kenya and Somalia
respectively, creating a ratio of 1:1.47 in Kenya’s favour. This is not
significantly disproportionate compared to the ratio of the coastal lengths,
of 1:1.40 in Somalia’s favour, as shown in Figure 24 below.
Figure 24: Division of the Relevant Maritime Area as per Somalia’s Calculations
(Once Corrected) Resulting from the Parallel of Latitude
543. The Parallel of Latitude therefore satisfies the Court’s proportionality
analysis and leads to an equitable result, under both Kenya’s approach or
Somalia’s approach once corrected. An equidistance line leads to a
significant disproportionality under either approach. Thus, Somalia’s
proposed equidistance line must be rejected.
284
CHAPTER V: THE EVIDENCE CONFIRMS THAT KENYA’S
ACTIVITIES IN THE NOW-DISPUTED MARITIME AREA HAVE AT
ALL TIMES COMPLIED WITH APPLICABLE INTERNATIONAL
LAW NORMS
544. The new evidence is pertinent because Somalia argues that any of Kenya’s
prior activities in the now-disputed maritime area will become retroactively
wrongful as soon as this Court delimits the maritime area. Somalia
advances this argument regardless of the activities’ nature, when they
occurred or whether Somalia protested those activities at the relevant time.
Somalia makes this argument on two incorrect bases.
545. First, Somalia asserts that all of Kenya’s activities in the area it now claims
breached UNCLOS Articles 74(3) and 83(3). As a threshold matter, the
obligations contained in those provisions apply only “[p]ending agreement”
between the disputing Parties on the delimitation of their continental shelf
and EEZ. Yet, when Kenya conducted the activities complained of by
Somalia, the Parties had already agreed that their maritime boundary runs
along the Parallel of Latitude. Therefore, Somalia’s acquiescence in that
maritime boundary is dispositive of the entirety of its claims concerning
Kenya’s activities in the now-disputed maritime area.
546. In any event, even if the Court were to find that Somalia has not acquiesced
in that boundary, Somalia would have failed to meet its burden of proof in
multiple ways. Articles UNCLOS Articles 74(3) and 83(3) read,
identically:
[p]ending agreement [of the delimitation of the exclusive
economic zone or continental shelf], the States concerned,
in a spirit of understanding and cooperation, shall make
every effort to enter into provisional arrangements of a
285
practical nature and, during this transitional period, not to
jeopardize or hamper the reaching of the final agreement.
Such arrangements shall be without prejudice to the final
delimitation.
547. UNCLOS Articles 74(3) and 83(3) therefore create two interlinked
obligations: (i) an obligation of conduct to “make every effort to enter into
provisional arrangements” concerning the disputed continental shelf or
EEZ;974 and (ii) an obligation of restraint to refrain from acts that
“jeopardize or hamper the reaching of the final agreement”.975 Notably,
UNCLOS Articles 74(3) and 83(3) do not require the suspension of all
activities whatsoever in a disputed maritime area.976 Rather, they require
the suspension only of those activities that would prevent the disputing
States from reaching a final agreement.
548. The consequences of Somalia’s absolutist position would be highly
onerous. About half of the world’s maritime boundaries are not
delimited.977 The delimitation of overlapping maritime claims is a lengthy
process. At a minimum, it involves complex years-long negotiations based
on complicated calculations and competing interests. If such negotiations
fail, there may be years of judicial proceedings. Yet, according to Somalia,
974 KCM, paragraph 365; KR, paragraph 202. See also Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary
in the Atlantic Ocean (Ghana/Côte d’Ivoire), Judgment of 23 September 2017, ITLOS
Reports 2017, p. 4, paragraph 626.
975 KCM, paragraph 365; KR, paragraph 202. See also Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary
in the Atlantic Ocean (Ghana/Côte d’Ivoire), Judgment of 23 September 2017, ITLOS
Reports 2017, p. 4, paragraph 626.
976 See KCM, paragraph 367. See also Arbitration regarding the Delimitation of the Maritime
Boundary between Guyana and Suriname, Award, 17 September 2007, RIAA, Vol. XXX,
p. 1, paragraph 465 (“this obligation was not intended to preclude all activities in a disputed
maritime area”).
977 See A. Østhagen, “Maritime boundary disputes: What are they and why do they matter?”,
Marine Policy, 2020, pages 1 and 6, Annex 194.
286
disputed maritime areas are and remain hic sunt leones until, at long last, a
maritime boundary is delimited.978
549. If this Court were to accept Somalia’s position, it would frustrate peaceful,
transitory and non-permanent activities in vast swathes of the world’s
oceans, likely for decades, if not indefinitely. These would not only
concern commercial activities, such as exploring and exploiting natural
mineral resources and fisheries. As interpreted by Somalia, the prohibited
activities would also include non-commercial actions, such as marine
biology research, scientific oceanography and climate change research.
Fortunately, the drafters of UNCLOS specifically avoided prohibiting all
activities in a disputed maritime area pending a delimitation.979
550. Second, Somalia argues that, because exclusive sovereignty over the
continental shelf exists ab initio, if a State’s good faith claim to a disputed
area is not upheld in full, any acts carried out in the disputed area were
always wrongful.980 However, activities in a disputed area do not become
internationally wrongful retroactively based on an ex post delimitation.
Instead, as the tribunal in Ghana/Côte d’Ivoire confirmed, delimitation is a
constitutive, not a declaratory, act.981
551. Section V.A of this Chapter explains in further detail why the new evidence
demonstrates that Somalia makes two serious errors in its description of the
978 See Dispute Concerning the Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary between Ghana and
Côte D’Ivoire in the Atlantic Ocean (Ghana/Côte D’Ivoire), Reply of Ghana of 25 July
2016, ITLOS Case No. 23, paragraph 5.9.
979 See Arbitration regarding the Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary between Guyana and
Suriname, Award, 17 September 2007, RIAA, Vol. XXX, p. 1, paragraph 465.
980 See MS, paragraphs 8.11-8.12.
981 See Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary in the Atlantic Ocean (Ghana/Côte d’Ivoire),
Judgment of 23 September 2017, ITLOS Reports 2017, p. 4, paragraph 591; P. Weil, The
Law of Maritime Delimitation: Reflections (Grotius, 1989), pages 21 and 45.
287
law applicable to acts in a disputed maritime area. The evidence discussed
in Section V.B confirms that the evidence does not support Somalia’s
factual positions. Finally, the evidence discussed in Section V.C confirms
that Somalia’s request for relief not only is entirely unfounded but also
betrays its true intentions: to obtain valuable exploration data without
payment, cost or effort.
Somalia misstates the legal standard for wrongfulness of activities in a
disputed maritime area
552. Somalia advances two obviously incorrect legal positions. First, it is not
the case that one State’s self-serving “perception” of the nature of a given
activity determines whether that activity is wrongful. Second, it is not the
case that the delimitation of a shared continental shelf establishes
retroactive liability.
1. Contrary to Somalia’s arguments, one State’s self-serving
“perception” of the nature of a given activity does not
determine whether that activity is wrongful
553. The words of UNCLOS Articles 74(3) and 83(3) are plain. “[D]uring [the]
transitional period” the Parties must “not [...] jeopardize or hamper the
reaching of the final agreement” on the EEZ or the continental shelf. Those
words mean what they say: the obligation of restraint extends only to acts
288
that “jeopardize or hamper the reaching of the final agreement”.
UNCLOS’s drafters did not ban all activities in the disputed area.982
554. Therefore, the obligation not to “jeopardize or hamper the reaching of the
final agreement” in UNCLOS Articles 74(3) and 83(3) does not preclude
all activities in the disputed area. Taking a “pragmatic approach”, those
Articles at most only require that a State desist from activities causing
“permanent physical change”.983 Indeed, this was the Court’s express
finding in the Aegean Sea Continental Shelf case, which did not grant
provisional measures against seismic studies because they were of a
“transitory character” and did not cause “any risk of physical damage”.984
This was reiterated by the tribunal in Guyana v. Suriname.985 That tribunal
found that internationally wrongful activities in a disputed maritime area
consisted of: (i) those that “physical[ly] change[d] [...] the marine
environment”;986 and (ii) militaristic activities, such as the threat or use of
force.987
555. Faced with these long-standing and respected authorities, Somalia can
provide no legal authority for its position that “[i]n some cases, non-
982 See KCM, paragraphs 369-370; Report by the Chairman of the Negotiating Group 7 on the
work of the Group at its 17th-27th meetings, NG7/24, 14 September 1978, U.N. Doc.
A/CONF.62/RCNG/2, UNCLOS III, Official Records Vol. X, pp. 170-2, page 171, KCM,
Annex 70. See also Arbitration regarding the Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary
between Guyana and Suriname, Award, 17 September 2007, RIAA, Vol. XXX, p. 1,
paragraph 465.
983 KCM, paragraphs 370-373.
984 See KCM, paragraphs 371-372; KR, paragraph 204; Aegean Sea Continental Shelf (Greece
v Turkey), Interim Protection, Order of 11 September 1976, I.C.J. Reports 1976, p. 11,
paragraph 30. See also Arbitration regarding the Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary
between Guyana and Suriname, Award, 17 September 2007, RIAA, Vol. XXX, p. 1,
paragraph 468.
985 See Arbitration regarding the Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary between Guyana and
Suriname, Award, 17 September 2007, RIAA, Vol. XXX, p. 1, paragraph 466.
289
invasive acts [...] can be provocative or inflammatory, as States consider
them to be a violation of their sovereign rights.”988 No legal authority
supports Somalia’s view that Kenya’s activities are internationally
wrongful solely because those activities:
were perceived by the Government of Somalia and the
Somali population as an attempt to deprive Somalia of its
rights under international law, and to contribute to a de
facto regime that might be irreversible.989 (Emphasis
added).
556. Quite understandably, neither this Court nor ITLOS has ever taken up
Somalia’s subjective and unilateral “perception” approach to interpret
UNCLOS Articles 74(3) and 83(3). Indeed, in the Aegean Sea Continental
Shelf case, this Court specifically rejected Greece’s position that Turkey
must desist from “any sort of action”:
on the basis that the activities complained of would, if
continued, aggravate the dispute and prejudice the
maintenance of friendly relations between the two
States.990
557. Somalia’s reliance on “perception” is simply a restatement of the position
that Greece expressed to this Court and which this Court has already
rejected.
986 Arbitration regarding the Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary between Guyana and
Suriname, Award, 17 September 2007, RIAA, Vol. XXX, p. 1, paragraph 480.
987 Arbitration regarding the Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary between Guyana and
Suriname, Award, 17 September 2007, RIAA, Vol. XXX, p. 1, paragraph 484.
988 SR, paragraph 4.20.
989 SR, paragraph 4.21.
990 Aegean Sea Continental Shelf Case (Greece v, Turkey), Interim Protection, Order of 11
September 1976, I.C.J. Reports 1976, p. 3, paragraph 17(ii).
290
558. Indeed, Article 31(1) of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties
mandates that UNCLOS Articles 74(3) and 83(3) must be “interpreted in
good faith in accordance with the ordinary meaning to be given to the terms
of the treaty in their context and in the light of its object and purpose.”
Nothing in Articles 74(3) and 83(3) supports the claim that a State’s
subjective interpretation of the underlying facts is sufficient to constitute a
breach. The Articles refer, in objective terms, to acts that “jeopardize or
hamper the reaching of the final agreement”. Reference can be made to this
Court’s rulings on essential security clauses. As this Court has held, such
clauses are not deemed to be subjective and “self-judging” unless they
contain express language designating them as such.991 Here, nothing in
UNCLOS Articles 74(3) and 83(3) suggests that an act is internationally
wrongful based on one Party’s subjective self-judgment, either. In all
events, as discussed below, Somalia has failed to provide any evidence that
it had any subjective perception that Kenya was jeopardizing or hampering
a final agreement – or that any such perception had or could have any
objective foundation.
559. The irony of Somalia’s position is that recently Somalia has also conducted,
in the same now-disputed area, activities which it claims are unlawful under
UNCLOS Articles 74(3) and 83(3) when conducted by Kenya. In May
2015, Somalia licensed rights to Soma Oil & Gas south of the Parallel of
Latitude.992 Presumably, Somalia itself understood that Articles 74(3) and
83(3) were not as broadly prohibitive as it now maintains.
991 See Military and Paramilitary Activities in and against Nicaragua (Nicaragua v. United
States of America), Judgment of 27 June 1986, I.C.J. Reports 1986, p. 116, paragraph 222.
992 See KCM, paragraph 186; Letter from the Coordinator of the Somalia and Eritrea
Monitoring Group mandated pursuant to paragraph 46 of Security Council resolution 2182
(2014) to the Chair of the Security Council Committee pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992)
291
2. Contrary to Somalia’s arguments, the delimitation of a shared
continental shelf does not establish retroactive liability
560. Somalia incorrectly relies on this Court’s finding that “‘[a] coastal State’s
rights in the continental shelf’ [...] exist ipso facto and ab initio.”993 It
argues that, therefore, with respect to the territorial sea, continental shelf
and the EEZ, “Kenya’s exploration activities, insofar as they have been
undertaken in an area that the Court could attribute to Somalia, constitute a
violation of Somalia’s sovereignty [...] and sovereign rights.”994
561. Somalia’s error is plain to see. As this Court has found, the rules defining
a continental shelf and a State’s sovereign rights over that shelf are distinct
from the rules applicable to the delimitation of a shared continental shelf.
In the Libya/Malta case, the Court stated that there is a:
distinction between the law applicable to the basis of
entitlement to the areas of continental shelf – the rule
governing the existence, ‘ipso jure and ab initio’, and the
exercise of sovereign rights of the coastal State over area
of continental shelf situate off its coasts – and the law
applicable to the delimitation of such areas of shelf
between neighbouring States.995
and 1907 (2009) concerning Somalia and Eritrea, reporting the initial findings of the
Monitoring Group’s investigation into the operations of Soma Oil & Gas Holdings Limited
(Soma), S/AC.29/2015/SEMG/OC.31, 28 July 2015, KCM, Annex 101.
993 MS, paragraph 6.9; SR, paragraphs 4.14-4.15.
994 SR, paragraph 4.13.
995 Case concerning the Continental Shelf (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya v. Malta), Judgment of 3
June 1985, I.C.J. Reports 1985, p. 13, paragraph 27.
292
562. This Court emphasised that “the questions of entitlement and of definition
of continental shelf, on the one hand, and of delimitation of continental shelf
on the other, are [...] distinct.”996
563. As Professor Prosper Weil correctly discerned therefrom:
[f]rom now on, even in respect of the continental shelf, it
is no longer a question of seeing the delimitation process
as amounting to no more than a discovery of maritime
areas which belong “already” and ab initio to one or other
of the States concerned. Whatever the jurisdiction under
consideration, it is never nature that fixes, or even
suggests, the maritime boundary, and it is never a natural
boundary the courts are called on to draw.997
564. In other words, the delimitation of a shared continental shelf is a new legal
act, not the declaration of a pre-existing natural or legal condition. The
delimitation takes legal effect upon the conclusion of a delimitation treaty
or the decision of an international court or tribunal. It would be
inconceivable to conclude that a State had acted unlawfully in a disputed
area based on a retroactive application of a delimitation treaty. The same
applies to the findings of this Court on any given maritime delimitation
dispute.
565. Indeed, in its well-considered final decision, the tribunal in Ghana/Côte
d’Ivoire drew the appropriate conclusion: since the delimitation of a
continental shelf is constitutive, not declaratory, good faith activities in a
disputed area cannot become wrongful on a retroactive basis. This is
996 Case concerning the Continental Shelf (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya v. Malta), Judgment of 3
June 1985, I.C.J. Reports 1985, p. 13, paragraph 27.
997 P. Weil, The Law of Maritime Delimitation: Reflections (Grotius, 1989), page 45.
293
because both States have a potential “entitlement to the relevant continental
shelf”. As the tribunal in Ghana/Côte d’Ivoire said:
in a case of overlap both States concerned have an
entitlement to the relevant continental shelf on the basis
of their relevant coasts. Only a decision on delimitation
establishes which part of the continental shelf under
dispute appertains to which of the claiming States. This
means that the relevant judgment gives one entitlement
priority over the other. Such a decision accordingly has a
constitutive nature and cannot be qualified as merely
declaratory.
[…] the consequence of the above is that maritime
activities undertaken by a State in an area of the
continental shelf which has been attributed to another
State by an international judgment cannot be considered
to be in violation of the sovereign rights of the latter if
those activities were carried out before the judgment was
delivered and if the area concerned was the subject of
claims made in good faith by both States.998
566. By definition, claims made in “good faith” cannot demonstrate that one
State has jeopardised or hampered a final agreement. Notably, Somalia
relies upon the tribunal’s provisional measures ruling in Ghana/Côte
d’Ivoire but at the same time asks this Court to reject the same tribunal’s
final ruling.999
567. The tribunal in Ghana/Côte d’Ivoire based this portion of its decision on its
respect for this Court’s prior decisions. It noted that, in Nicaragua v.
Colombia, this Court had rejected Nicaragua’s request for a declaration of
998 Dispute Concerning Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary between Ghana and Côte
d'Ivoire in the Atlantic Ocean (Ghana/Côte d'Ivoire), Judgment of 23 September 2017,
ITLOS Reports 2017, p. 4, paragraphs 591-592.
999 See MS, paragraph 8.15.
294
a violation of its rights in the disputed area because the request was “made
in the context of proceedings regarding a maritime boundary which had not
been settled prior to the decision of the Court […].”1000
568. As Somalia correctly notes,1001 this Court did find in the North Sea
Continental Shelf Cases and in the Jan Mayen case that the existence of
rights to a particular continental shelf requires no affirmative act or
declaration.1002 But this does not mean, as Somalia asserts, that the
settlement of a delimitation “does not establish the authority of the
concerned State in the maritime areas recognized as belonging to it
[…]”.1003 Again, Somalia confuses the ab initio basis for the existence of
rights over a continental shelf (which requires no affirmative act of a State)
with the delimitation of a shared shelf between neighbouring States. Of
course, Somalia’s argument also would not apply to the EEZ, which does
require an affirmative declaration of sovereignty.
569. The meritless nature of Somalia’s position is seen in its admission that it
only protested Kenya’s public activities when it was “in a position to
react”.1004 Thus, according to Somalia, Kenya and all other States should
desist from any activities in any maritime area they claim as their own, even
when no other State objects, solely on the possibility of a potential, future
1000 Territorial and Maritime Dispute (Nicaragua v. Colombia), Judgment of 19 November
2012, I.C.J. Reports 2012, p. 624, paragraph 250.
1001 See MS, paragraph 8.11.
1002 See North Sea Continental Shelf Cases (Federal Republic of Germany v.
Denmark/Netherlands), Judgment of 20 February 1969, I.C.J. Reports 1969, p. 3,
paragraph 19; Maritime Delimitation in the Area between Greenland and Jan Mayen
(Denmark v. Norway), Judgment of 14 June 1993, I.C.J. Reports 1993, p. 38, paragraph
64.
1003 MS, paragraph 8.11.
1004 SR, paragraph 4.1.
295
opposing claim. But, as noted, a complete cessation of activities even in a
publicly disputed area was specifically excluded by UNCLOS’s
drafters.1005 A fortiori, neither UNCLOS nor public international law
requires a complete absence of activities in the absence of protest. They
only prohibit activities that “jeopardize or hamper” a final agreement once
a dispute has arisen. Any other conclusion would make the determination
of international wrongfulness retroactive and dependent on a future,
unknown condition. That cannot be correct.
570. In sum, Somalia’s claims are based on a manifest misconception of the
applicable law. As explained below, those claims also lack any factual
basis: Kenya’s good faith activities in the now-disputed maritime area
cannot possibly be construed as jeopardising or hampering the reaching of
a final agreement between the Parties.
The evidence confirms the lawfulness of Kenya’s activities
571. As the evidence confirms, none of Kenya’s activities jeopardised or
hampered a final agreement or otherwise breached UNCLOS Articles 74(3)
and 83(3). This is because: (i) until 2014, Kenya’s claim to the relevant
area was not disputed; (ii) Kenya then complied with its obligation to seek
to enter into provisional arrangements; and (iii) even under its own incorrect
standard, Somalia cannot show that Kenya’s activities created a reasonable
“perception” of a de facto irreversible regime.
1005 See Arbitration regarding the Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary between Guyana and
Suriname, Award, 17 September 2007, RIAA, Vol. XXX, p. 1, paragraph 465.
296
1. Somalia did not object to Kenya’s well-publicised activities in
the now-disputed maritime area until 2014
572. When the evidence is considered, Kenya plainly did not commit any
internationally wrongful acts in the now-disputed maritime area.
573. As Kenya has already shown, it indeed “had a right to freely engage in
activities consistent with its sovereign rights to explore, exploit, conserve
and manage the natural resources in th[e] maritime area”.1006 Kenya’s
activities were publicly declared and were notorious.1007 Yet, Somalia did
not formally protest against Kenya’s activities until April 2014 and did not
issue any proclamation detailing its claim to an EEZ until June 2014.1008
574. As the evidence discussed in Chapter II confirmed, Kenya formally and
clearly set out its claim to an EEZ twice, in its 1979 and 2005 EEZ
Proclamations.1009 Kenya further made its claim clear in two notes verbales
addressed to Somalia’s Government, in 2007 and 2008.1010 Somalia failed
to protest either Kenya’s claims or its activities then.1011 Crucially, Somalia
failed to protest Kenya’s activities in any manner when Kenya submitted its
1006 KCM, paragraphs 355-362 and 373.
1007 See MS, paragraph 8.21; KCM, paragraph 376; KR, paragraph 198.
1008 See KCM, paragraphs 360-361; KR, paragraph 199(g).
1009 See paragraphs 94 and 138 above; KR paragraph 131.
1010 See Note Verbale from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Kenya to the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs of the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia, MFA.273/430/001 (26
September 2007), KR, Annex 9; Note Verbale from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of
Kenya to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Transitional Federal Government of
Somalia, MFA.273/430/001A (4 July 2008), KR, Annex 12.
1011 See paragraphs 283 and 295-310 above.
297
preliminary information to the CLCS in 2009, by which time the activities
Somalia now protests had already begun.1012
575. Somalia’s complaints to this Court centre essentially on licensing and
activities that took place before 2014.1013 Somalia also alleges that some
additional drilling took place in 2014 and 2015, but, in fact, no such drilling
occurred.1014 In a display of good faith, in 2014 and after Somalia raised
this dispute for the first time, Kenya confirmed to Somalia’s authorities the
temporary suspension of activities in the now-disputed maritime area.1015
576. Somalia itself recognises that its objections to Kenya’s activities in the nowdisputed
maritime area date only from 2014. Indeed, when Somalia
purported to impose fines on entities licensed by Kenya, it did so
retroactively but with effect only from 30 June 20141016 – the date of
Somalia’s EEZ proclamation.
1012 See paragraphs 147 and 304 above; Federal Republic of Somalia, Preliminary Information
Indicative of the outer limits of the continental shelf and Description of the status of
preparation of making a submission To the Commission on the Limits of the Continental
Shelf for Somalia (14 Apr. 2009), Section 6, MS, Annex 66.
1013 See KR, paragraphs 196 and 198.
1014 See KCM, paragraph 376; KR, paragraph 196-197.
1015 See KCM, paragraph, 378; KR, paragraph 206.
1016 See KCM, paragraphs 360-361.
298
2. Somalia, not Kenya, is in breach of its obligation to make every
effort to enter into provisional arrangements
577. The evidence also confirms that it is Somalia, not Kenya, that is in breach
of its obligation under UNCLOS Articles 74(3) and 83(3) to make every
effort to enter into provisional arrangements pending the delimitation.
578. As Kenya has shown, it was not until February 2014 that Somalia protested
Kenya’s activities in the now-disputed maritime area. In May 2014,
Somalia then gave exclusive rights to oil and gas in the now-disputed
maritime area to Soma Oil & Gas, in clear contradiction with the arguments
it has advanced in this case on the lawfulness of Kenya’s activities.1017
579. In May 2016, Kenya sent formal correspondence to Somalia that: (i)
confirmed that Kenya had suspended activities in the now-disputed
maritime area;1018 and (ii) requested that Somalia enter into negotiations
towards provisional arrangements regarding activities in that area.1019
580. Somalia’s response did undertake to stop all activities in the now disputed
area. But Somalia then refused to negotiate with regard to provisional
1017 See Chapter II.A.4, paragraphs 206 and 215 above. See also KCM, paragraph 186; Letter
from the Coordinator of the Somalia and Eritrea Monitoring Group mandated pursuant to
paragraph 46 of Security Council resolution 2182 (2014) to the Chair of the Security
Council Committee pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009) concerning
Somalia and Eritrea, reporting the initial findings of the Monitoring Group’s investigation
into the operations of Soma Oil & Gas Holdings Limited (Soma),
S/AC.29/2015/SEMG/OC.31, 28 July 2015, page 21, KCM, Annex 101.
1018 See KCM, paragraph 378; KR, paragraph 206; Letter from the Ministry of Energy &
Petroleum, State Department for Petroleum to the Office of the Attorney General &
Department of Justice, Professor Muigai (ME/CONF/3/2/1), Maritime Delimitation in the
Indian Ocean (Somalia vs Kenya): Activities in the Disputed Area, 5 May 2016, KCM,
Annex 45.
1019 See KCM, paragraph 378; Letter from the Kenyan Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the
Somali Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 18 May 2016, sent to the Somali Embassy in Nairobi
by note verbale (MFA.INT.8/15A) dated 25 May 2016, KCM, Annex 61.
299
arrangements.1020 Thus, it was Somalia, not Kenya, that failed to seek to
enter into provisional arrangements as required by UNCLOS Articles 74(3)
and 83(3).
581. Nonetheless, Somalia argues that Kenya is in breach of this obligation. In
support of its position, Somalia suggests that the two-year period which
elapsed between February 2014 (when Somalia first formally advanced its
claim to the now-disputed areas) and May 2016 (when Kenya first formally
sought provisional arrangements) makes Kenya’s attempt to seek such
arrangements futile and immaterial.1021 But, notably, Somalia never made
any attempt to seek provisional arrangements at all, whether during that
two-year period or thereafter.
582. The Court will note the irony of Somalia’s positions. When it is in its
interest, Somalia claims that a 35 year period of consent and silence while
Kenya positively asserted claims to the now-disputed maritime area and
conducted activities therein is insufficient to give rise to acquiescence. At
the same time, Somalia claims that a two-year period before Kenya
confirmed it was seeking provisional arrangements renders that attempt
nugatory. These positions cannot both be correct. Indeed, neither is.
1020 See KCM, paragraph 379.
1021 See SR, paragraph 4.17; KR, paragraph 203.
300
3. The new evidence is relevant in confirming that Somalia has
failed to prove that any of Kenya’s actions have hampered or
could hamper the reaching of a final agreement; even under its
own standard, Somalia has shown no reasonable basis for its
so-called “perception” of a de facto, irreversible regime
583. The Parties are in full agreement: none of Kenya’s impugned activities in
the now-disputed maritime area has caused a “permanent physical change
to the marine environment”.1022
584. Nevertheless, as noted above, Somalia argues that even “non-invasive acts
such as seismic surveys can be provocative and inflammatory” and thus
violate UNCLOS Articles 74(3) and 83(3) as long as the purportedly
offended State retrospectively “perceive[s]” them to be so.1023 Somalia
claims that its Government and its people consider any act in the nowdisputed
maritime area to be “an attempt to deprive Somalia of its rights
under international law, and to contribute to a de facto regime that might be
irreversible.”1024 Thus, according to Somalia, it follows that all activities
in the now-disputed maritime area ipso facto “jeopardize or hamper the
reaching of the final agreement” under UNCLOS Articles 74(3) and 83(3)
on the basis of Somalia’s subjective perception.
585. Somalia not only fails to apply the correct legal standard, as discussed
above. Its legal position is also not supported by the evidence.
586. Although it claims to have a serious perception of irreversible de facto
regimes in the now-disputed maritime area, Somalia has never sought
1022 SR, paragraph 4.20.
1023 SR, paragraphs 4.20-4.21.
1024 SR, paragraph 4.21.
301
provisional measures from this Court to suspend activities in the nowdisputed
maritime area. It also bears emphasis that Somalia never objected
to Kenya’s activities as they were occurring.1025 These facts are
incompatible with any claimed perception by Somalia of a de facto,
irreversible regime.
587. In fact, Somalia provides no evidence that either its Government or its
population ever actually “perceived” Kenya’s alleged activities “as an
attempt to deprive Somalia of its rights under international law, and to
contribute to a de facto regime that might be irreversible.”1026 The best
evidence Somalia can offer is statements made by third parties that the
maritime dispute “may serve to create further animosity,”1027 “could have
significant implications for relations”1028 and “add[s] a layer of complexity
to the situation.”1029 These are unremarkable truisms. They should not lead
to histrionic conclusions. Indeed, Somalia must self-modulate its
perception of Kenya’s positions and activities to an objective standard,
based on the actual facts.
1025 See KR, paragraphs 194, 200.
1026 SR, paragraph 4.21.
1027 SR, paragraph 4.21, citing United Nations, Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea,
Report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to Security Council
resolution 2060 (2012): Somalia, U.N. Doc. S/2013/413 (12 July 2013), pages 247-250,
MS, Annex 64.
1028 SR, paragraph 4.22, citing U.N. Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea, Report of the
Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea pursuant to Security Council resolution 2244:
Somalia, U.N. Doc. S/2016/919 (31 Oct. 2016), paragraphs 82 and 188, SR, Annex 24.
1029 SR, paragraph 4.23, citing Dominik Balthasar, The Heritage Institute for Policy Studies,
Oil in Somalia: Adding Fuel to the Fire? (2014), page 8, SR, Annex 35.
302
589. Any “perception” of Kenya’s activities might be influenced by the extremist
rhetoric of the most radical elements of the Somali society, such as the
terrorist group Al-Shabaab.1030 Obviously, the views of extremist terrorist
groups cannot be relied on as a rational basis for Somalia’s perceptions. It
is hoped that Somalia has excluded extremist perceptions, and the influence
extremism can have on public discourse, when discussing its population’s
purported perceptions with this Court.
590. In any event, Somalia’s alleged perception of an “irreversible” “de facto
regime” bears no relationship to objective reality. An unreasonable
perception, not grounded in a good faith analysis of the facts, cannot make
another State’s actions internationally wrongful. In the current proceeding,
none of Kenya’s recently-impugned activities – licensing blocks and
exploration activities – could possibly lead to a reasonable perception of an
irreversible de facto regime. For the same reasons, no activity undertaken
by Kenya in the now-disputed maritime area can be said to have
“jeopardize[d]” or “hamper[ed]” a final agreement as set forth in UNCLOS
Article 74(3) or 83(3).
591. First, consistent with standard international oil and gas practices, none of
the blocks was licensed in a manner that could permanently or irreversibly
impugn this Court’s power to delimit the maritime boundary or the Parties’
ability later to delimit the boundary by agreement. For example, and as is
quite standard, production and sharing contracts were subject to terms
requiring their adjustment by the parties if there was a change in applicable
laws. This includes a change in the legal basis of the rights to the block.1031
1030 See 2019 UN Panel of Experts Report on Somalia, paragraph 106, Annex 79.
1031 See Production Sharing Contract between the Government of the Republic of Kenya and
Star Petroleum International (Kenya) Limited for Block L5 Lamu Basin, 11 July 2000,
page 43, Article 40(3), KCM, Annex 39.
303
In addition, the exploration-only contracts did not allocate further rights to
any of the blocks, much less permanent or irreversible rights.
592. Second, none of the activities complained of by Somalia proceeded beyond
the exploration stage or gave rise to any possibility of an irreversible de
facto regime.
593. For example, there was no permanent drilling or installations – and, indeed,
no drilling whatsoever after Somalia’s declaration of its claims in 2014.
Somalia points to a single exploratory well – in Block L5, very close to its
proposed equidistance line1032 – drilled as early as 2006. That well was dry.
In addition, Somalia is incorrect: there was no drilling in Block L5 in
20151033 and there was no drilling of seabed core by Total in Block L22 in
2014.1034 Without any further drilling in the now-disputed maritime area,
there was nothing irreversibly done to, nor any de facto regime imposed on,
the now-disputed maritime area.
594. Somalia argues that 2D and 3D seismic surveys in the relevant blocks, and
other even less onerous, non-drilling exploratory activities, are sufficient to
give rise to Somalia’s perception of “provocative and inflammatory”
conduct. By definition, however, exploration activities cannot lead to an
irreversible, de facto regime. Oceanography is not quantum mechanics and
maritime areas do not change simply because they have been previously
observed.
1032 See Location of Licence Block L5 and Pomboo-1 Exploration Well, KCM, Figure 1-25.
1033 See KR, paragraph 197.
1034 See Letter from MaryJane Mwangi, CEO of NOCK, to the Attorney-General of Kenya (11
October 2018), page 2, KR, Annex 8.
304
595. This Court has already found that seismic studies create no permanent
change in an affected maritime area or breach UNCLOS Articles 74(3) and
83(3). In the Aegean Sea Continental Shelf case, this Court held that
seismic studies similar to those in issue in this proceeding created no
irreparable prejudice for a State.1035
596. As Somalia also admits, Block L26 is unlicensed given its considerable
depth.1036 It is difficult to see how an unlicensed block could lead to any
adverse perception. Somalia’s perception should also now take into
account Kenya’s voluntary suspension of further activities in the nowdisputed
maritime area,1037 a fact which plainly precludes any attempt at a
de facto irreversible regime.
597. What Somalia cannot deny is that: (i) there has been no permanent change
to any feature of the seabed or continental shelf, or the maritime area
generally; (ii) there has been no depletion of a natural resource in the nowdisputed
maritime area; and (iii) there have been no military or aggressive
activities connected with oil and gas exploration in the now-disputed
maritime area. The fact that this Court will delimit the final boundary, by
itself, undercuts any claim of a de facto irreversible regime – and any
perception to that effect is unreasonable, to say the least.
598. There is, in fact, a cogent reason why this Court and numerous tribunals
have consistently confirmed that mere licensing, exploratory studies,
seismic studies and other transitory activities are not by themselves
1035 See Aegean Sea Continental Shelf Case (Greece v. Turkey), Interim Protection, Order of
11 September 1976, I.C.J. Reports 1976, p. 3, paragraph 32.
1036 See MS, paragraph 8.25.
1037 See KCM, paragraph 381; KR, paragraph 206.
305
sufficient to violate UNCLOS Articles 73(3) and 83(3).1038 Such activities
cannot, by themselves, objectively “jeopardize or hamper the reaching of
the final agreement” as set forth in UNCLOS Articles 74(3) and 83(3). In
this case, as in many others, nothing permanent has been done in the
maritime area. The Parties remain free to delimit the boundary by final
agreement, without jeopardy or hampering. At Somalia’s insistence, the
question of delimitation is now before this Court. That delimitation too is
not jeopardised or hampered by any of Kenya’s impugned activities in the
now-disputed maritime area.
Somalia has failed to prove that it is entitled to any type of reparations
599. Somalia requests three forms of reparation for its claim of internationally
wrongful acts: (i) satisfaction; (ii) compensation (monetary damages); and,
most significantly, (iii) that the exploration data be turned over to it free of
charge.
600. As set forth in the PCIJ’s decision in the Factory at Chorzów case:
reparation must, as far as possible, wipe out all
consequences of the illegal act and re-establish the
situation which would, in all probability, have existed if
that act had not been committed.1039
1038 See Aegean Sea Continental Shelf Case (Greece v. Turkey), Interim Protection, Order of
11 September 1976, I.C.J. Reports 1976, p. 3, paragraph 30; Arbitration regarding the
Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary between Guyana and Suriname, Award,
17 September 2007, RIAA, Vol. XXX, p. 1, paragraph 466.
1039 Case Concerning the Factory at Chorzów (Claim for Indemnity) (Merits), Judgment of 13
September 1928, PCIJ, Report Series A-No. 17, paragraph 125.
306
601. Full reparation consists of “restitution, compensation and satisfaction,
either singly or in combination”.1040 Out of those three, restitution is
awarded unless it is “materially impossible” or involves “a burden out of
all proportion” when compared to compensation.1041 Compensation is to
be provided insofar as the “damage is not made good by restitution.”1042
Satisfaction is awarded insofar as the injury “cannot be made good by
restitution or compensation.”1043
602. In order to assess if reparation is due, this Court will determine “whether an
injury is established” (existence), whether the injury “is the consequence of
wrongful conduct” and whether there is a “sufficiently direct and certain
causal nexus between the wrongful act […] and the injury suffered”
(causation).1044 The Court will then also determine the appropriate form
and amount or scope of reparation. In accordance with the principle of onus
probandi incumbit actori, it is the proponent seeking reparation (here,
Somalia) that must show the existence of injury, establish the relevant
1040 International Law Commission, Articles on the Responsibility of States for Internationally
Wrongful Acts, Yearbook of the International Law Commission, 2001, vol. II (Part Two),
article 34.
1041 International Law Commission, Articles on the Responsibility of States for Internationally
Wrongful Acts, Yearbook of the International Law Commission, 2001, vol. II (Part Two),
article 35.
1042 International Law Commission, Articles on the Responsibility of States for Internationally
Wrongful Acts, Yearbook of the International Law Commission, 2001, vol. II (Part Two),
article 36.
1043 International Law Commission, Articles on the Responsibility of States for Internationally
Wrongful Acts, Yearbook of the International Law Commission, 2001, vol. II (Part Two),
article 37.
1044 Ahmadou Sadio Diallo (Republic of Guinea v. Democratic Republic of the Congo),
Compensation, Judgment of 19 June 2012, I.C.J. Reports 2012, p. 324, paragraphs 14 and
15, citing Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime
of Genocide (Bosnia and Herzegovina v. Serbia and Montenegro), Judgment, I.C.J.
Reports 2007, p. 43, paragraph 462.
307
causation and then demonstrate the appropriate form and amount or scope
of reparation.1045
603. Tellingly, Somalia has provided no evidence or basis for why it should be
entitled to any of its requested relief. Its pleadings fall far short of the
standards established by public international law.
604. On point (i), satisfaction (and, notably, for all three requested forms of
relief), Somalia is not entitled to any remedy because Kenya’s acts were not
internationally wrongful. Indeed, Somalia itself has given Soma Oil & Gas
rights in the now-disputed maritime area. Somalia can hardly criticise or
seek satisfaction on the basis of Kenya’s decision to do the same with
respect to other companies.
605. On point (ii), compensation, Somalia has not proven and cannot prove how
it has suffered damages from the transitory activities authorised by Kenya
in the now-disputed maritime area or what the amount of those damages
might be.1046 In its Memorial, Somalia initially only asserted a conditional
right to compensation “in the event Kenya’s activities affect Somalia’s
1045 See Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of
Genocide (Bosnia and Herzegovina v. Serbia and Montenegro), Judgment of 26 February
2007, I.C.J. Reports 2007, p. 43, paragraph 462 (“[s]ince [the Court] now has to rule on
the claim for reparation, it must ascertain whether, and to what extent, the injury asserted
by the Applicant is the consequence of wrongful conduct by the Respondent with the
consequence that the Respondent should be required to make reparation for it, in
accordance with the principle of customary international law stated above [of onus
probandi incumbit actori]”); Ahmadou Sadio Diallo (Republic of Guinea v. Democratic
Republic of the Congo), Compensation, Judgment of 19 June 2012, I.C.J. Reports 2012,
p. 324, paragraph 15 (“[t]he assessment of compensation owed to Guinea in this case will
require the Court to weigh the Parties’ factual contentions. The Court recalled in its
Judgment of 30 November 2010 that, as a general rule, it is for the party which alleges a
particular fact in support of its claims to prove the existence of that fact”).
1046 See MS, paragraph 8.35.
308
rights in a permanent manner”.1047 (Emphasis added). Of course, public
international law does not provide for conditional compensation and
Somalia cited no authority to that effect. In all events, Somalia’s condition
was not satisfied: none of Kenya’s activities constituted permanent changes
in the maritime environment. This also defeats the conditional
compensation claim.
606. Understanding this, in its Reply, Somalia sought “payment of appropriate
compensation” without explaining the existence of injury, its cause or its
appropriateness.1048 A fortiori, this must fail. Somalia simply has not
articulated any loss of a right or interest of any type that could be subject to
either restitution or compensation. It has shown neither existence of injury,
nor its cause – much less that compensation is appropriate as reparation.
Somalia’s request for compensation is, therefore, unfounded.
607. Somalia’s true intention in seeking a declaration that Kenya has committed
internationally wrongful acts is betrayed by point (iii): Somalia’s request
for exploration data free of charge. At considerable expense, over
considerable time, and without objection from Somalia, Kenya and private
parties licensed by Kenya have gathered exploration data relevant to the
now-disputed maritime area. Without any basis in international law,
Somalia seeks to obtain the benefit of this work without bearing a penny of
its cost. Notably, many shadowy private parties and even Government
officials would benefit personally from such an injustice, given their
1047 MS, paragraph 8.33.
1048 SR, paragraph 4.25.
309
shareholding and other interests in Soma Oil & Gas and its offshore
licensing and activities.1049
608. Turning over seismic data is not a form of reparation recognised by
international law. It is not restitution because the data is not being restored
to Somalia; Somalia never had the data in the first place. It is not
compensation in financial terms. It is also not satisfaction.
609. Somalia is thus advancing an imaginative claim for a novel form of
reparation. Its position fails because the relief it seeks fundamentally
violates the principle set forth in the Factory at Chorzów case. Somalia’s
requested relief would not “re-establish the situation which would, in all
probability, have existed if [Kenya’s alleged unlawful activities] had not
been committed.”1050 To the contrary. It would turn over to Somalia data
which never would have existed if Kenya had not paid for and explored the
now-disputed maritime area at its own time and effort. Somalia would be
given a windfall of great commercial value, without providing
compensation or taking risk in the exploration.
610. Somalia’s position is also deeply ironic. As late as June 2015, Somalia had
not exercised its contractual right to have Soma Oil & Gas turn over the
results of the seismic surveys that that company had conducted offshore of
1049 See Chapter II.A.4.
1050 Case Concerning the Factory at Chorzów (Claim for Indemnity) (Merits), Judgment of 13
September 1928, PCIJ, Report Series A-No. 17, paragraph 125.
310
Somalia.1051 Yet Somalia asks for all the data Kenya has procured at its
own risk expense, to which Somalia has no right whatsoever.
611. For these reasons, Kenya requests that the new evidence presented be
accepted by the Court.
1051 See Letter from the Coordinator of the Somalia and Eritrea Monitoring Group mandated
pursuant to paragraph 46 of Security Council resolution 2182 (2014) to the Chair of the
Security Council Committee pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009)
concerning Somalia and Eritrea, reporting the initial findings of the Monitoring Group’s
investigation into the operations of Soma Oil & Gas Holdings Limited (Soma),
S/AC.29/2015/SEMG/OC.31, 28 July 2015, page 23, KCM, Annex 101.
Appendix 2 to Application requesting the Court to authorize Kenya to file new documentation and evidence - Volume I